
6lass t^-/X 



Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 




Christopher Columbus. 



COLUMBUS 

AND THE 

Rew iIJoeld Heroes 



DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST, 

KMBRACIXG THE 

LIVES, VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS 

OF 

THE XORTiniEX, COLUMBUS, VESPUCIUS, BALBOA, 

THE CABOTS, MAGELLAN, CABEAL, CORTEZ, 

PLZARRO,DE SOTO, C ARTIER, FERNANDEZ, 

FROBISHER, DRAKE, DAVIS, HUDSON, 

BAFFIN, TASMAN, BEHRING, COOK, 

AND OTHER NAVIGATORS. 

WITH INTRODUCTION 

-BY- 
HON. GEO. R. DAVIS, DIRECTOR-GENERAL 

World's Columbian Exposition. 

Rhish-afed Articles of Description and History of the Exposition 

Enterpjrise, Grounds and Buildings, from the World's 

Coliunhian Exposition Offices, and by 



HON. WILLIAM T. BAKER, 

pRKsiDENT Columbian Exposition. 

HON. THOS. W. PALMER, 



HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, 

New Y^ork National Commissioner. 

MAJ. MOSES P. HANDY, 

Chief Dep't Publicity & Promotion, 



l*KHsii)ENT National Commission 

^\)-ranr/ed, 7vith the History of American Discovery, by 
D. M. KELSEY, 

Author of '' Ploncrr Heroes,'''' ""Deeds of Daring by Blue and Gray,'' Stanley 
and the White Heroes in Africa,''"' Etc., Etc. 



200 E-NGRAVINGS. 



ST. LOUIS AND PHILADELPHIA: 

SCAMMELL & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 

1892. 




6J^^' 



Copyright, 1892, 
By H. B. SCAMMELL. 

All Rights Reserved. 



INTRODUCTION. 

By the Director-General World's Columbian Exposition. 



O man may draw so great a lesson from the life of Columbus as the 
American. The obscurity of his birth, the poverty of his youth, the 
struggles of his manhood, and the incomparable benefit to humanity 
of his one achievement, are in absolute sympathy with the American idea. 
In this country no station is so humble that therefrom the ambition may not 
reach the very pinnacle of citizenship. The history of our country furnishes 
innumerable instances where the most eminent scholars, soldiers, statesmen 
and financiers have reached their places of intellectual, political or commer- 
cial power by overcoming the same obstacles and subduing the same difiicul- 
ties as menaced and confronted this Genoese boy. Our form of government 
is inspired and the hope of citizenship is based upon ideal men of which Col- 
umbus was a type. And it is most fitting that the American people, in full 
harmony with the spirit of the New World, should evolve the World's Col- 
umbian Exposition, as a grand tribute to the man whom Providence elected 
as the instrument of the greatest gift to Christendom that history records. 
Columbus died a martyr to ingratitude, while his follower Vespucius was re- 
nowned above all men in the name distinguishing this continent. But the 
American people, true to their high sense of patriotic duty, true to their 
principles as a race, and true to the theory of their form of government, 
have rolled back the centuries to venerate the humble scholar who died alone 
at Valladolid. The great festival which is to commemorate the achievement 
of the Italian sailor boy, the son of a common workman, demonstrates how 
deep into our hearts has the spirit of democracy and universal rights found 
its everlasting place. 

I have been requested by the publishers to review the proof-sheets of this 

(ix) 



INTRODUCTION. 



volume. It has not been a task; it has been a recreation. It is appropriate 
that at a period when the people of the United States, in the zenith of their 
enlightenment, and in the unparalleled wealth and power of their nation, seek 
to venerate Columbus, the literature of the age should embrace a contribu- 
tion so valuable as an auxiliary, and so essential as an inspiration. As re- 
awakening our wonder at the great system of our development; as re-affirm- 
ing our belief in a Great Giver of all good; as arousing our emulation of 
those, the benefits of whose deeds we enjoy, and as a means of bringing the 
philosophy of the past, and the evolution of time, in quickened sympathy 
with the marvelous conditions of the present, the contents of this volume 
will doubtless find their grateful way into the hearts and minds of many men 
in this and future generations. 

Chicago, Ills. 




DISCOVERERS OP THE NEW WORLD. 



PREFACE. 

TN the pages which follow, it has been the aim of the writer to give a his- 
X ^^^"^ ^^ ^^^ discovery and earliest exploration of the New World, by 
1 means of a chain of biographies of the principal discoverers, reaching 
from pre-Columbian times to the latter part of the eighteenth century. Not 
only does this chain extend through this period of time, but it encompasses 
the American continent, from the coast of Greenland to Cape Horn, and 
thence to Behring Strait, and even reaches to Australia and the archipelagoes 
of the South Pacific. All belong to the era of New World discovery. In these 
biographies, as found in the original form, there is much that is of little in- 
terest to the general reader; and much of scientific importance, that is dif- 
ficult to understand by those who have not a close acquaintance with the mys- 
teries of seamanship and astronomical observation. All these points have 
been passed over in silence, or so condensed and rendered into familiar lan- 
guage that it is thought no difiiculty will be experienced, even by boys and 
girls who might otherwise be repelled by the appearance of diflSculty. 

The original authorities have been consulted wherever practicable; the col- 
lection of travels published by the Hakluyt Society being included in that 
term. A constant effort has been made to retain as much individual inter- 
est as possible; though this could not always be done, when the expedition 
whose history was recorded comprised a great number of men, and the lead- 
er recorded merely the progress of his ships. 

But the materials of the present volume have been gathered from so many 
different sources, that reference to the authorities would encumber the book 
without adding to its value; for in many cases, the materials for a single 
chapter have been collected from many and various sources, and woven la- 
boriously into a single whole. 

(xi) 



PREFACE. 



In conclusion, the author has to thank many readers for their appreciation 
of previously published volumes, and ask that the present work may share 
their favor. 

St. Louis, Mo. D. M. Kelsey. 



CONTENTS. 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

Plan of Work— Divisions of History— Egyptian Knowledge of America— Other Legends 
— Carthagenian Discoveries— Records Found— A Grecian Tomb in America— Similarity of 
Picture Writing— Chinese Discoveries— Difficulties of Maritime Enterprises— Invention of 
the Compass— Irish Claims — The Welsh Discovery — Welsh-Speaking Indians — The Norse- 
men — Erik the Red — Discovery of Greenland — The Mainland — Leif's Voyage — The Round 
Tower— Vinland— The First Fight witli the Indians— The First White Native American— 
The Dighton Rock — The Skeleton in Armor 25 

COEUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

Date and Place of His Birth— A Poor Man's Son— Education— Geographical Knowledge 
of the Time— Ideas of India— Marco Polo— A Splendid Banquet — The Scoffers Rebuked— 
"Lord Millions"— The Story of his Travels— The Grand Khan-rCipango— Imprisoned at 
Genoa — Influence on Youths of Genoa — Columbus Sees Service — Deceiving a Mutinous Crew 
—Prince Henry of Portugal— Columbus at Lisbon— Marriage— An Honored Profession— 
Friends— Evidence of a World Beyond the Waters— Growth of his Great Idea— Toscanelli 
Consulted— Religious Character of Columbus— Application to Genoa— To Venice- Voyage 
to Iceland— Application to Portugal— A Scurvy Trick— Condition of European Countries— A 
Friend at Last— Disappointment— A Sketch of Spanish History— The War Against the Moors 
— Effect upon the Project of Columbus— Friends at Court— Received by King Ferdinand— 
The Great Council of Salamanca— The Folly of the Wise— The Arguments of Columbus- 
Delayed Decision — A Wandering Court — Invitation to Portugal — Letter from England — Re- 
ligious Ardor Strengthened— The Council's Decision— Columbus Sets Out for France— At 
the Convent Gate— Friends at Palos— Appeal to the Queen— Demands of Columbus Rejected 
—A Courageous Courtier— Columbus Recalled— Isabella's Independence— Articles of Agree- 
ment 40 

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

New Difficulties— Reluctant Seamen— The Three Vessels— A Town of Mourning— Sets 
Sailfrom Palos — Alarms — The Double Reckoning — Variation of the Compass — The Grassy Sea 
—Renewed Doubts— Indications of Land— Mutiny of the Crew- Hope Renewed— Confidence 
in Columbus— Night-Watch of the Admiral— Light through the Darkness— "LAND! "— 
The Landing of the Discoverer— Taking Possession— The Natives— Cruising— Self-Deception 
—Exploration of Cuba— Two Wonderful Plants— Desertion of the Pinta—liajti Discovered- 
Visits from Native Chiefs — Guacanagari — The Santa 3f aria Wrecked — Assisted by Natives — 
Tribute of Columbus to their Character- The Indians' First Aquaintance with Fire- Arms— 

(xiii) 



Xfr CONTENTS. 

Enviable Indians— Colony Projected— Efforts to Convert the Indians— Building the Fortress 
— Instructions to Colonists — Departure of Columbus — Rejoined by the Pinta — Explanations — 
Armed Natives— Hostilities— Dilflculties of Return Voyage— Storms— Piety of the Crew- 
Causes of the Admiral's Distress— His Precautions— Land Once More— Enmity of Portuguese 
—Liberated Prisoners— Departure— Storms Again— Off the Coast of Portugal— Reception in 
Portugal— The King's Advisers— Rejoicing at Palos— Arrival of the Pw?a— Pinzon's Treach- 
ery — His Death — Reception of Columbus at Court — Unparalleled Honors — Royal Thanksgiv- 
ing—Jealousy of Courtiers— Columbus and the Egg— The Papal Bull— Preparations for a Sec- 
ond Voyage— Various Arrangements— The Golden Prime of Columbus. ... 79 

thp: second voyage of columbus. 

The Great Fleet— Precautions of Columbus— The Outward Voyage— Traces of Civilization 
—Evidences of Cannibalism— Hostilities— Doubts Confirmed— At Anchorage— The Fate of 
the Garrison— Story of the Natives— Attacked by Caribs— A New Colony— The Building of 
Isabella— Sickness— Exploration of the Island— Ojeda's Expedition— Return of Vessels— 
Slave-Trading Proposed by Columbus— His Reasons— Dissatisfaction— A Conspiracy Discov- 
ered—Action of Columbus— Columbus Explores the Island— Fort St. Thomas— Necessities of 
the Colony— "Gentlemen " at Work— A Voyage of Discovery— Welcome Reports— Cuba 
Voted a Part of the Mainland— Dangerous Illness of Columbus— Return to Isabella— Adven- 
tures of Bartholomew Columbus— Margarite's Rebellion— Enemies— Siege of St. Thomas— 
Ojeda'sDaring Enterprise— Spanish Cunning vs. Indian Cunning— Steel Bracelets— Spanish 
Cunning Wins— Condition of Colony— An Indian War— Victory— The Conqueror's Conditions 
— A Desperate Effort — Misrepresentations of Margarite — Isabella's Views on Slavery — Agua- 
do's Arrival— Wariness of Columbus— Discovery of Gold-Mines— Romantic Story— Return to 
Spain 128 

THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

Arrival at Cadiz— Reception at Court—" Gold in Bars"— A Miserable Maker of Jokes— A 
Thoughtful Queen— Third Voyage of Columbus— Departure from Spain— La Trinidad— The 
Continent Discovered — The Land of Pearls — The Earthly Paradise — Building of San Do- 
mingo — The Adelantado's Administration — Conspiracy of Indians — Roldan's Rebellion — 
Dangers of the Government — Indian Insurrection — Guarionex Captured — Roldan's Luck — 
Terms Made with the Rebels— Enemies of Columbus in Spain— His Sons Shamed— Official 
Action — Bobadilla in Hispaniola — His Course — Uncertainty of Columbus — Return to San 
Domingo— Columbus in Chains— Ilis Brothers Arrested— The " Reward of Services "—Em- 
barkation of Columbus — Arrival in Spain — Bobadilla's Action Disavowed — Ferdinand's Jeal- 
ousy and Distrust — Ovando Appointed Governor — Wrongs of the Indians — A Great Fleet — 
Columbus Plans a Crusade— Ferdinand's Substitute— Fourth Voyage of Columbus— Sails 
from Spain — Ovando Refuses Shelter — His Ships — The Predicted Storm — Results — Cruising — 
Adventures on Land — A Daring Messenger — Reaches Jamaica — Courage of Mendez — Anxiety 
of the Castaways — Mutiny of Porras — Columbus Predicts an Eclipse — Terror of the Natives 
— An Insolent Messenger — The Mutiny Ended — Assistance Arrives — Columbus Reaches 
Spain — Death of Isabella — Illness of Columbus — Assistance of Vespucius — Ferdinand's Delay 
— A Compromise Proposed — Rejection — A Last Gleam of Hope — Death of Columbus — His 
Burial — Ceremonies attending the Removal to Havana 155 

AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

Is "America" an Indian Word? — A City of Merchants — The Vespucci Family — Education 
— A Family Misfortune — Americus in Spain — Connection with Columbus — First Voyage of 
Vespucius—South America Discovered — An American Venice— Attacked by Natives — An 



CONTENTS. XV 

inland Visit — Friendly Natives — Repairing the Vessels — A Mission of Vengeance — A Desper- 
iite Conflict — Return to Spain — Disputes about tlie Voyages of Vespucius — Marriage — Visit 
to Court — Ojeda's Expedition — Second Voyage of Vespucius — Off the Coast of South America 
— Gentle Cannibals — Landing of the Spaniards Disputed — A Village of Giants — A Filthy 
Habit — Return to Spain — A Flattering Offer — His Third Voyage — A Stormy Passage — Land 
at I^ast — An Earthly Paradise — An Invitation Accepted — Murdered by Cannibals — Revenge 
Forbidden — Vespucius becomes Commander — Off the Coast of Africa — Return to Portugal — 
The Fourth Vo\'age of Vespucius — Misfortunes — An Anxious Condition — South America 
Again — A Colony Planted — Return to Lisbon — To Spain — Preparationsfor New Expedition — 
Causes of Delay — New Tasks Proposed — Appointed Chief Pilot of Spain — Visits Florence — 
His Death — His Family — Foundations of his Fame — Accusations — Original Application of the 
Name America 196 

SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

John Cabot— Settles in England— His Sons— Residence in Venice— Return to England — 
The Cabot Boys' Interest in Columbus — Henry VII. — John Cabot Goes to Court — A Patent 
Granted — Expedition Sails from England — Touches at Iceland — Nova Scotia Discovered — 
The Sailors Insist on Returning — A Second Venture — Death of John Cabot — A Colony Pro- 
posed — Mutinous Sailors — Exploration — A King's Injustice — In Spain — Henry VIII. — Sebas- 
tian Cabot Summoned to England— To Spain Again— Grand Pilot— A Disappointment— Return 
to England — Voyage to America — Rebellious Followers — Summoned to Spain Again — Import- 
ance of the Moluccas— An Expedition Thither — Sealed Orders — Fault-Finding — Swift Retri- 
bution — La Plata — A Fort Built — Ascending the River — A Bloody Battle — Tracked Across 
the Ocean — A Polite Refusal — Pursued upthe River — Cabot Defends Himself— Explorations — 
Innocent and Guilty Confused — The Fort Stormed — Return to Spain — Cabot's Reputation — 
Return to England— Grand Pilot of England— Variation of the Needle Explained by Cabot- 
Proposed Expedition to the Northeast — The Stilyard — Sir Hugh Willoughby — Ch-ancellor's 
Success — AVilloughby's Death — Cabot's Commercial Importance — Accession and Marriage of 
Queen Mary — Cabot Resigns his Pension — A Lively Old Man — Pension Renewed — Worth- 
thington's Unfaithfulness — Death of Cabot ', . . 227 

BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

Early Life — Voyage in a Cask — Governor of Darien — "Where is your Comrade ? " — Ex- 
ploring Expeditions— Golden Gifts— The Savage ChiefsPromise- Difficultiesof the Governor 
— Aid from Hispaniola — "To the Land of Gold!" — A Toilsome March — The First Sight of 
the Pacific — A Splendid Vaunt — Return to Darien — Reception of News at Court — Balboa 
Superseded — Two Parties Formed — Pestilence and Famine — Balboa Appointed Adelantado 
of the South Sea Countries — Avila's Enmity — A Peacemaker — Avila's Treachery — Balboa's 
Trial — Condemned — Executed — Removal of Colony 2G3 

MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

A Royal Page — Portuguese Mariners — Albuquerque the Great — Royal Ingratitude — Mag- 
ellan goes to Spain — Westward to India— Reaches South America — The Giant Patagonians — 
Travelers' Tales— Conspiracy against Magellan— Punishment of the Plotters— The Straits of 
Magellan — Entering the Pacific — Terrible Privations — The Unfortunate Islands — The Islands 
of Thieves — Retaliation — Frightened into Friendliness — Trading for Gold — Missionary Work 
— In Portuguese Waters— Conversion of Islanders— Persecuting the Heathen— The Spaniards 
Demand Tribute — The Natives Resist — Poisoned Arrows — Magellan Mortally Wounded — A 
Determined Enemy — Flight of the Spaniards — At Borneo — Attacked — Return to Philippine 
Islands — To the Moluccas — Doubling the Cape — Starvation — The First Circumnavigation Ac- 
complished. 278 



XV i CONTENTS. 

CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 

Accidental Discoveries— Yasco da Gama— Portuguese Adventurers in India— A Seconc" 
Expedition— Cabral Commander— To the Southwest— The Coast of Brazil— Cabral Lands — 
Report Sent to Portugal— Sets Sail— A Fatal Storm— Doubling the Cape of Good Hope— 
Madagascar— Seeking Prester John— Calicut Reached— Fighting for the Rajah— A Corner in 
Spices — The Rajah's Trap — Cabral Falls into It — Attacked by the Arabs — A Massacre — A 
Hero Rescues a Child — Cabral's Vengeance — The Homeward Voyage — Reception at Court — 
Obscurity 300 

HERNANDO CORTES, THE CONQUERER OF MEXICO. 

Settlements in the Xew World — Conquest of Cuba — Explorations of Continent — Youth and 
Education of Cortes — A Fortunate Fall — Sails for America — Plots against the Governor — 
Seeks Sanctuary — Swimming for Life — Reconciliation — Captain-General of Armada for Con- 
quest of Mexico — Velesquez Changes his Mind — "Time Presses!" — Departure of Cortes — 
Recruiting in Cuba — His Force and Arms — Embarkation for Yucatan — Preaching to Natives — 
The Long-Sought Captives— The Landing Disputed— The Battle of Lady-Day— Landing at 
Vera Cruz — In Montezuma's Realms — The Emperor's Gifts — Progress Forbidden — Planting a 
Colony — Dissensions of Natives — Totonacs Rebel against Montezuma — Cortes Sends a Report 
to Spain — Destruction of the Ships — "To Mexico I" — The Tlascalans Resist their Passage — A 
Night Attack — Cruelty to Messengers — Envoys from Montezuma — Cortes Reaches Cholula — 
Treachery of Cholulans — Its Punishment — Ascent of Popocatapetl — Montezuma's Despair — 
Cortes Enters the Capital — Visits Exchanged — Dangerous Position of Cortes — His Desperate 
Purpose — Pretext for Seizing Montezuma — The Purpose Accomplished — The Imperial Prisoner 
— Montezuma in Irons — Ship Building on the Lake — Supremacy of Spain Acknowledged by the 
Aztecs — "Honeyed Words" — Cortes Demands the Use of the Temples — Montezuma's Warn- 
ing — Cortes' Threat — Expedition of Velasquez — Winning over Enemies — March to the Coast — 
Submission of Velesquez' Army to Cortes — Return to Mexico — Alvarado's Mismanagement — 
Spanish Camp Assaulted — Montezuma Commands Peace — Taunted and Wounded — Attacking 
the Temple — Innumerable Enemies — Preparing for Retreat — Death of Montezuma — The Re- 
treat Begun — "The Melancholy Night" — Personal Feats of the Spaniards — Terrible Losses — 
Hardships of the March — Battle of Otumba — "There is our Mark!" — "The True Miracle is 
the Conduct of Cortes" — AtTlascala — Cortes Wounded — Reinforcements — Ship-Building — On 
the March Again — Desperate Resistance of Iztaplapan — Minor Cities Reduced — Cortes Cap- 
tured — Heroic Rescue — Conspiracy of Spaniards against Cortes — Siege of Mexico — Spanish 
Prisoners Sacrificed — Horrors of the Siege — Destruction of the City — The Siege Ended — Ex- 
plorations — Court Intrigues — Cortes Triumphant — The Conqueror's Authority Confirmed — 
Expedition to Honduras — Estrada's Insults — Cortes Goes to Spain — Reception at Court — Re- 
wards — Return to New Spain — Exploring the Western Coast — To Spain Again — "Deserving 
too Greatly" — Last Illness and Death — His Burial 313 

FRANCISCO PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

A Foundling — Lack of Education — To America — San Sebastian — Grim Determination — 
Darien — First Expedition to Peru — Hunger — Attacked by Natives — Pizarro's Desperate Sit- 
uation — Return to Panama — Second Expedition to Peru — Exploring Party — Reinforcements — 
Dispute between Pizarro and Almagro — The Drover and the Butcher — Pizarro's Address to 
his Men — On the Island of Gorgona — Wonderful Stories — Return to Panama — The Third Ex- 
pedition Planned — Pizarro Goes to Spain — Arrested for Debt — Released — The Great Capitu- 
lation — Deceived Officials — Discontent of Almagro — Embarkation at Panama — The Land of 
Emeralds — Outrage upon the Natives — Dissensions among Peruvians — Disaster and Disap- 
pointment — Reconnoitering and Exploring — San Miguel Founded — Into the Heart of Peru — 



CONTENTS. Xvii 

Pizarro sends Malcontents Back — Envoy from the Inca — Crossing the Andes — An Embassy to 
the Inca — Seizure of Atahualpa Planned — The Inca Enters Caxamalca — A Call to the Uncon- 
verted— Atahualpa's Resentment— Slaughter of the Peruvians— Pizarro Defends Atahualpa— 
The Inca a Prisoner — He Offers Ransom — Immensity of the Treasure Promised — Atahualpa's 
Rival Murdered — Silver Horse-Shoes — Reinforcements — Atahualpa Brought to Trial — His Ex- 
ecution — De Soto's Rebuke — Story of Pizarro's Resentment — To Cuzco — Challcuchima's Re- 
bellion and Punishment — Manco's Submission — Spoil of Cuzco — Pizarro Assumes Title of 
Governor — He Builds Lima — A Messenger to Spain — New Recruits — Difficulties with Alma- 
gro— Almagro Leaves for Chili— Manco Escapes— Battles with the Peruvians— Cuzco Be- 
sieged— Almagro's Disasters— Returns from Chili and Takes Cuzco— Agreement between 
Pizarro and Almagro — Capture, Trial, and Condemnation of Almagro — His Execution — A 
Mission to Spain — Investigation Ordered — Conspiracy of the Men of Chili — The Plot Betrayed 
— Pizarro Attacked — " Down with the Tyrant ! " — Death of Pizarro — Burial. . . 375 

FERDINAND DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI 

RIVER. 

Birth and Descent — Youth and Education — The Young Man's Love — A Stern Parent — A 
Treacherous Foe — Dangerous Honors — De A vila Recalled — De Soto in Peru — Return to Spain^ 
Marriage — His Great Expedition — Efforts to Colonize North America — Ponce de Leon — 
Narvaez — An Unfriendly Reception — Difficulties of the Journey — A Disgusted Lieutenant — 
The Indian Princess — Tuscaloosa — The Fight at Mobile — Discovery of the Mississippi — Ad- 
vancing Westward — The Retreat — De Soto's Death — Burial in the Mississippi — Return of the 
Expedition- A Broken Heart 416 

JACQUES CARTIER, THE DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 

St. Malo — Youth of Cartier — Verazzano's Voyage — The Fisheries — Cartier's First Ameri- 
can Voyage — Sighting Newfoundland — The Mainland — Taking Possession — Protest of Natives 
— Donacoua's Friendship — His Sons Embark for France — Cartier Ascends the St. Lawrence 
— Returns Home — The Second Voyage — At the Mouth of the St. Lawrence — An Indian 
Drama — Visits Hochelaga — Curing Diseases — Returns to Ships — Fort Built — Tobacco and 
Scalps — Scurvy — Working and Praying — An Indian Remedy — Cartier Takes Possession of 
the Country Again — Donacona and his Sons Embark for France — Arrival at St. Malo — A Cool 
Reception — Cartier's Third American Voyage — A Colony Attempted — Failure — Cartier Re- 
turns to France— Roberval's Effort— After Years 440 

JUAN FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERER OF ROBINSON CRUSOE'S 

ISLAND. 

Settlement of Chili— Difficulty of Southward Voyage— Expedient of Fernandez— Accused 
before the Inquisition — Discovers the Island of Juan Fernandez — Settles on Islands — Returns 
to Mainland — Other Discoveries — Discovery of Southern Land — A Mystery and some Expla- 
nations — Superstitions Regarding the Pacific — Alexander Selkirk — Robinson Crusoe. 454 

THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR INIARTIN FROBISHER. 

Early Life — The Northwest Passage — Frobisher's Enterprise — The Expedition Sails — Re- 
ported Lost — Reaches the American Coast — The Boat Lost — Living Proof— Return to Eng- 
land — The Black Stone — Gold — The Second Voyage — The Faroe Islands — America — Conflict 
with Natives — Fire and Tempest — Mining — Captives — A Fort Built — A War Dance — Return 
to England — The Third Expedition — Misfortunes to the Ships — Surrounded by Ice — His Des- 
perate Resolution— Stone House Built— Ruins Found in 1861— Results of Voyage— Frobish- 



XVlll CONTENTS. 

er's Domestic Relations— Knighted by Drake— Letter from Queen Elizabeth— Relief of Brest 
— Frobisher Wounded — Return to England — Death 462 

SIR FEANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 

A Clergyman's Son — His Youth — Early Adventures — Sails under Hawkins — Attacked by 
the Spaniards — Return to England — Various Enterprises — Voyage to America — Assault of 
Nombre de Dios — Drake "Wounded — Retreat to Ships — Overland to Panama — Drake's Vow — 
Partial Failure— Return to Vessels— Treasure Secured— The Raft— Reprisals— Return to Eng- 
land — A New Enterprise — Sails for the South Sea — Along the Coast of Africa — Off Bra- 
zil — ThievingNatives — Skirmish — Plot Against Drake — Doughty Executed — On the Pacific — 
Storms — Mistaken for Spaniards — Prizes — Homeward Bound — Xew Albion — Coast of North 
America — Limit of Exploration — Camping on Land — Intercourse "with the Natives — Interest- 
ing Ceremonies— Takes Possession of Country— Across the Pacific- The Ladroncs— Ternate 
—Doubling the Cape— Arrival in England— A Day Lost— Knighted by the Queen— A New 
Commission — To the West Indies and Virginia — Return to England — The Spanish Armada — 
Surrendering to the Fortune of Drake — To Succor Portugal — Drake's Last Expedition-^The 
Spanish Main— Attacked by the Spaniards — War on the Coast Towns — Disappointments — 
Illness and Death of Drake 4S0 

JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 

Character of Davis — Sails from England — Reaches Greenland — Among the Icebergs — The 
Land of Desolation — "Music hath Charms" — Exchange of Presents — Exploring Davis Strait — 
Esquimau Dogs — Return to England — Second Voyage — Friendly Intercourse with Green- 
landers — A Misunderstanding — Thieving — Hostilities — Coasting to Labrador — Return to En- 
gland — Ilis Third Voyage — Fishing and Exploring — Northern Limit of Exploration — Terrible 
Condition of Davis — Arrival in England — Lack of Interest in Explorations — Reasons — Cav- 
endish's Two Voyages — Davis Sails with Him — Return — Other Voyages — His Death. 510 

FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

Voyage of Verazzano — Commissioned by Francis I. of France — The Coast of America — 
Contrast Between French and Indian Actions — Return to France — Hudson's First Voyage — 
The Coast of Greenland — Return to England — Second Voyage — No Practicable Northeast 
Passage — Return — In the Service of Holland — Third Voyage — To the Northeast — Reasons 
for Changing Course — To America — Coast of Canada — Exi^loring the Coast of the United 
States — New York Bay — The Story from an Indian Standpoint — Meaning of the Name Man- 
hattan — New L^se for Implements — An Old Trick — Ascending the River — Mutinous Temper 
of Crew — Return — English Government Interferes — Weymouth's Voyage — Hudson's Last 
Voyage — A Peculiar History — Hudson Strait — Hudson Bay — Trial of Juet for Mutiny — 
Frozen In — Quarrels Among the Crew — Their Food — An Exploring Expedition — Famine — 
Tlie Plots Come to a Head — Persuading Prickett — The Plot — Hudson and his Companions 
Abandoned to their Fate — Hostile Natives— Return of the Conspirators to England — Impris- 
onment 521 

BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

The Parish Register Entries — Deductions — Beginning at the Foot of the Ladder — Danish 
Attempts to Explore Nortliern Waters — Baffin's First Recorded Voyage — Off Greenland — Es- 
quinuiux Visitors — Hall Mortally Wounded — A Disappointment — Return — Two Voyages to 
the Northeast — Exploring Spitzbergen — "Gibbons his Hole" — Second Voyage to America — 
Off Greenland Again — Measuring Icebergs — Exploring the Islands — Hudson Strait — Return 



CONTENTS. XIX 

to England— Baffin's Opinion about the Northwest Passage — Third Voyage to America — Up 
Davis' Strait— In Baffin's Bay— Limit of Exploration— The Sick Cured— Return to England- 
Maps of Baffin's Bay— Ross' Testimony to Baffin's Merits— Baffin's New Scheme— Employed 
by East India Companj-- Arrival at Surat- Exploration of the Red Sea— A Favored Em- 
ploye—Becomes Master of a Ship— Fight with Dutch and Portuguese in Persian Waters— A 
Drawn Battle— A Second Conflict— Return to Surat— To the Coast of Arabia— Alliance with 
the Shah— Siege of Ormuz— Baffin Levels the Guns— Killed 548 

TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 

The Dutch East India Company— Its Monopoly of the Spice Trade— Settlements in the 
East Indies — Voyages of Discovery — Torres and Quiros — Tasman's First Voyage — Instruc- 
tions—Discovery of Tasmania— Taking Possession for Holland— New Zealand— Fight with 
the Natives— Massacre Bay— Friendly Islands— Samoa — New Guinea- A Sudden Skirmish — 
Making Knives for Trading— Return to Batavia— Second Voyage— Results of Explora- 
tions 5GG 

VITUS BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

Peter the Great and Russian Civilization— Establishing a Navy — Behring Enters the Rus- 
sian Service— Exploration of Siberia— Siberian Knowledge of America— Expeditions East- 
ward—First Expedition under Behring— Difficulties— Exploration of Asiatic Coast— Passes 
through Behring Strait— Return to St. Petersburg— New Plans Proposed— A Second Expe- 
dition— Behring's Family— Personnel of the Expedition— Chirikof—Spanberg— Other Subor- 
dinates—Instructions—Preparations—Leaving St. Petersburg— Crossing Europe and Asia— 
Ship-Building— Delays, Difficulties, and Investigations— Sets Sail at Last — Doubts as to 
Course— Separation of Vessels— Chirikof reaches America— Returns to Siberia— Behring Dis- 
covers Mount St. Elias— A Discoverer without Enthusiasm— A Sudden Departure— Scurvy- 
Terrible Condition— Land Sighted— A Desert Island— Landing the Sick— The Long and 
Cruel Winter — Behring's Heroic Patience— His Death— Plans of Survivors— A Singular Ques- 
tion— Building a Vessel— Return to Kamchatka 574 

CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

Birth and Early Life— Contending with Difficulties— A Runaway Apprentice— Rises in the 
World— Enlists in the Navy— Distinguishes himself as a Maritime Surveyor— Appointed Ma- 
rine Surveyor of Labrador and Newfoundland— Transit ofVenns in 17G9— Cook's Expedi- 
tion— Previous Expeditions to the South Pacillc— Byron— " Foul-Weather Jack "—Wallis- 
Tahiti— Carteret— Bougainville— Chief Value of this Voyage— Cook Sets Sail— Doubling 
Cape Horn— Arrival at Tahiti— Observing the Transit— The Society Islands— Taking Pos- 
session—New Zealand— Unfriendly Natives— Exploring Coast— Tasmania— Australia— A Se- 
rious Disaster— An Anxious Night and Day— Exhausting Labor— Land Reached— Camping 
on Shore— Summing up of Difficulties— Following Coast of Australia— Batavia— Doubling 
the Cape— Home Again— Another Expedition Planned— To Discover the Southern Conti- 
nent— Bouvet's Discovery— Cook's Instructions— Precautions against Sickness— In Antarctic 
Waters— Separation of Vessels— To New Guinea— Re-union of Ships— Friendly Natives- 
Proposed Route— Reach Tahiti— Trading— Presents— Hu— Rough Treatment of Whites 
—Cook's Islands— The Friendly Islands— Final Separation of Vessels— To the Far South 
Again— Easter Island— Tahiti— The Friendly Islands— Whitsunday Island— An Offended 
Native— The New Hebrides— New Caledonia Explored— A Fortunate Discovery— Return 
Eastward— Staten Island Reconnoitered— Hunting— Reaches Cape of Good Hope— Re- 
port or Furneaux— A New Zealand Massacre— Return to England— A Pleasant Post — 
Honors— A New Expedition Planned— Cook Volunteers— Instructions— In Australasia— 



XX CONTENTS. 

Sandwich Islands Discovered — Reaches American Coast — Coasting Northward — To the Sand- 
wich Islands again — Strange Ceremonies — Explanation — A Change — A Tumult — A Serious 
Dispute— A Skirmish— Cook Seeks a Hostage— A Conflict— Cook Killed— Remains of Cook 
Recovered and Buried — Ships Northward — Pass Behring Strait — Return by Cape of Good 
Hope to England — News of Cook's Death — How Received — Honors to his Memory — His 
Suramarv of his Ov^n Life. ^ ..... 588 



THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 

By Hex. Tiio.MAS W. Palmer, President National Commission 637 

THE ORGANIZATION AND ITS ACHIEVEMENTS. 

By Hox. Wm. T. Baker, President World's Columbian Exposition. . . . 6^4 

NEW YORK AND THE WORLD'S FAIR. 

By Hox. Chauncey M. Depew, National Commissioner 651 

THE BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 

From the Offices of Maj. Moses P. Handy, Chief of Department of Publicity 

ANn Promotion. , , . . , . 655 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 

English and Spanish Contending for Supremacy in the New World. . . Full Page iv 

Christopher Columbus Full Page v 

Columbus Before Isabella and the Council Full Page vi 

A Phoenician Vessel , . . . . 27 

A Fleet of Roman Galleys in the Mediterranean 28 

Discovery of Greenland by Norse Ships 32 

Round Tower at Newport, Rhode Island. 35 

Lief and His Men Find Tyrker 36 

The Skeleton in Armor 38 

Birthplace of Columbus Full Page 40 

Sea Bishop and Mermaids. 43 

The Phantoms of Fear 44 

Marco Polo at the Court of Kublai Khan. 47 

Marco Polo's Single Galley Attacked by Seventy from Genoa. . . . Full Page 48 

The Years of Preparation ' 51 

Diaz on His Way to the Cape 53 

Isabella in Armor Full Page 63 

Columbus in the Royal Presence 65 

Columbus Before the Council Full Page 66 

Columbus and His Son at the Monastery Gate. Full Page 72 

Departure of Columbus from Palos, Spain. Full Page 78 

"Land! Land!" Full Page 82 

The Mutiny 86 

Columbus Watching for Land Full Page 88 

Columbus Approaching San Salvador Full Page 90 

Landing of Columbus at San Salvador Full Page 92 

The Fight with the Iguana 97 

The Grateful Cacique 100 

The Columbus Bronze Doors in the Capitol at Washington Full Page 105 

The Return of Columbus 109 

Columbus' Men Throwing Over the Casks Ill 

A Pilgrimage of Grace 114 

Columbus Before the Sovereigns of Portugal 117 

The Triumphal Progress Full Page 120 

Reception of Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella. Full Page 122 

Columbus and the Egg Full Page 124 

Columbus Relating His Discoveries to His Friend, Father Perez 126 

Evidences of Cannibalism 130 

Sailing Among the Islands. Full Page 137 

Bartholomew Columbus 144 

Spaniards Setting Dogs on Indians 150 

An Aboriginal Race Working in Mines Full Page 153 

Columbus Protecting the Indian Prisoners Full Page 156 

"Gold in Bars" 158 

(xxi) 



XXll ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

The Landing of Columbus at Trinidad 160 

The Tidal Wave 161 

Ruins of the House of Columbus at San Domingo 165 

Kiveting the Fetters upon Columbus 171 

Columbus Returning to Spain in Chains Full Page 174 

Hooted by the Mob 175 

Ovando's Fleet Shattered in a Storm 178 

Columbus' Caravels Aground 185 

Columbus and the Eclipse , . . . . 188 

Death of Columbus Full Page 192 

Statue of Columbus on the Portico of the Capitol at Washington. .... 195 

Americus Vespucius 197 

Vespucius Exploring the New Country 203 

Natives of the Amazon 206 

On the Orinoco 208 

Lisbon in the Sixteenth Centurv 216 

Shipwrecl^-ed. . . . ' Full Page 218 

John Cabot Full Page 226 

Sebastian Cabot. 230 

Cabot at Labrador Full Page 232 

Cabot's Return to England 234 

Voyaging up the River 245 

Great Ship of Henry the Eighth 250 

Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmographers 254 

Wintering in the Arctic Region. Full Page 257 

Chancellor before the Czar. 260 

Balboa. . . • 264 

The Attempted Escape Full Page 266 

Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean 272 

Ferdinand Magellan , . . 279 

Albuquerque Sends Tribute to the Shah of Persia. 280 

The Savages' First Look Into a Mirror. 283 

Magellan Punishes Mutiny. 285 

Magellan's Vessels in the Straits 288 

Magellan at the Ladrone Islands 289 

Tatooed South Sea Islander 291 

Heroic Death of Magellan 294 

The Visit of the King of Borneo 297 

Vasco de Gama 301 

Cabral Before the Zamorin. 303 

Cabral Takes Possession of Brazil 305 

The Fleet Wrecked in a Storm • . . Full Page 308 

Hernando Cortes. 314 

Mexican Indians Bringing Gifts to Cortes 323 

Cortes Marching on the City of Mexico Full Page 330 

Ruins of Aztec Civilization 336 

The Massacre at Cholula 338 

Montezuma. Full Page 340 

Mexican Idol and Ruins 347 

Aztec Chief 349 

The Spaniards Defending Themselves in the City of Mexico. . . . Full Page 354 

Montezuma Wounded by His Own People 356 

Desperate Battle on the Causeway 359 

Cortes Fighting at Otumba 361 

The Torturing of Guatemozin and His Minister. . 369 

Francisco Pizarro 376 

Pizarro Exhorts His Men to Follow Him to the Conquest Full Page 382 

Pizarro Before the Emperor Charles V 386 

Pizarro and His Men in Peru - 391 

Atahualpa Taken Prisoner by Pizarro 399 

The Execution of the Inca Full Page 404 



ILLUSTRATIONS. XXlll 

PAGE. 

Pizarro and Altnagro Swearing Peace , 407 

Battle with the Peruvians. 409 

The Killing of Pizarro 414 

Ferdinand de Soto 417 

De Soto's Vovage to Florida Full Page 424 

The Fight at Mobile 431 

De Soto's Encampment in the Forest 432 

De Soto Discovers the Great Mississippi Eiver Full Page 434 

Indian Fleet Meeting De Soto 435 

Burial of De Soto 437 

Departure of the Spaniards. Full Page 43S 

Cartier Enters the St. Lawrence River 442 

Donacona's Sons. 444 

Plan of Hochelaga Fort. . . • -447 

Cartier's Men Preparing to Winter at Orleans Island 449 

Cartier at the St. Charles River, near Quebec. 452 

Island of Juan Fernandez Full Page 456 

Natives of Easter Island 459 

Selkirk Follows the Goats too Far 461 

Sir Martin Frobisher 463 

Queen Elizabeth of England 468 

Frobisher Departs on His Third Voyage 472 

Among the Icebergs 475 

Sir Walter Raleigh 478 

Francis Drake as a Ferry Boy 481 

Xaval Battle between the English and Spanish Fleets Full Page 482 

Drake Capturing a Spanish Galleon 484 

Drake's First View of the Pacific Ocean Full Page 486 

Taking a Prize Full Page 490 

An Abundance of Wild Fowl 492 

Drake Visits the Islands of the South Sea 494 

Indian Stalking Deer 498 

Drake's Arrival at Ternate 501 

Drake Knighted by Queen Elizabeth 502 

Attack on the Spanish Armada. Full Page 504 

Sir John Hawkins 506 

Sir Francis Drake 507 

Funeral of Sir Francis Drake Full Page 508 

Death at Sea Full Page 518 

The Xorth Cape 524 

Henry Hudson and the Half-Moon on Hudson River Full Page 526 

Henry Hudson and Crew at Manhattan Island 529 

Hudson Trading with the Natives 532 

Henry Hudson 534 

Hudson and His Ship Frozen In 536 

The Breaking Up of the Ice. . 539 

Hudson Cast Adrift by His Crew Full Page 542 

The Fate of Henry Hudson 544 

James I., King of England. 547 

Baffin in the Arctic Regions 552 

Bafiln Explores the Coast of Greenland 557 

Tasman's Men Attacked and Killed by Natives 568 

Fight with Canoes 570 

Peaceful Demonstrations by Natives. 572 

Peter the Great, Czar of Russia. 575 

Petropaulovski 581 

The Sick Carried on Shore 584 

Captain James Cook. 589 

The Council Discussing What Direction to Sail 591 

Patagonians on Horseback 593 

King of Timor 595 



XXIV ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Patagonian Savages Feasting on Carrion. 597 

The Landing Disputed 600 

Attacked by a Malay Pirate Vessel 601 

Making Their Visitors Sing and Dance 603 

Madamoiselle Barre's Adventure 606 

Tahitian Chief Fed by His Wives 608 

Captain Cook Has a Fight with the Natives 610 

Cannibalism Seen by Captain Cook at Tahiti 612 

The Natives Make Signs 620 

Native Festival and Dance in Cook's Honor 623 

Discovering Remains of Cannibal Feast 628 

The Natives Worship Captain Cook as a God. 631 

A Toothsome Oft'ering 633 

Native Monument on the Site of Death of Captain Cook 635 

Director-General World's Columbian Exposition Full Page 656 

Transportation Building 657 

Machinery Hail Full Page 658 

Administration Building. 660 

Agricultural Building Full Page 062 

Woman's Building Full Page 664 

Art Palace Full Page 666 

Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building Full Page 668 

Electrical Building Full Page 670 

Hall of Mines and Mining. 671 

Horticultural Building 072 

United States Government Building. 673 

The Fisheries Building Full Page 074 

United States Battle-Ship Exhibit 077 

The Dairy Building 677 

View Over the Lagoon 676 

Illinois State Building Full Page 680 

Map of Discoverers' Routes. Double Page 

Map of Columbian Exposition Grounds Double Page 



COLUMBUS 

AND THE 

New World Heroes 

OF 

DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST. 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



TT is our purpose in this volume to trace the history of the great discov- 
I eries beginning in the memorable year 1492; to show how not only 
y Columbus labored and waited until his great opportunity came, but the 
adventures and hardships through which his contemporaries and successors 
sought out the mysteries surrounding that New World which he gave to 
Spain. 

Before entering upon this task, however, it will be well to consider, very 
briefly, the stories told of various seamen who had sought and found the 
far-off continent, before the days of Columbus. We shall also see what dim 
and shadowy knowledge of a land beyond the great western ocean was cur- 
rent among the peoples of antiquity. 

History is usually divided into three parts. Ancient history ends with the 
fall of Rome, in 476 A. D. ; the History of the Middle Ages then begins, and 
extends over a period of about ten centuries ; since the end of which, the record 
is called Modern History. During the first period, there were certain traditions 
among some nations, of which we shall speak presently, regarding a country 
which was probably America; during the second period there may have been 
some daring sailors who reached the New World; the third period begins 
with its discovery, and the story of its exploration, settlement, and progress 
is no small part of Modern History. 

Solon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, who lived in the sixth and 
seventh centuries B. C, traveled into far countries, to learn all that the 
sages of other nations had to teach. When he reached Egypt, he thought 
to astonish the priests — the learned men of the country — by telling them 
something of the history of Greece, and particularly of Athens, of which 
city he was a native. 

" Solon, Solon!" exclaimed one of the oldest of them; " the Greeks are 

nothing but children, and an aged Greek there is none." 

(25) 



26 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

Much surprised at this, the traveler asked the priest what he meant ; and 
received in reply such an account of the knowledge which the Egyptians 
possessed of other peoples, as to make him accept for truth what had seemed 
but an idle boast. 

Among other things, the old priest told him of avast island, or rather conti- 
nent, w^hich once lay in the great ocean, to the west of Europe, and which 
was reached by a short voyage after the sailor had passed the Pillars of Her- 
cules, as the Strait of Gibraltar was then called. The people of this conti- 
nent had often made war upon those of Europe, and had been much dreaded 
by thcni; but a series of earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and similar calami- 
ties, had caused this great island to sink into the waters of the ocean, w^ith 
all its vast hordes of inhabitants; and the peoples of Europe had thus been 
saved from these terrible enemies. The sinking of this island, the priest 
added, had so blocked up the ocean with mud as to make it forever afterward 
impassable. The date of its destruction he fixed at a point about nine 
thousand years before his own time. 

Solon returned to Greece, bearing this information with him; but it does 
not seem to have been made public until the time of his descendant Plato, 
Avho lived about two hundred years later; and we have no means of knowing 
how much Plato added to the original story from the treasury of his own 
mind. It is from this source that we derive the classic fables of the Lost 
Atlantis. 

There were legends, too, of the Gardens of the Ilesperides, and of the 
Fortunate Islands, and, later, of St. Brandan's Island and other favored 
places, far in the west; but whether these had any connection with a belief 
in land beyond the Atlantic, or whether this was simply considered a conven- 
ient situation for the scene of such stories, since nobody knew enough of this 
region to say the islands were not there, we cannot pretend to say. 

It is possible that America was reached by the Phoenician and Carthagin- 
ian sailors, the most adventurous of antiquity. But the Pha?nicians were 
early reduced to insignificance among the nations of the world, while the 
Carthaginians, whose city they had founded, rose into importance. But 
Carthage engaged in wars w^ith Eome, and was finally wholly destroyed by 
the armies of that great city; and all record of her colonies and discoveries 
was thj,is lost. It is certain that Carthaginian sailors discovered the Canary 
Islands, which were then uninhabited; and these islands wxre peopled from 
Carthage; yet, when they were re-discovered, the inhabitants had lost all 
tradition of their ancestors having come from another country, and thought 
themselves the only people in the world. 

Traditions which have survived the destruction of Carthage tell us that a 
vessel on the Mediterranean, which was sailing towards the Straits of Gib- 
raltar, the ancient Calpe, was driven by storms beyond it, and was heard of 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 27 

no m6re. Did it reach America? At a meeting of the Mexican Geographical 
Society, some few years since, it was stated that some brass tablets had been 
discovered in the northern part of Brazil, covered with Phoenician inscrip- 
tions, which tell of the discovery of America five centuries before the begin- 
ning of the Christian era. These are now in the museum at Eio Janeiro. 
They state that a Sidonian fleet sailed from a harbor in the Eed Sea, and 
rounding the Cape of Good Hope, was driven by the south-east trade-winds, 
and then by the north-east, across the Atlantic. The number of the vessels, 
the number of seamen, and many other particulars are there given. 




A Phoenician Vessel. 

In 1827, a farmer near Montevideo, in Uruguay, South America, is said 
to have discovered a flat stone which bore an inscription in a language un- 
known to him. Beneath it was a vault of masonry, in w^hich was deposited 
two ancient swords, a helmet, and a shield. The stone which had covered 
the vault was taken to Montevideo, where it was found that the inscription 
was in most parts sufiiciently legible to be deciphered. According to those 
learned men who examined it, it was in Greek, and read as follows: — 

" During the dominion of Alexander, the son of Philip, King of Macedon, in the sixty- 
third Olympiad, Ptolemais." 

On the handle of one of the swords was a man's portrait, supposed to be 
that of Alexander; the helmet was decorated with a fine sculpture represent- 
ing Achilles dragging the body of Hector around the walls of Troy. If this 
is indeed a relic of times before Columbus, it would indicate that during the 
reign of Alexander the Great, about 330 B. C, a party of Greeks had crossed 
the Atlantic. Why the arms should have been deposited in this vault we do 
not know; itmay have been that one of their number, Ptolemais, possibly their 
leader, died; itmay be that they found it impossible to carry out the cus- 
toms of their nation, and reduce the body to ashes ; and hence entombed it 



28 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



ill this vault, with the arms which their leader had used during his lifetime. 
More than two thousand years had passed before it was opened; and in that 
time every trace of tlie body and its softer clothing had been destroyed, leav- 
ing only the imperishable metals. 




^ 



A Fleet of Ho.max Galleys in the Mediterkaneax. 

These are the stories of ancient times in regard to America. It will be no- 
ticed that while there are accounts of men who reached the western shores of 
the Atlantic, it would seem that there are none of whom it is said that they 
returned. Yet the fables of Atlantis shows that at some time the people of 
the eastern continent must have known something of the western. It is a 
curious fact, in this connection, that recent investigations have shown that 
the monuments of Mexico and Central America are surprisingly similar to 
those of Egypt; and there is a still greater degree of similarity between the 
picture-writing of these two far-distant parts of the world. How much of 
the civilization of Mexico and Peru, which has long been the wonder of white 
men, came originally from Eg3'pt, the mother of the arts and sciences known 
to Europe? 

At the very beginning of the Middle Ages, we find a claim of another dis- 
covery of America; but this time from the other coast. In 1761, Deguignes, 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 29 

a French scholar whose name is now almost unknown, announced to the 
world that the Chinese discovered America in the fifth century, A, D. He 
derived this information from the ofiicial annals of the Chinese Empire, to 
which, he claimed, he had gained access. He tells us that he found that in 
the 3'ear 499 A. D., a Chinese Buddhist priest returned to Singan, the capital 
of China, from Tahan, or Khamschatka, saying that he had been to a coun- 
try twenty thousand li, or about seven thousand miles, beyond Tahan. It is 
supposed by Deguignes from this statement of the distance, that he had 
crossed Behring's Strait and journeyed southward to California, or perhaps 
as far as JMexico. The explorer called this country Fusang, from the fact 
that the maguey, or American aloe, so, plentiful in that part of North Amer- 
ica, resembles the plant which the Chinese call fusang. 

Before considering at more length the stories of those navigators who are 
said to have preceded Columbus in the discovery of America, let us see what 
difficulties were in the way. In the first place, the vessels which served for 
coasting voyages were, in very many cases, small and ill-fitted for buffeting 
with the storms of the Atlantic. We shall see hereafter, however, that an 
experienced sailor did not consider certain ships as unfitted for his purpose 
because they were smaller than many of his day; and, perhaps, in comparing 
the ships of the two periods, we are apt to place too much stress on the fact 
that the vessels of to-day are large, and conclude that because of their size 
they are safer. Possibly the small craft in Avhich the early navigators cross- 
ed the Atlantic were far safer and more manageable than larger vessels would 
have been, without the aid of steam to speed them on their way, 

A far greater difficulty lay in the ignorance of the sailors. Do we realize 
what it means to have no newspapers, no books except costly manuscripts, 
no schools except for those of high rank or who intended to enter the priest- 
hood? Can a modern sailor imagine what it would be to drift upon an un- 
known sea, without chart or compass? Yet that is what these early seamen 
did, when they ventured far to the west, in search of land of whose very ex- 
istence they were not sure. 

The mariner's compass was not known in Europe until about the twelfth 
century; although it had been in use much earlier than this in China. A 
learned Florentine, who visited England in 1258, wrote home a letter describ- 
ing one wonderful thing which he had seen. He had been to the great Univer- 
sity of Oxford, which had had a European renown for hundreds of years 
even then, and had been admitted to the study of Friar Roger Bacon, a man 
so wise that most persons thought he must have sold himself to the devil to 
learn all that he knew. One of the wonderful things which he saw was the 
power which a piece of magnetic iron ore possessed over iron and steel; and 
the great friar, putting a long, slender bit of such ore on a piece of light 
wood, and letting it float on some water, showed the astonished traveler how 



30 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

constantly one end of the rude needle pointed to the North Star. It was too 
strange a power to be wholly right, thought the people of that time; it could 
only be by Satanic direction that such powers could be given to a bit of 
senseless iron; how could a piece of metal know more than a Christian? 
And good, devout Catholics, in stormy weather, were often puzzled to know 
in what direction to look for the North Star. So the sailors refused to go 
in any vessel whose master was known to carry this magical contrivance; and 
it was only when they found that exorcisms and blessings and signs of the 
cross did not take away this power of the magnet, that they began to believe 
it did not come from the devil after all. This foolish prejudice against the 
mariner's compass once removed, a great difficulty in the way of oceanic ex- 
ploration was smoothed away. 

If we may believe the claims of several nations, however, America was dis- 
covered more than once before the mariner's compass w^as in use among 
European sailors. There are some claims that the Irish, at a period which is 
not fixed, had sailed westward and reached the farther shores of the Atlan- 
tic ; and the people of the northern part of Europe told of a country which 
they called Great Ireland, in very much the same way as the people of the 
southern part, at a little earlier day, told of Atlantis. It must be remember- 
ed in reading of this Irish voyage, that in very early times Ireland was a 
much more highly civilized country than England. The schools of Ireland 
were famous throughout Europe, before those of Oxford and Cambridge and 
Paris were dreamed of, and while the wolves yet howled around the sites of 
Heidelberg and Leipsic. Such a nation, then, would have many men who 
knew the story of Atlantis; it might be told to some adventurous sailors, 
who would employ all the arts of the then civilized world in fitting out a 
vessel to voyage thither; and who might possibly accomplish the journey and 
return in safety. 

The next account which we shall notice is the story told by the AYelsh 
bards, that in the twelfth century America was discovered by some of their 
countrymen. The bards, or poets, were the historians of Wales, before, in 
the fourteenth century, it was conquered by the king of England and made 
a part of his dominions; in their songs we find all that can be known of the 
history of Wales; and this is not contradicted by the written history of other 
nations, in those particular instances where they tell of the same event. 

According to them, the death of a king named Owen brought about great 
dissensions among his sons, who each desired the kingdom for himself, ex- 
cepting Madoc, who seems to have been a lover of peace. While the other 
brothers were fighting to decide this question, Madoc sailed away to the west- 
ward in search of a country where there was no war. Leaving Ireland to the 
north, he continued his course until he reached a beautiful and fertile coun- 
try, supposed, by those who fully accept the account, to have been the coast 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS, 31 

of the southern portion of the United States. But he was not content to 
enjoy this new-found paradise with the few Avho had come with him; he 
wished to share it with all who loved peace. He accordingly returned to 
Wales, and spread the story of his discovery far and wide. Three hundred 
answered his call, and with ten ships he sailed away again to the western 
land, but, sad to say, was never heard of more. 

In 1740, there appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine, an English period- 
ical of high standing, a letter dated more than fifty years before, narrating 
how the writer, a Welsh clergyman and a graduate of the University of Ox- 
ford, had, in company with some other persons, been captured by some In- 
dians of the Tuscarora tribe, near what is now called Cape Hatteras. This 
occurred about the beginning of the year 1661. The prisoners were in much 
danger from the Indians, but the reverend gentleman, much to his surprise, 
found that he could make them understand him by speaking in his native 
language, which was substantially the same as their own. By pleading with 
them in Welsh, he succeeded in making friends with them, and he and his 
companions were Avell treated during the four months that they remained 
with the Indians. He adds that he preached to the Indians in Welsh, three 
times a week during this period. To this communication the name of the 
Rev. Morgan Jones is signed. 

This testimony alone would be of little weight; for it was written twenty- 
five years after the occurrence, and published fifty-five years after it was 
written. Others, however, have told of the Indians who speak Welsh; and 
more than one Welshman, who knew no language except that and English, 
is said to have been able to talk to the Indians, and understand them, 
although they knew no language but their own. Mr. Jones describes the In- 
dians into whose hands he fell as being so light in color that he first took 
them for white men; and it is true that the Tuscaroras, who were the sixth 
of the famous Six Nations, were frequently called white Indians. 

It is said, also, that the Conestogas showed especial hatred to such whites 
as were of a fair complexion; and a red-haired, blue-eyed person, would be 
more cruelly treated by them than one with dark hair and eyes. An enthu- 
siastic Welshman declares that this was because their remote ancestors had 
had hard battles with Madoc and his followers, and they instinctively recog- 
nized persons of fair hair as bitter enemies. 

How much of the story of Madoc is true, we do not know, but it seems to 
fit in with what the Mexicans told the Spaniards : that they had been taught 
many things by white strangers from the east, who had gone back across the 
Atlantic, promising to return. If this were Madoc and his companions, it 
seems that they never reached America after leaving Wales the second time, 
but were lost to both continents. If, on the other hand, the ancestors of the 
Tuscaroras were Welshmen, Madoc 's ten ships reached their destination, but 



32 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



those which tried to return were lost. One thing is certain ; Madoc and his 
handful of men could not have civilized Mexico and settled North Carolina. 
One claim or the other must be given up. 




Discovery of Greenland by Norse Smr; 



We come now to the account of the discovery of America by navigators 
from another country, whose claims to having actually reached the shores of 
the western continent are clearer and better proved than any of those who 
went before them. The discoveries of the Norsemen are recorded in their 
sagas; and being written history, these accounts deserve more credit than 



AMERICA BEFORP: COLUMBUS. 33 

any mere traditions. The only question is, what land was actually reached; 
was it a portion of the New England coast, or was it nearer the coast of 
Greenland? 

From the Saga of Erik the Red we condense and modernize the following 
account: — 

Thorvald and his son Erik removed from the southwestern coast of Nor- 
way to Iceland, in consequence of murder, after several colonies had been 
established in that island. Thorvald died there, and Erik married. Moving 
northward from where he first settled, Erik's name of " The Red " seems to 
have been merited by new deeds of violence ; for shortly after the birth of 
his son Leif he was compelled to remove again, this time to the westward. 
Disputes between him and his new neighbors arose, as a result of which he 
was declared an outlaw. Gunnbjorn, a countryman of Erik's, had sailed to 
the westward and brought back word that there was land there; it is sup- 
posed that this land was Gunnbjarnasker, now concealed, or rendered inac-' 
cessible, by the descent of Arctic ice. Erik said he would come back to his 
friend if he found the land, says the old chronicle; and it would appear from 
this that he was desperate ; if he did not find land, he would perish in the 
waste of waters. He reached Greenland, seen then by European eyes for the 
first time, and touched at a point which he named Midjokul; the term jokul 
being applied to a mountain covered with snow. 

Reaching Greenland in the spring or summer, he remained there for two 
winters. The third summer he went to Iceland, and anchored his ship near 
the point from which he had sailed. He called the land which he had found 
Greenland, because, said he, "People will be attracted thither, if the land 
has a good name." 

Remaining in Iceland all winter, probably to get recruits for his new en- 
terprise, he sailed back to Greenland the next summer, with a fleet of thirty- 
five vessels ; but of these only fourteen reached their destination ; some were 
lost, and the others driven back. 

The saga places this settlement fifteen winters before Christianity was 
established by law in Iceland, or 985 A. D. ; Iceland having been settled 
874 A. D. 

One of the settlers who accompanied Erik was named Herjulf. His son, 
Bjarni, was a bold and daring sailor, who possessed his own ship while still a 
very young man. It was his custom to spend every second winter with his 
father, the remainder of the time being given to the sea. Accordingly, he 
set sail from Norway in the summer time, and arrived in Iceland only to find 
that his father had moved to Greenland. 

These tidings, the old chronicler says, appeared serious to Bjarni, and he 
was unwilling to unload his ship. Then his seamen asked him what he would 
do; he answered that he intended to continue his custom, and spend the 



34 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

winter with his father; and asked them if they would accompau}^ him to 
Greenland. They assented to this, though none of them had been in the 
" Greenland Ocean." Putting to sea, they had fair weather for three days; 
but after that, fogs arose, and continued many days. Finally, they saw land. 
They were doubtful, however, if this was Greenland; and sailed closer before 
they could determine. Seeing that it was without mountains, but covered 
with wood, they decided that it could not be the country which they were 
seeking, and leaving it on the larboard side, sailed two days before they again 
saw land. This, again, did not answer the description, being a flat land cov- 
ered with wood. 

The sailors, however, were tired of seeking a land the location of which 
they did not know, and wished to go ashore here; pretending, when Bjarni 
objected, that they were in need of wood and water. He stoutly refused to 
permit it, however, and at last they unwillingly turned the prow from the 
land. Sailing three days with a south-west wind, they saw another land, 
covered with mountains and ice-hills ; but this did not appear inviting to 
Bjarni, and he forbade the sails to be lowered. As they kept on their course, 
they saw that this was an island. 

Once more putting out to sea, they sailed four days, when they saw the 
fourth land. It seemed to Bjarni that this answered the description of 
Greenland, and putting about for shore, they chanced to land just at the 
point where Bjarni's father, Herjulf, had settled. 

What were the three lauds that he saw? If we carefully trace his course 
on the map, remembering that the Norsemen reckoned a day's sail at about 
thirty geographical miles, and keeping in mind what is said of the direction 
of the wind, we can but come to the conclusion that the first land seen was 
Connecticut or Long Island, while the great island was doubtless Newfound- 
land ; the second land was some point between the two. 

This is the first written record which we have of the discovery of the 
mainland of America. The voyage w^as made at some time in the late sum- 
mer or autumn of 985; but, as we have seen, the Europeans did not attempt 
to land. 

Bjarni went back to Norway, where he boasted of his discovery; but the 
fact that he had refused to land became somewhat a matter of reproach 
to him. His experiences, however, caused much talk about voyages of dis- 
covery, and Leif, the son of that quarrelsome Erik the Red, who had first 
settled Greenland, sailed away to the south-west with thirty-five men. 

One of these is called in the saga a Southern; he was probably a German. 
But we will quote the simple old story itself: — 

" Now prepared they their ship, and sailed out into the sea when they 
were ready, and then found that land first which Bjarni had found last. 
There sailed they to the land, and cast anchor, and put off boats, and went 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



35 



ashore, and found there no grass. » * * * Then said Leif: ' We have 
not done like Bjarni about this land, that we have not been upon it; now will 
I give the land a name, and call it Helluland.' 

"Then went they on board, and after that sailed out to sea, and found 
another land; they sailed again to the land, and cast anchor, then put off 
boats and went on shore. This land was flat, and covered with wood, and 
white sands were far around where they went, and the shore was low." 

The country was accordingly named Markland, which means woodland in 
the Norse tongue. Returning to the ship, they sailed again into the open 
sea before a north-east wind. Two days later, they came to an island, sup- 
posed, from the distance and direction, to have been Nantucket; thence their 

course lay along the coast until they _ ^ ^ ^^=^ 

reached Mt. Hope Bay. They noted 
that on the shortest day in winter — 
for they remained here all winter — - 
the day was nine hours long; the sun 
rising at half-past seven and setting at 
half-past four. This circumstance 
confirms the conclusion drawn from 
the directioniind length of their course 
over the seas ; for the time of sunrise 
and sunset varies with the latitude; 
and the times given by them corres- 
pond with the actual length of the day 
at this point. 

Having determined to settle at this 
point, they "built there large houses." 
Was one of these buildings that 
Round Tower at Newport, the origin 
of which has been so much debated? 
Leif divided his party, sending half 
out upon journeys to explore the land, 
while the others remained at home. 




EouxD To^\ER AT NEwroRT, Rhode Island. 



They did not go far, it being understood that they were always to be back at 
night-fall. Leif himself sometimes accompanied these expeditions; some- 
times stayed at home. 

"It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing, and this 
was Tyrker the German. This took Leif much to heart, for Tyrker had been 
long with his father and him, and loved Lief much in his childhood. Lief 
now took his people severely to task, and prepared to seek for Tyrker, and 
took twelve men with him. But when they had gotten a short way from the 
house, then came Tyrker towai'd them, and was joyfully received. Leif soon 

3 



36 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



saw that his foster-father was not in his right senses. Tyrker had a high 
forehead, and unsteady eyes, was freckled in the face, small and mean in 
stature, but excellent in all kinds of artifice. Then said Leif to him: — 
" ' Why wert thou so late, my fosterer, and separated from the party?' 




Leu^ axd His Mex Fixd Tyrker. 

" Tyrker now spoke first, for a long time, in German, and rolled his eyes 
about to different sides, and twisted his mouth, but they did not understand 
what he said. After a time he spoke Norse : — 

" ' I have not been much further off, but still I have something new to tell 
of; I found wine-wood and wine-berries.' 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 37 

" 'But is that true, my fosterer?' said Leif. 

" ' Surely is it true,' replied he, ' for I was bred up in a land where there 
; no want either of Avine-wood or wine-berries.' 

"They slept now for the night, but in the morning, Leif said to his sailors: 

" ' We will now set about two things, in that the one day we gather grapes, 
nd the other day cut vines and fell trees, so from thence will be a loading 
3r my ship.' 

" And that was the counsel taken, and it is said their long boat was filled 
'ith grapes. Now was a cargo cut down for the ship, and when the spring 
arae, they got ready and sailed away, and Lief gave the land a name after 
s qualities, and called it Vinland." 

The next voyage was made by Thorvald, the younger brother of Leif. 
'hese voyagers made for the point where Leif and his companions had spent 
le winter, but were less fortunate than they had been. Leaving these houses 
ehind them, they started upon a further journey of discovery; and here we 
nd the story of the first encounter between Indians and Europeans. Hav- 
ig landed, Thorvald and his men saw three skin-boats drawn up on the 
md; they approached them, and found that there were three men under 
ich. Dividing, they surrounded the natives, and attacked them. One es- 
iped; eight were captured and put to death. Thus early did the wanton 
ar upon the Indians begin. 

But the red man who had escaped had carried the tidings to his tribe ; and 
lat night, while Thorvald and his men were sleeping as peacefully as if they 
id not murdered their prisoners, were alarmed by the war-cry of the sav- 
?es. They were repulsed, but one of the white men being wounded. That 
ae was Thorvald; and the wound was evidently with a poisoned arrow, for 
3 died, and was buried at the cape where he thought it best to dwell. 

The next voyage was made by a third brother, Thorstein, who took his wife 
udrid with him. He died shortly after they returned to Greenland, and 

udrid married Thorfinn, an able seaman and merchant. Thorfinn fitted out 
vessel to explore Vinland, and again Gudrid went with her husband to the 
3W country. 

Here a son was born to them, whom they named Snorre — the first child of 
uropean parentage born on the western continent. Thorwaldscn, the great 
•ulptor, and many other eminent Norwegians, claimed descent from Snorre 
horfinnson, born in America in 1007 A. D. 

Thorfinn and his party met the natives several times, but did not fight 
lem, as the early explorers had done. They traded peaceably with them 
)r awhile — cheating the Indians, of course — and thought there was no dan- 
^r from them. But the roaring of a bull which the strangers brought with them 
) frightened the natives that they fled at their utmost speed, and were not 
!en again for three weeks. Then they returned in force, attacking the 



38 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

strangers, who were glad to withdraw to the houses which they had built. 
The Indians were repulsed, but the whites judged it wisest to leave a land 
where there was such danger from the natives. It must be remembered that 
these early Norsemen did not have the advantage of firearms, as those who 
came in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had. The Indians had 
knives and axes of stone; the Norsemen had weapons of iron, and this was 
the sole advantage which they possessed. Hopelessly outnumbered, there 
was nothing for them to do but withdraw. 

According to some authorities, one hundred of them refused to follow 
their leader back to Greenland, but remained in the new country, the land 
of corn and wine, as it truly seemed to these children of the frozen North. 
It is not certain, however, but what all of them went back to Greenland. 

There were some minor voyages after this time ; but during the century to 
which we have now come, a terrible plague swept over Norway, and so de- 
creased the population that there was no need for the people to seek new 
homes beyond the sea. Perhaps the traditions of the terrible natives had 
something to do with this; or perhaps their energies were turned in other di- 
rections. Certainly, the voyages of the Norsemen to the coast of North 
America had ceased long before the time of Columbus; and the records were 
stored away, to be brought to light again nearly a thousand years after the 
first of such journeys was made. 
We have already alluded to the Eound Tower at Newport, which is sup- 
posed by many to be the work of the Norsemen; 
antiquarians claiming that it resembles certain 
structures in the Old AVorld, which are known 
to have been built by this people. Another cu- 
rious relic is found in what is called The Digh- 
ton Rock, which is situated about six and a half 
miles from Taunton, Massachusetts. This rock, 
which is about eleven and a half feet long at the 
'\ ^i, ^^ base, and about five feet high, is covered on one 

~--^ J^ _ ^'*^ -^ face with an inscription, which Norsemen claim 

The Skelet^1n~Akmok. i« written in the Runic characters which their 
ancestors used. The name of Thorfinn and the 
number of his followers are about the only points which they have been able 
to make out. It is right to state here that their claim of its Norse origin is 
not undisputed. Schoolcraft, the best authority upon all matters relating 
to the American Indian, says it is an Indian picture-writing, and can be 
readily read by any one acquainted with their mode of expression. 

Many Americans are acquainted with Longfellow's poem of " The Skeleton 
in Armor." This skeleton was dug up in the vicinity of Fall River; was it 
the body of Thorvald? We have no means of knowing. 




AMEKICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 39 

It must be remembered that, in all these stories of the early discovery of 
America there is much that is uncertain and conjectural. Even those heroes 
whose adventures are recorded in the sagas, haVe had their claims contested; 
for they knew so little of geography that they could not clearly describe the po- 
sition of the lands which they discovered. The difference between the 
earlier and the later discoverers may be stated thus: Those persons who 
reached the shores of America before the middle of the fifteenth century, 
were wild adventurers, knowing nothing of any means of preserving the 
record of their exploits but the wild songs of their native minstrels; Colum- 
bus and many of his successors were men of science, capable of observing 
and recording points which made patent to the world the facts of their 
achievements. 

Thus ends the story of those who claimed to have discovered the western 
world before Columbus set out on his memorable voyage. We shall see, when 
w'e come to tell of his struggles to obtain recognition, whether he knew any- 
thing of what others had done before him by crossing the great Atlantic. 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERT OE AMERICA. 



T^AVING now reviewed briefly the claims of those nations which are 
l®J said to have discovered America before it was reached by the Genoese 
(^ sailor with his Spanish followers, let us learn what we can of the early 
years of the great discoverer — not only of his birth, childhood and educa- 
tion, but of the weary wanderings from place to place, the long years of 
labor and waiting, before he found friends with minds sufliciently large, and 
purses sufficiently filled, to assist him in this great undertaking. 

Were we to set down here only what is known of the first twenty years of 
his life, less than a page would be space sufficient. The very year of his 
birth is a question which has never been decided ; one of the greatest of his 
biographers, quoting the authority of a tract written by a contemporary of 
the Admiral, places the date of his birth at 1435, since the tract declares 
Columbus to have been seventy years old, a little more or less, at the time of 
his death in 1506. Other writers have placed the date as late as 1548; urg- 
ing that as Columbus was gray-headed at thirty, as his son says that he was, 
he would be reputed, among those who had known him a long time, to be 
much older than he actually was. 

He was the son of a wool-comber of Genoa, and the oldest of four chil- 
dren. Nothing is known of his sister, except tliat she married an obscure 
man named Savarello; of his brothers, Bartholomew, and Diego or James, 
we shall hear more, particularly of the first-named. 

After Columbus became famous, there were many efforts made to claim 
him as a native of other places than Genoa ; as it was said of the great Greek 
poet: — 

" Seven Gi'ecian cities strove for Homer dead, 
Through which the living Homer begged his bread." 

Had these places been as anxious to assist the struggling genius as they 
were to borrow some of his glory, there would be much less to tell about dis- 
appointments and long weary waiting. The claims of Genoa are proved by 
the wording of the will of Columbus himself; " I was born there, and came 
from thence." 

(41) 



42 Columbus' life before the discovers of america- 

It is probable that, although his father was an humble tradesman or me- 
chanic, the family had been one of some importance. Genoa was a mercan- 
tile city; and a wealthy family, reduced by misfortunes to poverty, would still 
retain friendship among those who were less unfortunate. We shall see, as 
we go on, that Columbus had some such friends; but just how much they did 
for him, and how much he won for himself, we cannot tell. 

This much is certain: he was a poor man's son, born and brought up in a 
city the people of which derived their daily bread from trading. Look at the 
map of Italy, and remember that in those days there were not only no rail- 
roads, but no other roads that were safe and well kept; and you Avill readily 
see what part the sea played in the life of every Genoese. The great salt- 
water highway was the only one for their commerce; and every Genoese boy 
learned something of seamanship as naturally as a duck learns to swim. 

His book education was supposed to be completed at the age of fourteen. 
He had then acquired a knowledge of the rudiments, reading, writing and 
arithmetic; he knew something of Latin, no hard study for an Italian, and 
had learned to draw. Some time had also been spent at the University of 
Pavia, where he studied geography, geometry, astrononi}' and navigation. 

When Ave remember what parts of the earth have been discovered and ex- 
plored since the middle of the fifteenth century, it does not seem that there 
would be much geography for the boy Columbus to study. And there was not. 
Even the eastern continent was largely unknown to the geographers of that 
time. With the coast of Europe, from the northern point of Europe to the 
Strait of Gibraltar, and thence along the Mediterranean, they were thorough- 
ly well acquainted ; of Africa, they knew only the northern coast and a small 
part of the western, as far south as Cape Bojador, a name which means "The 
Outstretcher;" and of Asia they knew the Mediterranean coast, a part of the 
southern coast, and thought that they had reliable accounts of the part far- 
ther to the east. 

They were sure that the world was round, but thought it much smaller than 
it has since been proved to be. They reckoned that the known portions of 
the world covered about two hundred and twenty-five degrees of longitude, 
or about twice as great a proportion as modern geographers allow for it. 

The world, or rather the land of the world, was wholly surrounded by the 
"Ocean Stream," beyond which lay, they thought, the path to the other 
world. The great salt sea to the south of Asia was probably no part of this, 
but was surrounded by land, the eastern coast of Africa turning to the east, 
and joining the south-eastern extremity of Asia; but opinions on this point 
varied, for some believed the Indian Sea, as it was called, to be a part of the 
ocean; and stoutly maintained that it w^ould be possible to reach India by 
sailing around Africa. As to investigating the boundaries of the ocean, that 
would be the act of a madman ; for countless dreadful and unknown dan- 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OJ'^ AMERICA. 



43 



gers must be faced, besides the absolute certainty that no one would ever be 
able to return. The earth is round, these wise men argued; and if one were 
to sail down from the summit, where we live, he would never be able to sail 
his ship up-hill, to reach home again. 




Sea Bisnor and Mki-.maids. 

Besides, in and about that sea, in the dim light of fading day, crawled, 
seethed, fluttered and swam all the monsters that terror could conjure up. 
The enormous nautilus, able with one stroke of its live oars to capsize a 
ship; the sea-serpent, fifty leagues long, with a comb like a cock's; the sy- 
rens of Homer, ceaselessly pursued by the cruel sea-monk, which was still be- 
lieved in as late as 1826 ; and, finally, the dreadful bishop of the sea, with 
his phosphorescent mitre. Harpies and winged chimeras skimmed this mo- 




The Phantoms of Fear. 



(44) 



COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 45 

tionless sea in pursuit of their prey; there were sea-elephants, lions, tigers 
and hippocampi, who grazed in vast fields of sea-weeds from which no ship 
could ever hope to extricate herself. 

Out of this chaotic sea arose a colossal hairy hand armed with claws — the 
hand of Satan, La Main JSToire; its existence could not be doubted — it was 
pictured on all the maps of the time. 

From the bottom of the abyss there appeared also, from time to time, at 
regular intervals, the back of the kraken, like a new island, some said twice, 
others three times, as large as Sicily. This huge polypus, wJio, with one of 
its suckers — and it had as many as the cuttle-fish — could arrest a ship in full 
sail, was in the habit of rising to the surface every day. From its vent-holes 
issued two water-spouts six times as high as the Giralda of Seville. When 
it had squirted out the water, it would draw in a corresponding supply of air, 
thereby creating a whirlwind in which a ship would have spun like a top. 

The kraken was not an evil-disposed monster; but it could not be denied 
that its enormous dimensions rendered it, to say the least, an unpleasant 
object. And even without the kraken, and supposing that the Black Hand 
of Satan did not dare to descend on a fleet whoso royal ensign bore the im- 
age of Christ crucified, which had the ever-blessed Virgin for its patroness, 
how were they to escape from the two-headed eagle with its enormous wings, 
or from the formidable roc, which had seized and carried off in its talons, 
before the Arab traveler's eyes, a vessel equipped with a hundred and fifty 
men? 

These were some of the things which the boy Columbus learned at the 
great and famous University of Padua; when he became a pupil in the Uni- 
versity of Hard Knocks, he acquired information that was quite different. 

But why was India considered of so much importance? For, we have 
seen that it was debated whether or not it would be possible to reach India 
by sea; and although we have not yet reached that point in telling the life of 
Columbus, there is not a reader of these pages but knows beforehand that 
he expected to reach India by sailing westward. 

For a long time the regions of the far east had been considered the home 
of luxury of every kind. Perhaps the stuffs which merchants brought from 
there had something to do with this belief; perhaps it was only because peo- 
ple wanted to tell themselves some kind of a marvelous story, and imagined 
these things. Some of these stories had come down from ancient times; 
others had been told by the Arabs and Moors, who had settled in Spain, and 
with whom there Avas more or less intercourse. What we know as European 
Turkey was not in the hands of the Turks w^hen Columbus was a school- 
boy, if we accept 1435 as the date of his birth; so that nothing could have 
come from them. 

There were not wanting travelers' tales, to excite the i^opular curiosity re- 



4() Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 

gardiiig the east. In the year 1295 there arrived at Venice three men, very 
shabbily dressed in travel-stained garments. The eldest of these declared 
that his name was Nicholas Polo, and that his companions were his brother 
]\Iaffeo and his son Marco. But the relatives of the Polos, who had started 
upon a commercial voyage to the east some forty years before, refused to 
recognize or invite these shabby strangers to their magnificent houses, for 
they were all rich and aristocratic. The Polos, however, managed to obtain 
possession of their own dwelling, and then invited all the proud relations to 
a banquet. Perhaps it was out of curiosity that all went; such curiosity 
was most abundantly gratified. 

The three hosts, whose worn and travel-stained garments had so offended 
the ideas of the dainty Venetians, had been exchanged for rich robes of 
crimson satin, such as the nobles were in the habit of wearing upon state oc- 
casions. When, however, the guests had been received, these costly clothes 
were cut up and distributed among the servants, while the masters reappear- 
ed, robed in still richer costumes of crimson damask. These shared the fate 
of the other dresses, and the Polos arrayed themselves in crimson velvet. 
When the feast was over, they bade the servants bring in those robes in 
which they had returned to Venice; and ripping the seams, showed the as- 
tonished guests that these despised garments contained, thus hidden, jewels 
enough to have purchased the whole city of Venice. 

Marco Polo, the youngest of the three, seems to have come in contact with 
the people much more than his father or uncle; and he told them, day af- 
ter day, such stories of the magnificence of the princes whom they had vis- 
ited, always reckoning the income of each potentate as so many millions, 
that an irreverent American would have dubbed him "Old Millions;" the 
Venetians, more polite in their nicknaming, styled him Ser Milione — " Lord 
Millions." 

So great an influence did these stories have upon Columbus, that we must 
here pause and learn what j)arts of the earth were visited by these three 
travelers. We have seen that they left Venice about 1255, bound on a com- 
mercial journey to the east. At Constantinople, they sold the Italian goods 
which they had carried from home, and bought jewels M^ith the proceeds. 
With these they set out to trade with the Tartars, who had then overrun many 
parts of Asia and Europe, and were building cities on the Volga. Here they 
were fortunate enough to meet with a Tartar prince who was extremely hon- 
est; they trusted him with their wealth; and in return for this trust were 
loaded with favors during the year they remained at his court. 

But war broke out between him and his neighbors; and the strangers 
found that they could not get home. They accordingly, after three years 
spent at Bokhara, joined an embassy which was going to the court of the 
Grand Khan, or King of Kings, the sovereign of all the Tartars. 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE TUE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



47 



This was situated at a city which Polo called Cambalu, since identified as 
Pekin. It was the capital of Cathay, of which wonderful stories had been 
told for many years; but the account which Marco Polo gave of its riches 
was still more wonderful. 








MaKCO PoI.O at TI!K ( 



To the east of this rich country lay an inland, the name of which is vari- 
ously spelled by different winters ; w^c shall use the form Cipango, since in 
that shape the name frequently occurs in the writings of Columbus. The 
palace of the king of Cipango, the traveler asserted, was covered, not with 
sheets of lead or copper, as was the custom in Europe, but with sheets of 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 49 

old; and the golden plates used for its inside adornment were, in some cases, 
tvo inches thick. The island also produces pearls of fabulous size in large 
uantities, as well as great numbers of precious stones. It is so rich, he 
dded, that even the might}^ Khan, a prince far richer than any in Europe, 
ad tried many times to conquer it, but had failed to do so, since the inhabi- 
ints had a secret by which they were enabled to make themselves secure 
gainst any kind of wound. 

The sea between Cathay and Cipango is studded with seven thousand four 
undred and forty small islands, all of Avhich produce perfumes and valua- 
le woods most abundantly. 

The Great Khan, otherwise called Kublai Khan, was much pleased to re- 
vive these strangers from the distant west. He prepared a feast for them, 
ad asked, with much eagerness, for any information that they could give 
im of what was happening in Europe, requiring details of the government, 
f the various kings and emperors and their methods of making war. Maf- 
30 and Nicholas fortunately spoke the Tartar language fluently, so they 
3uld freely answer all the emperor's questions. 

This mighty prince of the East had also shown great interest in the doc- 
•ines of Christianity, as taught by the Venetian merchants; and had re- 
uested them to take a message to the Pope, asking him to send at once a 
undred learned men to instruct the wise men of Cathay in religion. All 
lese statements were proved by the golden tablets with which the Khan 
ad furnished them as passports, and by the magnificent jewels which they 
lowed as his gifts to them. 

How much of these stories was true? The contemporaries of the Polos 
3garded them as grossly exaggerated; neither friends nor foes believed the 
alf was true. It is said that when Marco Polo was on his death-bed, some of 
is friends, distressed at the idea of his dying with all these falsehoods on 
is soul, exhorted him to retract what he had published ; or, at least, to dis- 
vow such parts as were fictitious. The dying man raised himself and 
lared fiercely at them, as he replied that it was all true; only, he had not 
aid half of the wonders that he saw. 

So much for the travels of Marco Polo. How did they affect Columbus? 
''enice and Genoa are now close neighbors, cities of the same kingdom, their 
mguage and their laws alike. It was different then; the few miles between 
bem were multiplied by the dangers and difficulties of the way; they were 
nder distinct governments, and occasionally at war with each other; how 
ould the Genoese boy be influenced by the accounts given, a hundred and 
fty years before, by the Venetian traveler? 

It came about in this way. Shortly after the return of the wanderers, a 
renoese fleet threatened part of the Venetian territory ; it was necessary for 
Venice to defend herself. Of the fleet which was sent to oppose the enemy, 



50 COLU-MIJUfcs' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

one galley was commanded by Marco Polo. Advancing, the first vessel of 
the line, upon the enemy, he was soon hotly engaged in battle. For some 
reason, the others did not follow as promptly as they should have done; and 
Marco Polo's single galley was surrounded by the seventy from Genoa. 

Only the fate of the commander is matter of record ; taken prisoner, he 
was thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained a long 
time in prison, his captors refusing to accept any ransom. His prison was 
crowded daily with representatives of the nobility of the city, who came to 
hear the stories with which he had astonished Venice. At length, one of 
them pi-evailed upon him to write down the account of his travels. He 
consented; and sending to Venice for his papers and journals, produced the 
wonderful record now preserved in literature. In those days, before the 
invention of printing, books were of course costly and rare articles; but the 
stories in this one were of such interest that the student who had access to 
the volume would tell them to his less fortunate companions ; they again to 
others; and so on, until all Genoa knew the tale of Marco Polo, and how he 
had lived, a prisoner of their city, in that very building, and there written 
the story of what he had seen. And then, doubtless, the Genoese would talk 
among themselves of this wonderful Cathay and the island of Cipango,full of 
gold and jewels and rare woods and perfumes, and say to each other what a 
pity it was that no one should have made any effort to convert these heath- 
ens, though Kublai Khan had asked for missionaries. Then, perhaps, they 
would talk of Prester John, that wonderful Christian Prince, whose domin- 
ions were nobody knew exactly where, but to whom some messenger ought 
to be sent. Then they would get to talking of the difliculties in the way of 
these duties, and recount the terrors by land and by sea which would confront 
the traveler — great winged lions, giant cannibals, and tremendous sea-ser- 
pents. 

Did all this talk of far-off countries bear no fruit in Genoa for a hundred 
and fifty years? There were many Genoese youths who went from the city, 
bent on seeing far-off lands; but until the days of Columbus there was not 
one who had an idea that India and Cathay and Cipango could be reached 
by sailing to the Avest. Others were content to follow; and the name of the 
one great leader is the only famous one among them all. 

In regard to the wanderings of the young men of Genoa, a historian of 
that city says that they go with the intention of returning when they shall 
have acquired the means of living comfortably and honorably in their native 
place; but, he adds, of twenty who go, scarce two return; either dying 
abroad, or marrying foreign wives and settling in their country, or finding 
some safer and more comfortable home for their declining age than their na- 
tive city. 

For a few months after his return from Pavia, the boy Columbus worked 



COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DLSCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



51 



at his father's trade ; but this could not last long. Soon he, too, followed 
the example of so many of his countrymen, and engaged in a seafaring life. 
His first service was under the command of a relative, a Colombo who had 
for some time past held the rank of an admiral. We cannot tell the de- 
gree of relationship; probably it was very distant; for, as we have seen, the 
father of the discoverer was a poor man, a mechanic. In the fifteenth cen- 
tury, a man who worked was thought very little of; quite below consider- 
ation, in fact; and perhaps the old admiral was not very proud of his poor 
relations. 




The Years of Preparation. 



Cruising in the Mediterranean was then no child's play; for there was 
scarcely a part of the sea that was not beset with pirates ; petty states were 
constantly at war, and frequently their vessels would seize those whose mas- 



52 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

ters were not engaged in war with any one. A merchant vessel had to carry 
arms, and be ready to use them at very short notice. Columbus, however, 
was not engaged in the merchant service. A French prince, John of Anjou, 
asserted his right to the kingdom of Naples, a small state in the south of 
Italy. The republic of Genoa was an ally, and sent ships and men to his 
assistance; the war lasted for about four years, and ended in the defeat of 
John of Anjou and his father, King Reiuier of Provence. 

Columbus was assigned to no small post in the fleet commanded by his rel- 
ative; 'boy as he was, he had dangerous work to do. He tells us of his 
being sent to rescue a galley from the harbor of Tunis. 

" It happened to me that King Reinier — whom God has taken to himself — 
sent me to Tunis, to capture the galley Fernandina, and when I arrived off 
the island of San Pedro, in Sardinia, I was informed that there were two 
ships and a carrack with the galley; by which intelligence my crew were so 
troubled that they determined to proceed no further, but to return to Mar- 
seilles for another vessel and more people; as I could not by any means 
compel them, I assented apparently to their wishes, altering the point of the 
compass and spreading all sail. It was then evening, and next morning wc 
were within the Cape of Carthagena, while all were firmly of opinion that 
they were sailing towards Marseilles." 

What the sailors said when they found out that he had deceived them as 
to the direction in which they were sailing by thus altering the point of the 
compass, does not appear; nor are we told the result of the cruise into the 
harbor of Tunis; probably the same bold and resolute spirit which had out- 
witted the crew gained a victory over the enemy. We shall see after awhile 
that he again deceived a crew, and again brought the voyage, by this de- 
ception, to a successful ending. 

Now and again we find some traces of Columbus in the history of the time ; 
but it is doubtful whether the person meant was the old admiral under whom 
the discoverer sailed as a boy, or a nephew called Colombo el Mozo, the Young- 
er, or the youngest and finally by far the most famous of the three. Prob- 
ably most of the exploits recorded are to be placed to the account of the first 
. or the second, for Christopher was not likely to have attracted so much at- 
tention in these years. 

It is probable that he was early attracted to the capital of Portugal as a 
suitable place for a man to live who was interested in adventures and ex- 
plorations by sea; for Lisbon was then the starting-point of many great ex- 
peditions. Prince Henry of Portugal was the first prominent person to en- 
gage in the work of carrying forward discovery; and during the first half of 
the fifteenth century, under his direction, Portuguese ships had ventured 
farther and farther along the coast of what is still the Dark Continent. 
Prince Henry died in 1463 ; but the work of discovery to which he had given 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



53 



strength still went forward; Diaz was sent to find, in the interior of Africa, 
the king who has already been mentioned, Prester John; he found, instead, 
the Cape of Good Hope. It is worthy of remark, that Bartholomew Colum- 
bus was one of the sailors who ventured on this long voyage. 

There is a story of the manner in which Christopher Columbus first came 
to Lisbon, which may here be set down. While the story is not without 
foundation, it should be remembered that Columbus was a resident of Lis- 
bon some time before this; so that he was but returning to a place where he 
had lived. 




Diaz ox His "Way to the Cape. 



He was in command of a vessel of the squadron under the leadership of 
Colombo el Mozo. This admiral was really little better than a pirate; and 
having heard that four richly laden galleons were on their way from Fland- 
ers, as the Lov/ Countries were then called, to Venice, he gave orders to his 
captains to lie in wait for them off the coast of Portugal, between Lisbon and 
Cape St. Vincent. There was a desperate battle; the ships were lashed and 
grappled together; the sailors fought hand to hand, now on the deck of one, 
now of the other. The vessel commanded by Columbus was grappled with 
a huge galley of the Venetian fleet, the crew of which fought with even more 



54 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

fierceness than their companions. A favorite form of warfare in that time 
consisted of throwing fiery darts and hand grenades; sometimes in throwing 
Greek fire, a nearly inextinguishable thing. Such missiles were thrown on 
this occasion; the ships took fire; they w^ere too firmly grappled together to 
be unloosed, and burned to the water's edge, side by side, Venetian and Ge- 
noese. The crews had but one common hope of escape; each man threw 
himself into the sea, grasping whatever wood was within reach. Columbus 
chanced to secure an oar, and although they were fully six miles from shore, 
succeeded in swimming to land. Thence he made his way to Lisbon, where 
he found many of his countrymen living; perhaps he found there his brother 
Bartholomew, known for his bravery as a navigator since he had accom- 
panied Diaz in that perilous voyage far to the south, when the Cape of 
Good Hope had been discovered. Certainly he found such a welcome that 
he decided to remain there for some time to come. 

Columbus went to Portugal about the year 1470. Although at this time, 
if we accept the earliest date given for his birth, he was in the very prime of 
life, being but thirty-five years old, his hair was as white as that of a very old 
man. In person, he was tall, well-formed and muscular; and he had achieved 
a victory over a naturally quick temper so completely as to mark his bear- 
ing with a grave and gentle dignity. Throughout his life, he had shown 
great regard for the church, strictly observing the fasts, vigils, and other 
forms of devotion prescribed by her priests; and this quality seems to have 
had fuller opportunity for development in the peaceful life at the Portu- 
guese capital than among the wild rovers of the sea. 

There is a certain convent in Lisbon, styled the Convent of All Saints, 
where young ladies of rank and family were then, as now in similar institu- 
tioi^s, received for instruction in all that a lady is supposed to learn at school. 
In addition to these inmates were some others, who boarded at the convent 
as a safe and proper shelter for women of their age and rank. One was a 
certain Dona Fclipa de Perestrello, the daughter of a man who had won re- 
nown and reward as a leader of explorers in the time of Prince Henry; and 
had, indeed, colonized the island of Porto Santo, of which he had held the 
office of governor. But this very office was the cause of his ruin. It was 
conferred upon him as a reward for his long-continued services, and seemed 
to be full payment. But the colonists took some rabbits with them to the 
island; and the little animals multiplied so rapidly that before long it was 
completely overrun by them. There was no demand for canned meats in 
those days, or knowledge of preparing them ; or the unlucky colonists might 
have done as nineteenth century men have done under precisely the same 
circumstances — killed the rabbits and exported the canned flesh. As it was, 
they fought the pests as long as they could ; but were finally compelled to 
give up the contest, and leave the island to the ravages of the rabbits. 



Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 55 

Perestrello returned to Portugal, a ruined man; for all that he had prev- 
iously acquired had been invested in property in this island. He died, leav- 
ing a widow and three daughters, one of whom, as mentioned above, was a 
boarder in this Convent of All Saints. 

The services in the chapel of this convent were regularly attended by a 
certain Genoese who had recently arrived at Lisbon; and in some way, we 
cannot tell how, Christopher Columbus became acquainted with the ruined 
governor's daughter. Of this romance of four hundred years ago, we only 
know that it began with a meeting in the convent chapel, and ended with a 
marriage in the same place. 

For a time, the newly-married couple lived with the bride's mother; and 
the husband added to the family income by making maps and charts, and il- 
luminating manuscripts. This work was not regarded then as it is noAv; then, 
the map-maker was a man of science and an artist combined, and was re- 
spected accordingly. It is recorded that the Venetians struck a medal in hon- 
or of one cosmographer, who had projected a universal map, esteemed the 
most accurate that had ever been made. It is also a matter of history, that 
Americus Vespucius paid a sum equivalent to $555 in our time for a "map 
of sea and land." Thus Columbus engaged in a work which was well-paid, 
and which placed the workman in a position of no small honor. 

Nor was his new life such as to hinder his advancement. His wife's father 
had left numerous notes and charts of his many voyages, and these were 
placed at his disposal, when Madam Perestrello saw that his character and 
skill justified her in so doing. Then, too, although the Perestrello family had 
become reduced to poverty, there were still many influential persons whose 
acquaintance they retained; and by this means the Genoese wanderer re- 
ceived introductions to a higher circle than he could have reached unassisted; 
and was even received by the king himself. Once brought to their notice, 
he had no difiiculty in retaining their regard by his own merits. 

In the meantime, a younger daughter of Madam Perestrello had married 
Don Pedro Correa; and he had been appointed governor of Porto Santo. 
De Belloy says that he inherited this government from his father-in-law; but 
why the younger sister's husband should be the heir, does not appear; prob- 
ably his own influence was sufficient to procure the appointment, if the Peres- 
trellos were not against it. The two sons-in-law of the old governor appear 
to have been on excellent terms, and conversed much of the new lands which 
were constantly being discovered. Nor did Columbus only talk of them; he 
had, since his residence in Portugal, sailed occasionally in the expeditions to 
the Gulf of Guinea; and we may safely assume that he was well acquainted 
with the history of Portuguese discovery along the coast of that continent. 

Discovery was the great subject of interest in Portugal at that day ; and it was 
natural enough that when the learned map-maker Columbus was admitted 



56 Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 

to the presence of nobles and princes, that they should inquire about his 
work, and remark upon recent changes. Perhaps they listened with interest 
to his accounts of his own voyages; perhaps he now and then unfolded some 
plan by which new routes to India and Cathay might be found. Certainly 
the King looked so kindly upon him, and showed so much interest in the sub- 
ject which so absorbed the stranger's attention, that he entered into con- 
versation regarding indications of lands yet undiscovered, and showed Colum- 
bus reeds as large as those which grow in India, which had been picked up 
on the coast of the Azores. 

Nor was this the only indication that there was a world beyond the waters. 
Many mariners had told of islands, seen casually in the ocean ; and the peo- 
ple of the Canaries told of an island which was sometimes seen, in clear 
weather, to the westward of their islands; a vast stretch of earth, diversified 
with lofty mountains and deep valleys. So persuaded were they of the real- 
ity of this island, that they asked and obtained the permission of the King of 
Portugal to discover it. Several expeditions were actually sent out, but not 
one succeeded in reaching the island ; for it had been but a singular optical 
delusion. Then arose the story of St. Brandan's Isle, an island which, it was 
said, was sometimes reached by those who set out for another port, but were 
driven from their course by storms; but could never be approached by any 
who set out with the intention of going there. This imaginary island was, 
for many years, laid down in maps as lying far to the west of the Canaries : 
and its existence was never actually disproved until the southern Atlantic 
was thoroughly explored. 

Columbus, however, appears to have been but slightly impressed by this 
talk of islands in the Atlantic. He always considered that the talk was oc- 
casioned by the existence of rocky islets, which, under certain conditions of 
the atmosphere, may assume the appearance of much larger and more fer- 
tile islands. Or, he reasoned, they may be floating islands, where a mass of 
earth is supported by twisted roots, and borne along by the ocean currents 
and the winds. 

More conclusive evidence was found by him in the things that had drifted 
ashore. Great pines, unlike any known in Europe, had drifted ashore; 
pieces of wood, curiously and delicately carved, but unlike the handiwork of 
any known people, had been brought by the same agency to the coast of the 
Azores and the Madeiras; and the same shores had received, from the same 
westward direction, the bodies of two men of some strange race. 

These were the subjects on which he conversed with his brother-in-law, 
like himself a bold and clever seaman. Correa had seen these carvings, and 
perhaps added many a rumor to the stock of information which Colum- 
bus had gleaned from many different quarters. 

Direct testimony was not wanting. Martin Vicenti, a pilot in the service 



Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 57 

of the King of Portugal, related to Columbus that after sailing four hundred 
and fifty leagues to the west of Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the 
water a wonderfully carved piece of wood, which must have drifted from the 
far west; a mariner who had sailed from the port of St. Mary narrated how, 
in the course of a voyage to Ireland, he had seen land far in the west, which 
the crew took for some remote part of Tartary. 

There is also a story, which seems to have no good foundation, that a cer- 
tain pilot sought shelter in Columbus' house, and finally died there, after 
having told him of an unknown land in the west, to which he had been driv- 
en by adverse winds; this pilot, says the story, left to Columbus the chart 
by which he had guided his vessel, and thus Columbus was enabled to cross 
the ocean by a path which had already been marked out, with the certainty 
of finding land at the end of his voyage. This story was mentioned by the 
first historian who gave it a place in his pages, as a vulgar, idle rumor; and 
he showed the falsity of it. Others, however, copied his summary of it, 
but not his contradiction; and a hundred and fifty years after it was said to 
have occurred, Garcilaso de la Vega told it, complete with names and cir- 
cumstances, as he had heard it told in his childhood by his father and other 
old men, who talked of it some seventy or eighty years after the death of the 
pilot. On such slender foundations does this attack upon the originality of 
Columbus rest. 

Columbus and his wife accompanied Don Pedro Correa and his wife to the 
island of Porto Santo, when the new governor went there to assume the du- 
ties of the office; and there the great navigator's eldest son, Diego, was 
born. His residence on this island was probably of but short duration; 
and was followed by voyages along the coast of Africa. In 1473 we find him 
at Savona, assisting his aged father, whom debt had compelled to flee from 
Genoa; before this time, he had contributed regularly to the support of his 
parents and the assistance of his younger brothers. 

All this time, there had been growing up in his mind the idea that it 
would be possible to reach India by sailing to the west. We have seen what 
trifles confirmed his theory that there was land beyond the Atlantic, while 
he rejected those widely-believed stories about islands that had been seen ; 
this theory was drawn from a close study of the learned writers, and the re- 
ports of navigators, and the known shape of the earth. 

In the year 1474 these ideas were fully matured ; but either they had not 
been unfolded to any one in Lisbon, or they had been coldly and contempt- 
uously received. Columbus determined to take the subject to the highest liv- 
ing authority upon such questions, and wrote to the learned Toscanelli, of 
Florence, submitting to him the question whether it would be possible to 
reach India by sailing in a westerly direction. Toscanelli showed his great- 
ness by appreciation of Columbus, and respoixled with a letter, applauding 



58 COLUMBUS' LIl'E BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OE AMERICA. 

the bold and original design of the Genoese. Nor was the. letter all that was 
sent; there was also a chart, drawn by Toscanelli himself, partly from the 
ancient authority of Ptolemy, and partly from the descriptions of Marco 
Polo. In this chart, India, Cathay, and the longed-for Cipango, were depicted 
as lying directly to the west of Europe, and but a short distance away. This 
was in accordance with the prevailing idea, before noticed, that the earth w^as 
much smaller than it has since been proved to be; and both Toscanelli and 
Columbus supposed Asia to be much larger than it really is. Thus two er- 
rors combined to make Columbus more ready to undertake his great work; 
had he known that the earth is more than twentj'-five thousand miles in cir- 
cumference, and that Cipango, as he called Japan, is half way around the 
world from the Azores, he would not, in all probability, have dared venture 
to seek India by way of the west. At any rate, whatever his own boldness 
might have been willing to risk, he w^ould have got neither ships nor men 
from any safe and prudent prince. 

Why should Columbus attach so much importance to reaching India by a 
shorter and safer route than any which was then used? His purpose was 
founded upon the deeply religious character of his mind. We have seen that 
Kublai Khan requested the Pope to send a hundred learned men to instruct 
his courtiers in the Christian religion ; this had never been done. Again, much 
wealth might be gained by trading with these countries; and while the many 
wars for the recovery of the Holy Land from the Mohammedans had failed, 
it might be that the country of Palestine could be bought from them, if a 
sufficiently large price were offered. This motive explains many things in 
the life of Columbus which otherwise would not be clear. 

This plan was complete in his mind before 147(3; and in that year he went 
to his native city and offered to conduct a fleet from Genoa across the west- 
ern ocean to the land of Kublai Khan. But the world was not yet ready 
for the idea thus laid before it; and the Councilors of Genoa, wrapping 
their furred mantles around them, replied with courteous dignity that their 
city had been too much impoverished by her numerous wars to undertake 
any such expensive enterprise. 

Disappointed, but not disheartened, Columbus went to Venice, and made 
the same offer, only to meet with the same reception. He seems to have 
perceived, in this second refusal, that it was useless for him to talk more 
about it for the present; so, after a short visit to his father at Savona, he 
again went to sea. 

His voyage in this year 1477 was in a new direction — to the far northwest. 
This is the record which he has left of his visit to Iceland, of which the 
Norsemen have made much: — 

" In the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hundred leagues beyond 
Thule, the southern part of which is seventy-three degrees distant from the 



Columbus' life before the discovery of America. 59 

equator, and not sixty-three, as some pretend; neither is it situated within 
the line which includes the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. 
The English, principally those of Bristol, go with their merchandise to this 
island, which is as large as England. When I was there the sea was not 
frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms." 

It is sometimes claimed that Columbus must have heard, during the course 
of this voyage, of the journeys of the Norsemen to Vinland and neighbor- 
ing countries. Even if he did, if he read all the sagas that tell of their ad- 
ventures, the knowledge thus gained only confirmed his theory, without de- 
tracting from the greatness of his discovery; he intended to find a new 
route to India; these lands w^hich had been discovered had nothing in com- 
mon with the thickly populated, wealthy and highly civilized domains of 
Kublai Khan. The Norsemen had never reached India. 

But wiiile Columbus spoke several of the languages of the south of Eu- 
rope, we have no assurance that he was able to communicate with the 
Icelanders in their own tongue ; and it is more than doubtful whether he 
ever heard of Vinland the Good. 

Upon his return to the south, he did not push his project for some time; 
perhaps he had already laid it before the King of Portugal and received no 
encouraging answer; but of this we have no record. In 1481, the old King 
died, and was succeeded by his son, John II., a young man in his twenty-fifth 
year. Perhaps Columbus hoped from the adventurous daring of j'outh 
what he could not find in the prudence of the old King; at any rate, he laid 
his plans before the young ruler. 

There was another reason why Columbus should be bolder in pressing his 
desires than before ; there ^vas an invention recently perfected which en- 
abled the mariner to shape his course with more certainty, since by means 
of this instrument he could readily ascertain his djstimee from the equator. 
This was the astrolabe, which has since been discarded for the quadrant and 
sextant. It was intended to show the altitude of the sun, and by this means 
to fix the latitude. 

It must be remembered that for a hundred years Portugal had been fore- 
most in discovery and exploration ; such had been the liberality of her re- 
wards for successful navigators, that men of all nations had been attracted 
to her service; learned men had been gathered from all quarters to pass 
upon the value of the information which might be brought back by the dar- 
ing sailors; and skilled cosmographers were busy at Lisbon making maps 
and charts which embodied this information. It might well be thought that 
this, of all others, w^as the country where Columbus, whose home had so 
long been within its borders, would meet with appreciation, and with that 
assistance which he sought. 

So Columbus hoped, as he patiently awaited the decision of the King, who 



60 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

had listened to liim with the closest attention. The arguments of the navi- 
gator strongly impressed the royal mind; but when it came to proposing 
terms, the monarch recoiled from the adventurer with surprise and dismay; 
for Columbus, believing that he had a world to bestow, demanded rank and 
honor and wealth in exchange for it. 

King John referred the matter to three persons who were in general charged 
with all matters relating to maritime discovery. These were two noted cos- 
mographers, and the Bishop of Ceuta, who was also the King's confessor. 
These learned men heard all the arguments of Columbus, and returned 
their answer to the King: he was an extravagant and idle dreamer. 

Still the King was not satisfied; he convoked his great council, composed 
of prelates and the most learned men in the kingdom; and laid before them 
the proposition which had been condemned by the three special advisers. 
Two views were taken of the subject of maritime discovery; the Bishop of 
Ceuta maintained that the country had enough to do without engaging in 
any more such ventures; his opponents replied that Portugal had won hon- 
or and glory and extended her dominion by this means, and should not hesi- 
tate to continue the work until a passage to India should be reached. But 
this passage to India was to be by way of the Cape, they thought; and the 
project of Columbus was almost wholly ignored. 

Thus it had been condemned a second time; but still the King seemed to 
long to help him. Seeing this, the wily Bishop advised that means be taken 
to ascertain privately the value of the theory; should the King grant ships 
and men, and the adventurer turn out to have been but an idle dreamer, Portu- 
gal would be the laughing-stock of all who heard of it ; but if a small expedi- 
tion be sent out privately, it could be soon told what was the value of the 
idea, without committing the dignity of the crown; if it should turn out that 
Columbus was right, the King could, out of his royal generosity, reward him, 
though not, of course, at the extravagant rate which the adventurer had 
fixed. This advice suited the King very well; and Columbus was accordingly 
informed that the matter was still under consideration; that the King was 
not yet ready to give him a definite answer. 

While he was yet awaiting the answer, he learned that some sailors, who 
had lately taken part in some mysterious expedition, were ridiculing him and 
his ideas. He resolved to search them out, and find what they really knew of 
the subject. He found them, and learned that they had been sent out by the 
King to see if there really was a path to India across the ocean; but storms 
had arisen; the ocean had proved impassable; they told of dreadful things 
opposing their further progress ; and had been only too glad when the winds 
beat them back to the shores of Portugal. 

We do not read that Columbus said anything to these sailors; only that he 
decided at once to leave Portugal. He declined positively to treat with 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, 61 

King John any further; though the King, when he saw that the poor adven- 
turer who had asked his assistance was angry at the trick that had been 
phiyed him, made some effort to detain him in Portugal still longer. Dona 
Felipa was dead; there was but one tie which still bound him to Portugal — 
his little son; but father and son could roam the world together. His re- 
solve was soon taken. His brother Bartholomew was dispatched to Eng- 
land to seek for aid there ; and secretly, lest he should be prevented by the 
King, or, as some authorities say, by his creditors, Columbus and his little 
son left Portugal, to return no more. 

Of the countries of modern Europe, Russia was then almost unknown; 
certainly no one would think of journeying to its distant capital to ask help 
of its half-savage sovereign in any such enterprise. What is now Prussia 
was then a number of small independent states, frequently at war with each 
other. England was desolated by fifty years of civil war — the Wars of the 
Roses — which had just ended with the marriage of the heir of one line with 
the heiress of the other. King Henry VII. might render the wished-for aid, 
but Columbus seems to have had small hopes from this quarter. France 
was in a little more prosperous condition, though her King was much ham- 
pered by his nobles, who were more independent of him than he was of them. 
Italy consisted of a great number of small states, several of which he look- 
ed upon with hope, as not unlikely to give ships and men for this purpose. 
Spain was engaged in war with the Moors within her very borders; and 
hence could ill afford anything which would drain her treasury. 

Italy was the most promising; and Columbus carried his plans there, sub- 
mitting them to Venice again. But they were declined, on account of the 
critical state of affairs there. The poverty and unsettled condition of the 
other states warned him that what Venice would not, they could not give; 
and he went to Spain. 

But it was not to the court. He laid his plan first before a wealthy noble, 
the Duke of Medina Celi, whose estates were like principalities, and whose 
retainers were an army in themselves. This powerful and wealthy noble lis- 
tened with attention to the navigator, and saw how reasonaljle was the thing 
which he proposed. His kinsman, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, warned him 
that the promises which Columbus made were too splendid to be true, and 
that the stranger was only an Italian visionary; but he refused to be con- 
vinced of this. He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and 
made himself thoroughly master of the project. He gave orders that four 
caravels Avhich lay in his harbor of Port St. Mary should be made ready for 
sea; and it seemed to Columbus that he was on the very threshold of 
success. 

Suddenly, however, the Duke changed his mind; he saw that the empire 
which Columbus promised to give the promoter of this enterprise was too 



(]-2 COLUMBUIS' LIFE BEFORK TIIIO DISCOVEllY OV AMERICA. 

great for any subject to hold; perhaps lie foresaw wars against his sove- 
reigns, shoukl he try to hold it; such wealth was too great for any but a sove- 
reign prince. On the other hand, should Columbus fail, it would still be 
known at what he had aimed; and the Duke of INIedina Celi would be an 
object of suspicion forever to his King and (^ueeu, as having aspired to do- 
minion which (hey had not given. 

Columbus now determined to apply to France for help; but the Duke, 
disliking to sec such advantages offered to a rival power before Spain had 
been allowed to decide upon them, wrote to the Queen, recommending it. 
A favorable reply was received, and Columbus was invited to the court. 

Bcfoic the middle of the eleventh century, Sancho the Great, Emperor of 
Spain, hail divided his dominions, at his death, among his four sons. Na- 
varre remained an independent kingdom for a longer time than the others; 
Castile and Leon were re-united shortly after this division; Arragon re- 
mained apart. In addition to these kingdoms, there was another monarchy 
in Spain, which had grown up during the eighth century. The early Mo- 
hammedans had been possessed with a thirst for the conquest and conversion 
of the world; they had overrun many countries, offering the inhabitants the 
Koran or the sword; and one army of Arabs had even established themselves 
in Spain, making their capital at Cordova. There was war, nearly constant, 
between them and the various Christian kingdoms; but the latter, being un- 
able to unite anu)ng themselves, even for the expulsion of the infidels from 
their country, did not accomplish as much as they might have done. But the 
Mohammedans were hard pressed, notwithstanding; and in time had to call 
to their assistance the Moors. The Arab kingdom, which had its capital at 
Cordova, was tinally overthrown; but in its ])lace was established a Moorish 
kingdom, with its capital at Granada. 

The Christian kingdoms preserved a distinct existence, their fortunes vary- 
ing with the character of their kings, until, in 14t>i), Isabella, the sister of the 
King of Castile and Leon, and heiress to its crown, married Ferdinand, heir 
of Arragon. When they succeeded to the crowns of the two kingdoms, the 
united realms Avere called Spain; but for some time each was independent 
sovereign of the hereditary kingdom. They were rulers, bound by the strii-t- 
est kind of alliance, but Isabella was no more Queen of Arragon than Fer- 
dinand was King of Castile and Leon. It is necessary to remind the reader 
of this, that we may understand more clearly the part which each of these 
two sovereigns took in the expedition which discovered America. 

When Columbus lirst went to the court of Spain, he was the bearer of a 
letter from the Duke of INIedina Celi, who asked, that since he had resigned 
the pleasure of this undertaking in favor of the royal pair, he might yet have 
a share in the expedition, should it be carried into effect, and the armament 
be fitted out from his port of St. INIary. 







.A-/- ro. im 




Isabella in Arjior. 



C>i COLUMIil's' LIKK liKI'OUK IIIK DISCOVKKY OK AMERICA. 

liiil il wuH not a gocxl lime, lo .soliCil aid from Uio Spaiii.sh rulers; tlicy had 
(iiitorod upon a war willi IIm; kiii<i;d()m of (naiiada wliicdi was intended to be 
filial; tli(iy woidd not ('^',ils^) until tluj Moors jiad been driven froin Spain. 
('i)lmiil)us arrived at ('oidova, wlnii'e the royal foi-ees were eneainped ; and 
his arriviU was iMad(! known to tlie sovcinn'gns. I5y tlnur eoinniand, he was 
f^iven in ehai'^M! to the treasurer of (.'astih;, Alon/o d(! (iuintanilhi; but the 
(^ueen was too busily (!nj^a.;^M!d in military preparations to receive him. 

The Hvv.m) was one whieh mi^^iit have d(dij^ht(!d any of the old romancers; 
the " marshalling in arms " meant IIk; biirnishinfij of spear and shield, the; 
arraying' of Uni<^lits in full armor, nioiinhul on horses cased in steel. The 
(^ucu'ii hei'self wore a ma^^tiilieent suit of ))late armor, with an (irniiiuid nian- 
thi han<^in<^ from her shonhhns, and the }^r<!av(!S half concealed beiu^ath a 
llowinj:^ garment eovered willi the rieJKist om))roidery. Soinc! few (^•lnnon 
tli(^i-e may have l)een, and a, very few ninskcds of ant i(jue fashion ; but they 
were almost, as dan<j!,('rous to tlKMiien who liicfl them as they wei'csto those* 
at whom tJiey wei-e aimed. 

In th(! nn"dst, of all I his <j,lil,t(',r of shi<dd and sword and sp(!ar, the eliurch- 
men minj^led; houki in tlui dark rolxis which wci naturally associat-e with 
their eallin;^, otheis in I he moi'C goi-!.^(!OUs (;ost,umes of the higher ranks, even 
1,0 the s(^•u•let of tim cardinal. Thcu'e was nothin<^ brilliant, or strikinjjj, or 
nia|.?nilic(!nt, oi- i-omantic, that we connecit with the idea of war in the nn'd- 
dle af^es, I)ut what was prcisent in this pi(-tiire, as ('olumbiis saw it, late in 
the spriii}^ of HXt!. 

Tlu! Kin^ mai'ched off, to lay sief^(i to a Moorish cj'ly; the (.^uecui i-(!mained 
in ('ordova, but so busily enjjfa^ed in dispatching troops hither and thither, 
and seMuliu}^ niilifaiy sup))li(!S where tlu^y were iieede*!, t hat she had not a 
nu)ment to devote to (Jolund)us. TIkui slut went lo tlui vcuy midst of the 
war, :ind remained theic, superintending^ in person the movements of her 
armies. Relurninjj, t o ( lordova to ccdebrate the-ii" victori(!S, which, however, 
were not yet conclusive^ tin* two sovereigns wore almost immediately (lalhid 
upon to ^o to a, distant, pi-ovince, to suppress a i'e])ellion whi<'h thtu'c thi'cat- 
eneij IIkmu-owu. The royal pair passcid the winter in Salamanca. 

Mea,nwhil(!, (Joliimbus was wcdl (entertained in the house of (^uintanilla, 
where ho made many friends for hims(!lf and his theories. Perhaps the most 
valuable of these friends W(!re the Geraldini brothers, one of whom was the 
l'o|)e's Nuncio, whihi the other was the pi-eceptor of the youii<^er children 
of l^'erdinand and Isabella,. It was during this time, also, that ho became 
ac(piainted with Dona Hc^atri.x Knri(pi(!Z, the mother of his second son, Fer- 
nando, afterwards his bio<^raph(M'. 

('olumbus follovv(*d tin* court to Salamanca, and his friend (^iiiiilanilla 
made ^n-eat, efforts to obtain for him t he friendship of Mendo/a, Archbishop 
of Toledo, without whose advice the King and Queen did litthi of import,- 



coLi'.Mr.i :s iJi'K r.Kioifi; tiik i>i,s(;ovr;RV ok A.AiKrncA. 



r,.-) 



;inco, lie was u man of sound judgment and quiek undeisianding; and 
allliough he know but little of the scieneo of geography, readily gave audi- 
ence to the prof eye of QuintanilJa. At first, it seemed to him that the the- 
ory of Columbus was opposed to tlie dirciet statements of Scripture as to the 
form of the earth; but b(!ing convinced that this was not so, ho admitt(!d 
that there could be nothing wi-ong in seeking to extend the bounds of huinun 
knowledge, lie was pleased with Columbus himself, whom he at onco saw 
to be free from the vanity which attends the small mind, and wholly wrap- 
p(!d np in his subject. lie saw that the navigator urg(!d no wild dnsam, but 
a th(!ory based on extensive knowledge and careful thought; and he con- 
sented tf) l)ring the matter to the attention of the sovereigns. 




COUIMHCS IN •iUV. If-OVAt, I'l'.KSKNCE, 



Proba}>ly Tsabelhiwas not present at the first. interview which was granfed 
Columbus by Ferdinand; one of his biographers distinctly says that he did 



COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 67 

not see the Queen until the siege of Malaga, which took place some time after 
this interview ; but although not admitted to an interview, he surely must have 
seen her while in Cordova. Be this as it may, Ferdinand received him, and 
listened, coolly and warily, to all that he had to say; reserving his decision 
with characteristic caution, until he had heard the opinions of the learned 
men of his kingdom. His ambition was excited by the thought of what might 
be done for Spain, were this dreamer to Avork out the fulfillment of his vis- 
ions; and he foresaw that Portugal, which had labored so long to establish 
a road to India around the Cape of Good Hope, would be forestalled in her 
anticipations of commercial gains if this Genoese adventurer should succeed in 
finding a shorter, more direct passage across the Atlantic. Still, the opin- 
ions of the learned must be considered before the King could give any 
definite answer. 

During the progress of the congress which was held at Salamanca for this 
purpose, Columbus was lodged and entertained with the magnificence due 
to a guest of the King, at the college convent of St. Stephen, a house of 
the great Dominican order. It was here that the conference was held; and 
the men gathered to decide the great question were mainly churchmen, since 
few of the laity had any learning. 

"What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent have pre- 
sented at this memorable conference ! A simple mariner, standing forth in 
the midst of an imposing array of professors, friars, and dignitaries of the 
church; maintaining his theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, 
pleading the cause of the New World. We are told that when he began to 
state the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen's alone paid 
any attention to him; that convent being more learned in the sciences than 
the rest of the university. The others appear to have entrenched themselves 
behind one dogged position that, after so many profound cosmographers 
and philosophers had been studying the form of the world, and so many 
able navigators had been sailing about it for several thousand years, it was 
great presumption in an ordinary man to suppose that there remained such 
a vast discovery for him to make." — Irving. 

But there were other and more definite objections than this. We pass 
over some which will readily suggest themselves, as being reasonable in this 
time; and state a few of those which show the ignorance and prejudice of 
these learned men, chosen to assist the King with their knowledge : — 

It is a piece of great foolishness to think that there can be such a thing 
as an antipode; can people walk with their feet upward, as flies cling to 
the ceiling of a room? Is there a part of the earth where the sky is beneath 
all, where rain and hail ascend, and where the trees grow downward with 
their branches? Certainly not, said these wise men; and shook their learned 

heads at Columbus. 
5 



68 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

Again, they quoted St. Augustine to prove that the ideas advanced by 
Columbus Avere in direct contradiction to the Scriptures. To maintain that 
there are inhabited lands across the ocean is to suppose that there are men 
who arc not descended from Adam ; since these supposed Aborigines could 
never have crossed the sea. 

Again, the Bible says that the heavens are stretched about the earth like 
a tent; how could this be possible, and yet allow free passage around it? 
Certainly, the earth must be flat. 

Those who maintained this knew considerably more of theology and such 
subjects than they did of geography. There were others, who were quite 
willing to admit that the earth is round, who yet had other objections to 
urge. One of these was, that the insufferable heat of the Torrid Zone Avould 
make it quite impossible to cross the ocean in the direction indicated. Even 
granting that this should be passed, they claimed that the circumference of 
the earth is so great that it would require three years to reach the land on 
the other side of the ocean — an error curiously differing from the error of 
Columbus, who supposed the earth to be smaller than it actually is. 

Again, the Greek philosopher, Epicurus, was quoted to prove that only 
half of the world w^as habitable; that the sky extended over no more; and 
that the remainder was a waste of waters, a chaos, a gulf. 

Others argued that even if a ship should succeed in reaching India, the 
return voyage would be impossible; for the waters would then rise like a 
kind of mountain, since the earth was round, and he could not be so foolish 
as to think of sailing up-hill. 

It must have taxed the patience or Columbus to listen to such arguments 
as these, and reflect that the fate of his enterprise, so far as help from Spain 
was concerned, lay in the hands of men who knew so little about the sub- 
ject. He kept his temper, however, and answered gravely and respectfully 
as the arguments were pressed: the sacred writers, he said, were speaking 
in figures adapted to the comprehension of men before science had made 
any advancement; the commentaries of the fathers, he contended, were not 
intended as scientific treatises, and hence it was unnecessary to speak of them, 
either to support or refute ; he showed that the most illustrious of the an- 
cient philosophers believed both hemispheres of the globe to be habitable, 
although separated from each other by that impassable Torrid Zone; but he 
had himself voyaged to the Gulf of Guinea, which is almost directly under 
the Equator, and could thus assure them from his own experience that the 
Torrid Zone abounded in fruits and population, instead of being uninhabit- 
able. 

But as he argued wnth them, he forgot the petty objections wdiich they had 
urged, and poured forth such eloquence as they had never listened to be- 
fore; and surely, outside of religion, no man ever had such a grand subject. 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 69 

It may be said that he was not speaking wholl}^ of the things of this world ; 
for he called upon them as Christians to send the missionaries of the Cross 
to these millions awaiting them in far Cathay. A more sacred duty even than 
this, according to the ideas of the times, called them ; the Holy Sepulchre 
was in the hands of the infidels; this scheme offered the means of redeem- 
ing it, and placing it once more within the control of Christian princes. 

How many converts were made by this eloquence? We have the record 
of but one, Diego de Deza, then the professor of theology in the convent 
where the conference was held, and afterward Archbishop of Seville, a 
church dignitary of Spain who is second only to the Archbishop of Toledo. 
By his efforts many of the churchmen were brought to give the matter a 
more dispassionate hearing; he removed many of their prejudices, founded 
on a mistaken belief regarding the meaning of the Scriptures and the com- 
mentaries of the fathers ; in short, he repeated, with all the force which only 
a churchman in good standing could give to an argument in that time, the 
reasoning which Columbus had already used, but which was not regarded 
from the lips of a layman. Thus in making one convert he made a host. 

What was the result of the conference? It may be stated in a single word 
— nothing. Spite of the eloquence of Columbus, seconded as it was by that of 
Deza, there were too many narrow-minded, ignorant, prejudiced men in that 
assemblage, for the question to be fairly considered on its merits ; and although 
there were several meetings, the decision was put off from time to time, un- 
til the court left Salamanca for Cordova, in preparation for the spring 
campaign. 

We are not to understand that Columbus spent this waiting time idly, or 
even engaged in study; several times, during the course of the campaign, he 
would be summoned to attend a conference with the sovereigns, and would 
be led into the very heart of the country Avhere the war was going on; but 
before he had reached the point designated, the fortunes of war would have 
carried the King or Queen to another place, and the conference would be in- 
definitely postponed. 

The siege of Malaga took place between the spring and summer of 1487, 
the town surrendering in August. It was during this siege that a fanatic 
Moor tried to assassinate Ferdinand and Isabella, but mistook two of their 
courtiers for the persons of the King and Queen; the wounds, fortunately, 
were not fatal. The fortunes of Columbus were doubly imperilled by this 
act; for not only had Isabella, who afterward proved the friend that he 
sought, been threatened by the blow, but it had actually fallen upon the 
Marchioness of Moya, who pleaded his cause before the Queen when it came 
to be considered. 

The campaign ended with the fall of Malaga, and the court returned to 
Cordova; but still the plans of Columbus were not to be considered by the 



70 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

sovereigns. Just at the time when they might have had leisure to do so, the 
pUigue broke out in Cordova, and the court was driven from the city. 

While he was thus engaged in following up a court Avhich was continually 
moving from one place to another, and which found its sole interest in the war 
which it was prosecuting, Columbus received a letter from King John of 
Portugal, inviting him to return to Lisbon, and assuring him that he should 
not be molested by any suits of either a civil or criminal nature. What was 
the offense which Columbus had committed against the laws of Portugal it 
was impossible to determine; probably it was a debt which remained unpaid; 
for it will be remembered that long after this date there was such a thing 
as imprisonment for debt; and suits of this kind were sometimes converted 
into criminal prosecutions. 

But no matter in what way he had rendered himself liable to the laws of 
Portugal, he evidently had no intention of returning to that country. King 
John had proved himself utterly untrustworthy, and Columbus declined the 
offer thus made him. He also received a letter from Henry YH. of Eng- 
land, which country his brother Bartholomew had reached after long delay, 
holding out promises of encouragement. 

Probably these things reached the ears of King Ferdinand, and he saw 
that something must be done to prevent Columbus from accepting the of- 
fers. Certainly he summoned the navigator to appear before a conference 
of learned men, to be held in the city of Seville; a royal order was issued, 
providing for his lodging and entertainment in that city; the Castilian treas- 
urer had been directed to pay him a certain sum of money, probably to pro- 
vide for his expenses to the city of Seville; and the magistrates of all 
towns through which he might pass were commanded to furnish him with 
entertainment, since the miserable inns did not afford fitting accommoda- 
tions. 

But again, as so often before, the conference was delayed by war. This 
time, however, we find Columbus, not patiently following the court about, 
and waiting for a hearing, but actually " fighting, giving proofs of the dis- 
tinguished valor which accompanied his wisdom and his lofty desires." 

His religious ardor received new strength during the course of this cam- 
paign. Two friars of the convent established in Jerusalem, came as messen- 
gers to Ferdinand and Isabella, to tell what threats the Grand Soldan of 
Egypt had made, if the Spanish sovereigns did not end their war against the 
^Mohammedans of Spain. He would put to death all the Christians in his 
dominions, raze their churches and convents, and utterly destroy the Holy 
Sepulchre and all other places esteemed sacred by the Christians. 

It was impossible for the Spaniards to give up the Avar; for it had come to 
be a question of life and death between the Moorish and the Christian king- 
doms: it was impossible for both to continue in Spain. Isabella, however, 



COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 7l 

granted a perpetual annual gift of a thousand ducats in gold for the main- 
tenance of the convent, and sent a veil embroidered by herself to be hung 
before the shrine; then, dismissing the friars, turned to the prosecution of 
the Avar again. 

But their coming, and the message which they brought, had a great effect 
upon the minds of many soldiers of high rank; and particularly was Colum- 
bus affected by it; it was a new and stronger proof than ever of the need of 
finding the rich regions of the east, and bringing home treasure enough to pur- 
chase the Holy Sepulchre from the heathen who so persecuted Christians. 

Again we find a similar series of events filling the next year. Finally, in 
the spring of 1491, Columbus determined that he would wait no longer; he 
pressed for a reply to his suit. With some difficulty, the King was persuaded 
to tell Bishop Talavera that the learned men who had been so long in con- 
ference must render their decision. Their answer was ready, after some de- 
lay, and the King was gravely informed that the proposed scheme was vain 
and impossible, and that it did not become such great princes to engage in 
an enterprise of the kind on such v/eak grounds as had been advanced. 

Not all the members of the conference agreed in this report, however; 
there was what, in modern parlance, is called a minority report as well; and 
this, fortunately for Columbus, was rendered by Fray Diego de Deza, tutor 
to Prince Juan, who had access to the ear of the King and Queen when others 
were denied. But the most favorable answer that even this suitor could ob- 
tain was a message that the expenses of the long war had been so great that 
the King and Queen could not now engage in any new enterprise demanding 
money and men. 

Disheartened at this message, Columbus repaired to court, to learn from 
Ferdinand and Isabella themselves if this was really the answer they meant 
to give him, after keeping him waiting their pleasure for so many years. 
When he found that it was so, he thought that it was but a polite way of tell- 
ing him that they considered his schemes impracticable and visionary, and 
that they consequently had no intention of assisting him. He accordingly re- 
solved that he would leave Spain at once, and seek in the court of France the 
aid which had been refused him by the Most Catholic King. 

Before he went, however — and a journey from Spain to France was some- 
thing of an undertaking then — he must see and talk with Don Pedro Correa, 
who, it will be remembered, had married one of the Perestrello sisters, and 
was therefore, by courtesy, brother-in-law to Columbus ; and who had been 
one of those who communicated to the future discoverer what signs of land 
to the west of the ocean had been perceived, from time to time, by those ac- 
quainted with the western islands. He set out on foot; for his stock of 
money, never large, must be carefully husbanded; he could not tell when he 
should have any more. 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 73 

He was not alone on this journey; his son Diego, who was probably not 
more than fifteen years old, accompanied him; three-year-old Fernando, we 
may conjecture, remained in Cordova with his mother. We may easily 
imagine the picture — father and son toiling along the lonely road from Sev- 
ille to Huelva, near the little seaport of Palos de Moguer. 

Half a league outside the walls of the last-named town, there is still stand- 
ing an ancient convent of the Franciscan order, dedicated to Santa Maria de 
Kabida. Before its gates, one day four hundred years ago, a stranger, lead- 
ing a boy by the hand, stopped, and asked for some bread and water for the 
child. There was nothing unusual in the request; for at that time there were 
no inns of any kind ; and the traveler expected to find lodging and food in 
the castle or the convent. The request was granted as a matter of course; 
and while the child ate and drank, the prior of the convent, who chanced 
by, entered into a conversation with the father, whose plain garments did 
not conceal the evident distinction of the wearer. 

The prior had taken much interest in geographical and nautical science ; 
for the seaport of Palos sent many enterprising navigators out to explore 
unknown paths upon the ocean; but the stranger opened a new line of 
thought to him. India could be reached by sailing westward across the 
ocean, and there were no insuperable difficulties in the way — that was the 
wonderful idea which the stranger unfolded to the prior, Juan Perez de Mar- 
chena. 

But the wanderer had more to tell than that he had conceived this idea. 
He told of long and patient waiting for help from the sovereigns of Spain, 
and their decision that the fulfillment of his hopes from them must be indefin- 
itely postponed ; and he told the prior how, disappointed, but not wholly 
disheartened, sure that the truth which he alone saw Avould be apparent to 
others could he but point it out, he was now on his way to the court of 
France, to offer to Charles VIII. the wonderful things which Ferdinand and 
Isabella had refused to accept from him. 

The good prior was dismayed to find that these things were to be lost to 
Spain; it must be that the petition of Columbus had not been rightly pre- 
sented. He knew of a power which he himself possessed; he had once been 
confessor to Queen Isabella, and knew that he could reach her ear at any 
time. But before he ventured to appeal to her — and his caution shows why 
the appeal was listened to when it was made — he determined not to trust 
altogether to his own judgment, which might have been led astray by the 
wonderful eloquence of the stranger. He accordingly detained Columbus 
and his son as his guests, and sent for his friend, Garcia Fernandez, a phy- 
sician of Palos. 

Fernandez came; and Columbus again explained his belief and aims. Like 
the prior, the physician was impressed by the boldness and originality of the 



74 COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORIii TJIli DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

mariner; and listened eagerly to all that he had to say. But other friends 
must be found for him; the question must be submitted to the judgment of 
practical sailors, many of whom were to be found in Palos. Several veter- 
ans of the sea were invited to the convent, to talk with the mariner who had 
lately come there; one of these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a 
family of rich and experienced seamen, who had made many adventurous ex- 
peditions. 

Remembering how the Portuguese had won fame and wealth by voyages 
of discovery along the African coast, these experienced mariners saw no 
reason why, under the leadership of a man daring and original enough to 
plan and lead such an expedition, new worlds might not be opened up in an- 
other direction. What had been to churchmen a stumbling-block, and to 
philoso^jhers foolishness, was to these practical, brave and generous sailors 
the highest wisdom. Pinzon, particularly, was so impressed with the genius 
of Columbus, that he offered to take part in such an expedition when it 
should be organized; and in the meantime, if Columbus would but renew 
his application to the Spanish court, to defray the expenses connected with 
doing so. 

The prior begged Columbus to remain in the convent until an answer 
could be received from the Queen ; and dispatched a letter to her by a trusty 
messenger. It was not difficult to prevail upon Columbus to stay; for he 
dreaded to be put off in France as he had already been in Spain. 

The Queen was at Santa Fe; and the messenger required only fourteen 
days for the journey of something like four hundred miles from Palos and 
return. Isabella had always been more favorably disposed toward Colum- 
bus than the wary and cold Ferdinand; and she now wrote kindly, bidding 
Perez come to court, leaving Christopher Columbus in confident hope until 
he should hear further from her. The prior at once set out, late at night as 
it was when the messenger returned; and alone, riding his good mule, the 
steed which the ideas of the day assigned to churchmen, he traversed the 
conquered territory of Granada, and entered the presence of the Queen. 

The friar pleaded the cause of Columbus eloquently and fearlessly. Be- 
fore this time, it is probable that Isabella had never heard the case fully 
stated; for it is Ferdinand whom we find active in receiving the reply of the 
learned conference, and deciding upon the case. The Queen listened with 
such interest that Perez felt great hopes of the result, even before she com- 
manded Columbus to return to court; and, with a true womanly attention to 
details, ordered that a sum equal, at the present day, to about three hundred 
dollars of United States money, be sent him for the expenses of the journey. 

The arrival of Columbus at the Spanish court was marked by what the 
men of that day considered one of the most important events in the history 
of Spain — the final downfall of the Mohammedan power in that country, 



Columbus' life BEioRE tuk discovery of America. 75 

and the surrender of the capital city of the Moors, Granada, to Ferdinand 
and Isabella. It was indeed an eventful time when Columbus arrived, for he 
came to offer still more extended empire, and multiplied wealth, to Spain; 
he came, bringing in his hands the gift of a New World. 

We shall not dwell, as Irving does, upon the glittering magnificence of the 
scene of surrender at Granada; nor upon the rejoicings which followed it. 
Columbus obtained a hearing, and commissioners were appointed to consider 
the case. But his demands appeared to them exorbitant; this penniless for- 
eign adventurer demanded that he should bQ created admiral and viceroy of 
the provinces which he should discover, and receive one-tenth of all gains, 
either by trade or conquest. The proud Spanish nobles looked coldly upon 
the man who sought to raise himself to their rank, and remarked that it 
was a shrewd arrangement which he wished to make; having nothing to lose, 
he demanded, in case of success, rank, honor and enormous wealth. . Co- 
lumbus, nettled by the sneer, promptly offered to defray one-eighth of the 
cost of the expedition, if he might enjoy one-eighth of the profits. He had 
friends in Palos, he knew, who believed in him and his enterprise; and Mar- 
tin Alonzo Pinzon, if all others failed him, would bear him out in this 
proposition to the royal commissioners. 

By Talavera's advice, the Queen declined to accept his terms ; and offered 
conditions which, while more moderate, were yet advantageous and honor- 
able; but Columbus would not yield an inch; and mounting a mule which he 
had bought for the journey from Palos to Santa Fe, he mde forth again, 
once more to seek the French court. 

But although Columbus had failed to convince Ferdinand and his more 
generous, enthusiastic wife, he had made many friends about the court who 
appreciated his powers of mind to the full. One of these was Luis de St. 
Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Arragon. Like others of 
high rank and place, he was filled with dismay at seeing the great man de- 
part from Spain, to throw into the lap of another country what had been 
wantonly rejected by Arragon and Castile; and he had the courage to tell 
Isabella what he thought. He pictured not only the enormous addition to 
her revenue and dominions, as well as her fame among rulers; but he told, 
with impassioned fervor, of the religious aspect of the enterprise. He 
painted the millions in the realms of Kublai Khan, waiting eagerly to receive 
the gospel; and then prophesied of the honor in which they would hold 
the name of her who should carve out a path for the missionaries of the 
Cross to reach them. He showed what more this discovery might do for the 
exaltation of the Church; how the boundless riches of Cathay would buy the 
Holy Sepulchre from the Mohammedans, and the most sacred spots on 
earth be forever free to the feet of the pilgrim. He told her how sound and 
practicable were the plans of Columbus; that they had received the endorse- 



76 COLIMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

merit of vcterau mariners; and that he was no idle visionary, but a man of 
wide soientitie knowledge and sound practical judgment. He told her that 
failure would bring no disgrace upon her; for it was the business of princes 
to investigate such great questions as this; and then informed her that the 
expense of the expedition, of which so much had been said, would amount 
to no more than two vessels and about two thousand crowns. 

Isabella listened with renewed interest; but Ferdinand was at her side, 
ready to oppose any such unwise scheme. The war had drained the treas- 
ury of the united kingdoms; they must wait until it had been replenished. 
But Isabella was too deeply interested in the advancement of the Church; 
though she was the wife of Ferdinand, she was also Queen-Regnant of Cas- 
tile and Leon, a kingdom equal in importance and wealth to Arragon. 

"I undertake the enterprise," she answered St. Angel, after a short in- 
terval of suspense, "for my own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jew- 
els to raise the money for it." 

It is because of this speech on the part of the Queen that the famous verse 
reads: — 

" To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world," 

Ferdinand had neither part nor lot in the enterprise. It is true that Isa- 
bella did not tind it necessary to pledge her jewels to raise the necessary 
funds; that the sum required was taken from the treasurv of Arra-on- for 
that was not so emptied by the war as the King had implied; but the credit 
of the kingdom of Castile and Leon was pledged to repav this debt, and it 
was afterward repaid in full. 

to^p!r"'H '''"' T'T"' ""^"f '"'° '^"S"^-'-''^ '"iles-on his way back 
to Palo» thence to Frauce, when this decision was reached. It was not 

be the ca,e, a eouner was dispatched to summon him back to Santa Fe He 
d,d not return w.thout hesitation; for his hopes had been raised often be! 
fo.-e th,s but ho was told that the Queen had now positively pronied to 
undertake the enterprise ; and his doubts thus re.noved, he tu/ned h"s mule'! 
h^doace aga.u toward Santa Fe, and Joyfully retraced hislteps 
fo?^ „ f .nd h? "ir""1 '"■•"™ T P''"""^'' ''"'' Colun,bus should have 

proHts. ^eb..el^, and receive one-eighth of the 

Pinr;T:S:reT:rhtV,!:UtTr' PHvile,eColumbus, with the aid of 
tuird ^ esse] to the arman,ent of two which Isabella furnish- 



COLUMBUS* LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 77 

ed. These articles were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, April 17,1492; 
for although Isabella bore the whole expense, the expedition was under the 
patronage of the united sovereigns of Spain; and the signatures stand side 
by side on this important document: " I, the King," "I, the Queen." 

A letter of privilege, or commission, was granted to Columbus the last of 
the same month; confirming the offices mentioned to him and his heirs, and 
authorizing the use of the title Don by him and his descendants. A little 
later than this, the Queen issued letters-patent ; appointing his son Diego a 
page in the household of her son. Prince Juan. This was an honor usually 
shown only to boys of high rank; and was thus a marked compliment to the 
Genoese traveler. 

May 12, 1492, Columbus set out for Palos, to make ready the vessels for 
his expedition. He was now in the fifty-sixth year of his age; eighteen years 
had passed since the plan was matured in his own mind so far that he was 
ready to ask the advice of the learned Florentine ; fully half of that time had 
been spent in waiting the convenience of the great ones of earth; but at last 
he who was really great was to venture his all upon three small vessels, 
scarcely sea-worthy. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



•i"HE port of Palos had committed some offense against the sovereigns; 
\^ in punishment for which it had been sentenced to furnish two caravels 
■^ for royal use, for the period of one year. These were the vessels 
assigned for the use of Columbus, and he was emi^owered to procure and fit 
out a third vessel, at his own expense, in accordance with the terms of the 
agreement. 

Having reached Palos, and again become the guest of Fray Perez, Colum- 
bus proceeded to the most public place in the town, the porch of the church 
of St. George ; and having caused the authorities and many of the inhabi- 
tants to assemble there, read to them the royal order that they should, with- 
in ten days, furnish him with the two caravels for the service of the Crown. 
The crews were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen, payable four 
months in advance ; and the strictest orders were given in regard to the fur- 
nishing of such supplies as Columbus might require. 

But bold and adventurous as the seamen of Palos were, they shrank from 
undertaking any such voyage as this. They had listened eagerly to the offers 
of pay and privilege, but when they were told where they were to go, they 
would have none of it. Not a man could be induced to enter the service of 
Columbus. 

Weeks passed, and not a vessel could be procured, nor a sailor to man it 
had one been found. Then a royal order was issued, and an officer of the 
royal household detailed to see that it was executed: any vessel belonging to 
Spanish subjects might be pressed into the service, and the masters and 
crews obliged to sail with Columbus wherever he might give orders. 

But this method of securing men and ships proved no more successful than 
the other. It was not until Martin Alouzo Piuzon and his brother, Vicente 
Yanez Pinzon, volunteered to take part in the enterprise and furnish one of 
the vessels required, that any beginning was made. Even this did not give 
encouragement to others; but the other two vessels, and many of the men 
composing their crews, were pressed into service under authority of the roy- 
al commands. 

(79) 



80 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

After the necessary ships were secured, and the men engaged, there were 
many difficulties arising. The men employed to caulk the vessels, for in- 
stance, did their work so badly that they were ordered to do it over again; 
whereupon they disappeared from Palos. Some of those who had volun- 
teered after the Pinzons had set the example, repented of what they had 
done, and deserted and hid. Had it not been for the example and influence 
of the Pinzons, Columbus would probably have found it impossible to fit out 
even the modest armament which he had required. 

The Santa Maria was prepared especially for the expedition, and was the 
only one of the vessels that was decked. It was commanded by Columbus 
himself. The Pinta was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and had his 
brother Francisco as pilot; the JSfina was under the authority of Vicente 
Yanez Pinzon. There were three pilots besides Pinzon, a number of officers 
of the Crown, including a royal notary, who went along to take official notes 
of all transactions, a surgeon, some private adventurers, and ninety mariners 
— a total of one hundred and twenty persons. 

Before setting sail, each one, from Columbus to the meanest sailor, con- 
fessed himself and partook of the sacrament. They were looked upon by 
their kinsmen and friends as doomed men; Palos was a town of mourning; 
for nearly every household had some member or friend engaged in this 
dreadful enterprise. Nor was this feeling confined to those who remained 
onshore; it was fully shared by the sailors themselves; and when, half an 
hour before sunrise on the morning of Friday, August 3, 1492, the little fleet 
sailed from the harbor of Palos, there was but one man on board who felt 
any certainty that they would ever see Spain again. 

Not three days had passed before Columbus had evidence of the ill-will of 
those who had furnished the expedition. On the third day out, the Pinta 
made signals of distress ; and it was found that her rudder was broken. It 
was clearly due to the contrivance of her owners, who had thus tried to dis- 
able their vessel so that she might be left behind. Pinzon, who commanded 
the Pinta, secured the rudder with cords until the following day; when, the 
wind having lulled, the other ships lay to while the necessary temporary re- 
pairs were being made. 

But the vessel proved to be leaky; and Columbus decided that they should 
put in at the Canary Islands until she should be repaired; return to Spain 
he was resolved that he would not. The pilots had asserted that the Can- 
aries were far distant from the point where the injuries of the Pinta were 
discovered; but Columbus differed from them. The event proved that he 
was right; and this added somewhat to their opinion of his knowledge and 
abilities. 

This new confidence in him enabled him to pacify the sailors when they 
became alarmed at seeing the volcano of Teneriffe sending forth flame and 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 81 

smoke. He recalled the examples of Etna and Vesuvius, which were well- 
known to them, and thus allayed their fears. But he himself became alarm- 
ed when he found that a Portuguese fleet had been seen hovering off the 
Canaries ; he suspected the wily King of Portugal, who had thrown away 
his own chances of engaging in this great work of discovery, of being anx- 
ious to revenge himself upon Columbus for having entered the service of 
Spain. The Admiral, as Columbus may now be called, accordingly gave hasty 
orders that his ships should be put to sea at once. 

It was the morning of September 6 when they saw the heights of Ferro 
gradually fade into a dim blue line upon the horizon, and knew that an un- 
explored ocean lay before them. As the sun rose higher, their hearts sank 
lower, and all three ships were filled with the complainings and lamentations 
of the sailors. Many of the most rugged were not ashamed to shed tears 
because of the land which, as they thought, they had left behind them for- 
ever. It required all the eloquence of Columbus to sooth them, even par- 
tially, with glowing word-pictures of the riches and magnificence of the 
countries to which he was conducting them. 

Columbus gave strict orders that, should the vessels by any mischance be 
separated, each should continue its course due westward; providing, that 
when they had gone seven hundred leagues, they should lay by from midnight 
until dawn, each night; for that was the distance at which he expected to 
find land. It was now that he resorted to his stratagem of concealing from 
the crew the true distance from Europe; keeping two reckonings, one of 
which, intended for his own guidance, was correct; the other, published to 
the crews of the three vessels, considerably less than the truth. 

They had sailed five days after leaving the Canaries when they fell in with 
a spar, evidently part of the rigging of a vessel much larger than any of their 
own. This did not tend to raise the spirits of the men, but was rather an 
indication of the fate which had befallen others, and which they might 
expect. 

Two days after this, Columbus noticed that the needle of the compass, 
hitherto considered an unfailing guide, no longer pointed exactlyto the north. 
This appears to have occasioned some alarm even to his courageous soul; and 
he observed it attentively for three days, during which time the variation be- 
came greater and greater. At the end of that period, it was noticed by one 
of the pilots; and from him the alarm spread to his comrades, thence to 
the others. 

It was a fortunate thing that Columbus should have observed this so long 
before the others discovered it; for he had opportunity to consider the case, 
and reason out a theory to account for it. When the pilots, then, acquaint- 
ed him with their discovery, he assured them that the pole star is not a 
fixed point, but revolves around the pole like other stars; and thus the 




Land! Laxd ! 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 83 

needle of the compass is subject to variations. Ignorant as they were, they 
had a high opinion of his ability as an astronomer, and accepted this explan- 
ation. Columbus seems to have been well pleased with it himself; and there 
is no reason to suppose that he ever held any other theory regarding the 
variation of the needle. 

The next day they saw what they believed to be certain indications of 
land. Two birds of different species, neither of which they supposed would 
be found far from laud, hovered about the ships. The next night, a great 
flame of fire, as Columbus describes it in his journal — presumably a meteor 
— fell from the sky about four or five leagues away. 

As they sailed along, borne by the trade-winds through a sea of glass, they 
saw the surface of the water flecked, here and there, with great patches 
of sea-weed. These increased in number and size as they advanced; and 
Columbus recalled the accounts of certain mariners who were said to have 
been driven far to the west of the Canaries, and found themselves in the 
mist of a sea covered with great patches of weeds, resembling sunken is- 
lands. Some of these weeds were yellow and withered, while others were 
quite fresh and green; and on one patch a live crab was found. 

Up to the eighteenth of September this favoring weather continued; and 
the sea, to use the words of Columbus, was as calm as the Guadalquivir at 
Seville. Great enthusiasm prevailed among his followers, lately so filled 
with fear; each ship tried to keep in advance of the others, and each sailor 
hoped to deserve the pension of ten thousand maravedis which had been 
promised to the first who saw land. 

September 19, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, whose vessel was in the lead, hailed 
the Santa Maria, and informed Columbus that from the flight of a great 
number of birds and from the appearance of the sky, he thought there was 
land to the north. But Columbus refused to turn from the course which he 
had marked out; he knew that land was to be reached by sailing due west, 
and in no other direction would he go. Every sailor knows how deceptive 
are the clouds, particularly at sunset; and he felt sure that Pinzon was but 
the victim of such an illusion as often deceives those on the lookout for 
land. 

As the enthusiasm of the sailors began to die down, doubts of the Admiral 
took its place ; and they thought that they should never see home again. It 
is true that there had been many signs of land; but these had now been 
observed for many days, and still there was no land to be seen. Even the 
favoring wind became a cause for alarm ; on a sea where the wind was forever 
from the east, how were they ever to sai-1 away from the dreaded west? 

But the next day the wind veered, and there was a faint gleam of hope; 
small birds were also observed, singing, as if their strength was not exhausted 
by their flight from the land where they had nested. 



84 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

The next day, there was no wind ; but the ships were in the midst of fields 
of weeds, which covered the surface of the water, and impeded the progress 
which might have been made had there been any wind. They began to recall 
some vague traditions which had reached even their untutored ears, about 
the lost Atlantis, and the sea made- impassable by the submerged land. 

Their fears were not borne out, however, by the soundings ; for a deep-sea 
line showed no bottom. 

Columbus was kept busy arguing against their fears ; for as fast as one was 
allayed, another would take its place. If there was wind, they feared a 
storm; if there Avas none, they were forever becalmed; if there were no signs 
of land, they knew that they should never return ; if there were signs of land, 
they had been so often deceived that they could not trust again. One great 
source of ahirm was the calmness of the sea, even when there was wind; and 
Columbus could not convince them that this was due to the presence of a 
large body of land in the quarter whence the wind blew; which had not, 
therefore, sufficient space to raise great waves in the ocean. Finally, on 
Sunday, September 25, there was a great swell of the sea, without any wind; 
and the sailors were reassured by this phenomenon, as by something familiar 
to them of old. Columbus piously regarded it as a special miracle wrought 
to allay the rising clamors of his crew. 

But this was only temporary relief; the discontent among the crew contin- 
ued, and they resolved that they would go no farther. They had now 
advanced far beyond the limit reached by other seamen, and would certainly 
be entitled to much respect from their acquaintances should they return at 
once. As for Columbus, he had few friends, for he was but a foreigner any- 
how; and even if they felt that they could not rely upon the many persons of 
influence who had opposed this enterprise, and who would be glad to learn 
that it had failed, they could easily get rid of the Admiral. If they took 
back the story that he had fallen overboard one night, while busy with his 
instruments and the stars, who but those who threw him into the sea were to 
know that the tale was not true? 

The wind again became favorable, and the ships were enabled to keep so 
close together that a conversation could be maintained between the com- 
manders of the Santa Maria and the Pinta. While this was the state of 
affairs, and Columbus was busily studying a chart about which they had been 
talking, Martin Alonzo Pinzon suddenly cried out: — 

"Laud! Land! Senor, I claim my reward!" 

As he spoke, he pointed toward the southwest, where there was indeed an 
appearance of land. So strong wer-e the indications, that even Columbus 
was deceived; and yielding to the insistence of the crews, gave orders that 
the three vessels should sail in the direction indicated by Pinzon. Morning 
came, after a night of much excitement and hopeful pressage, and showed 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 85 

that what Pinzon had beheld, was but "the baseless fabric of a vision," a 
sunset cloud which had passed away during the night. This occurred Sep- 
tember 25 ; and from this time forward, the sailors appear to have been some- 
what more hopeful; indeed, so frequently was the cry of "Land" uttered 
that Columbus found it necessary to rule that if any one gave such notice, 
and laud was not discovered within three days thereafter, he should forfeit 
all title to the reward, even should he afterward be the first to see land. 

By the first of October, according to the belief of the crew, they had 
reached a point five hundred and eighty-four leagues west of the Canary 
Islands; Columbus knew that they were in reality seven hundred and seven 
leagues from those islands, but he still kept this knowledge to himself. 

October 7, it was thought by those on board the Nina that land lay in the 
west; and that vessel crowded all sail to follow the indications; for no one 
dared give notice to the Admiral, for fear of losing the reward. Pressing 
forward, it was not long before a flag was hoisted at the masthead of the 
little ship, and a gun boomed over the waters — the preconcerted signal that 
land had been seen. As before, Columbus fell upon his knees, and repeated 
the Gloria in Excelsis, in which he was joined by all his crew. 

But the end was not yet; as the JSfina confidently advanced, to follow up 
the great discovery, with the other vessels close in her wake, it was seen 
that there was no cause for exultation. Again the fancied land was seen to 
be nothing but a cloud on the horizon; and the flag which had been hoisted 
in such proud anticipation was slowly and regretfully hauled down. 

On the evening of this day, he determined to alter slightly the course to 
which he had held so rigidly, and proceed to the west-south-west. This was 
in accordance with the repeated solicitations of the Pinzons, and with his 
own recently conceived idea that there might have been some mistake in cal- 
culating the latitude of Cipango. The fleet kept this course for three days. 

It was the night of the tenth of October when the long repressed mutiny 
of the crew broke forth. Their fears were no longer to be controlled, and 
they demanded that the Admiral should at once return to Spain. It was in 
vain that he urged what signs of land appeared daily; they replied, surlily, 
that such had been seen a month before, and still the watery horizon was 
unbroken by anything but clouds. It is said that Columbus promised them 
that if land were not discovered within three days, he would consent to 
return; but there appears to be no good authority for this story, which was 
probably invented to satisfy those who love to hear of marvelous coinci- 
dences. Nor does it seem likely that Columbus, who had persevered for 
eighteen years in seeking help to fit out this armament, should have been 
willing, after a voyage of but little more than two months, to compromise 
matters in this way. The story rests upon the testimony of a single historian, 
who is accused of many inaccuracies in other respects. 



86 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



Finding soothing words and fair promises of no avail, Columbus was 
obliged to use a more decided tone. He told them that the expedition had 
been sent by the King and Queen to seek the Indies ; and that whatever 
might be the result, he was determined to persevere, until, by God's blessing, 
he should have fulfilled their commands. 




The Mutixy. 

Having no answer ready to oppose to these resolute words, the men drew 
away from the leader. We may imagine how they hung together in little 
knots, muttering deep curses against the folly of the man who had brought 
them hither, and almost wailing in their grief because they would never see 
their country again. How often during that night the old scheme of throw- 
ing Columbus into the sea was brought up, how often they debated whether 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 87 

or not they might not keep him a prisoner until Spain was reached, how 
often they reckoned over their grievances and many causes for fear, no man 
knows. Morning found them sullen and despairing; their commander was 
still defiant. 

But as the day went on, those signs of land, which the sailors justly said 
had been seen so long as to be completely misleading, became more and 
more certain; fresh weeds, such as grow in rivers, were seen on the surface 
of the water; then a branch of thorn with berries on it; and finally, a reed, 
a small board and a staff of carved wood. Their gloom and rebellious feel- 
ing gave place to hope ; and they were eagerly on the watch throughout the 
day. 

At sunset, the crew, according to their custom, sang the Salve liegina; 
after which Columbus addressed them again. He pointed out to them the 
goodness of God, who had given them, throughout their perilous voyage, 
favoring breezes and a summer sea; he reminded them that when they left 
the Canaries, he had given orders that after proceeding seven hundred leagues 
to the west, they should not sail after midnight — a proof, as he told them, 
that he had not gone farther than he had then thought it would be necessary. 
He told them that he thought it probable, from the indications seen that 
day, that they would make land that very night; and he gave orders that a 
vigilant look-out should be kept from the forecastle of each vessel; and he 
promised, in addition to the pension given by the sovereigns, to give a velvet 
doublet to the first who should discover land. 

As the evening closed in, Columbus took his station on the top of the 
castle or cabin on the high poop of his vessel, and kept an unwearied watch 
for land. Throughout the number of followers, there was the same excite- 
ment, greater than had ever before prevailed, even over the false alarms 
given by the Pinzons; for now the Admiral himself, for the first time, was 
confident that they were approaching land. The very failures of the others 
gave strength to their trust in Columbus ; and they forgot their rebellious 
clamor of the previous night. 

It was about ten o'clock when Columbus first thought he saw a light glim- 
mering at a great distance — could it indeed be land? Literally, he could not 
believe his own eyes; but fearing that his hopes deceived him, he called to 
Pedro Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King's bedchamber, and asked him if 
he saw a light. The adventurer replied that he did; but still Columbus was 
not convinced. Rodrigo Sanchez was called, and the same question was 
asked him ; he answered that he saw none; and both Columbus and Gutierrez 
saw that the light had disappeared. But in a moment more they saw it 
gleam forth again ; and it continued to waver thus, as if it were a torch in a 
boat that was tossed on the waves or carried from one hut to another on 
shore. So uncertain was it, that the others were inclined to doubt its reality; 




CoLUJiBus Watching for Land. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 89 

but Columbus, once assured that it was not a fiction of his excited imagina- 
tion, considered these gleams of light as a certain sign that they were 
approaching an inhabited land. 

Contrary to the orders which he had given on. leaving the Canaries, they 
did not pause during the night. It was two o'clock when a gun from the 
Pinta gave the signal that land was actually descried. It was about two 
leagues away, and had first been descried by a mariner named Rodrigo de 
Triana; but the pension was adjudged to Columbus himself, as having seen 
the light four hours before the signal was given from the smaller vessel. 

For more than three weary hours they lay to, the waves gently rocking the 
adventurous barks on the smooth warm waters. As day dawned, the dis- 
coverer saw before him a level island, well-wooded, and apparently several 
leagues in area. The supposition of Columbus that they were approaching 
inhabited land proved to be correct; for the dusky inhabitants thronged the 
shore and stood gazing in wonder at the ships. 

The vessels had come to anchor; and Columbus, attired in a rich suit of 
scarlet, befitting the dignity of the Admiral and Viceroy of India, entered 
this boat, while the two Pinzons entered those belonging to the vessels which 
they commanded. Each boat bore a banner on which Avas a green cross and 
the initials of the sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, surmounted by a crown 
imperial. 

What effect did this splendor of color and glitter of armor produce upon 
the natives? When they first saw the ships, so huge in comparison with 
their own slight canoes, they had been filled with wonder; as the day dawned, 
they beheld the vessels more plainly, and that they were borne along, 
apparently without effort, while the great white sails seemed to them like 
wings. As the boats were launched, and came toward the shore, their 
astonishment was changed into terror of the strangers; and they fled into the 
woods. 

Meantime, Columbus had landed ; and kneeling upon the earth, he kissed 
the soil of that new world which he had been first to discover, surrounded 
by his now devoted followers. Then he rose and drew his sword, and 
solemnly took possession of the newly discovered country in the name of the 
sovereigns of Castile. He then called upon all his followers to take the oath 
of allegiance to him, as Viceroy and Admiral, the representative of these 
sovereigns. 

As the natives witnessed these ceremonies from their hiding-places on the 
edge of the woods, they gradually regained confidence, and drew a little 
nearer the strange white men. When they saw that the new-comers seemed 
to have no intention of injuring them, they approached and made signs of 
friendship. These were responded to, and the natives came still nearer, and 
stroked the beards of the Spaniards and examined their hands and faces. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 91 

evidently wondering at the whiteness of their skins. All these demonstra- 
tions were preceded and accompanied by frequent prostrations and other 
signs of adoration. To the simple-minded inhabitants of the island, it 
seemed that these men had come in their great winged vessels straight from 
the blue heaven which bent over their island, and touched the ocean all 
around them. 

As Columbus supposed that he had reached India, it was natural that he 
and his followers should speak of the natives of the newly discovered country 
as Indians ; a name which was so much used before it was fully ascertained 
that he had reached another continent, that reason has never been able to 
displace it. 

The Indians wore no clothing, but had their bodies painted with various 
colors. Their only arms were lances with heads of sharp flints or fish-bones, 
or hardened at the end by fire. They evidently had no knowledge of 
sharpened iron or steel, for one of them took hold of a sword by the edge 
and cut his hand. They received with eager gratitude the trifles which 
Columbus and his followers presented to them, offering in return balls of 
cotton yarn, tame parrots, and cassava bread. These, however, were not the 
articles of traffic which the Spaniards had come so far to procure ; the small 
golden ornaments which some of the natives wore in their noses were of 
much greater interest than their twenty-pound balls of cotton, and Columbus 
at once made inquiry regarding the source from which they were derived. 

He learned that these precious ornaments came from the southwest, where 
there dwelt a king who was always served in vessels of fine gold. Much 
more has the great discoverer set down of the same kind, but it is probable 
that he deceived himself in much of what he understood them to tell him by 
signs. He felt assured that he had now reached the outlying islands of Asia, 
and was near the countries of fabulous riches of which Marco Polo had 
written; and he readily believed that the gestures of these naked Indians 
indicated much more than the savages tried to express. 

The island, which Columbusthoroughly explored, was named San Salvador. 
Around it lay beautiful and fertile islands, so that he was at a loss which to 
choose as the next to be explored. He set sail two days after landing, taking 
with him seven of the natives, to whom he proposed to teach the Spanish 
language, that they might serve as interpreters. As these became better able 
to communicate with him by signs, and understood more clearly what 
information he wished to obtain, he learned that he was in the midst of an 
archipelago, numbering more islands than the limited arithmetical skill of 
the savages could reckon. They enumerated more than a hundred, and gave 
him to understand that they were all well peopled, and that the inhabitants 
were frequently at war with each other. All this was in full accordance with 
what Columbus had heard of the islands about the eastern coast of Asia. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. , 93 

Several islands were visited in succession, but without finding the vast 
stores of gold which they had understood from the natives were in the pos- 
session of their neighbors. They learned, however, that their coming was 
regarded as a wonderful event by the natives, as a single Indian in a canoe 
was taken into one of the ships, and found to be a messenger dispatched to 
carry the news among the different islands. How many similar messengers 
were dispatched, the Spaniards did not know ; but they were less proud of 
their own courage in venturing across the ocean when they reflected that this 
naked savage had entered upon a voyage of such length and danger in his 
frail canoe without a single companion to assist him in storms or tell of his 
fate if he should perish. 

Wherever he went, Columbus heard of an island of much greater extent 
than any that he had seen, called Cuba; and he determined that this must be 
the long-sought Cipango. He determined to set sail to this favored country; 
but his departure from the smaller islands was delayed for some days by calms 
and contrary winds. It was the 28th of October before he finally reached the 
coast of the Queen of the Antilles. In his journal, Columbus seems never 
tired of expatiating upon the beauty of the islands which were now seen by 
Europeans for the first time ; their mild climate, the smoothness of the 
waters in which these jewels of ocean were set, the majesty of the forests, 
the beauty of the birds, the magnificence of the flowers, even the glittering 
sparkle of the insects, are constantly the subjects of his pr?ise. 

While coasting along Cuba, Martin Alonzo Pinzon learned from some na- 
tives that there was a country in the interior called Cubanacan. Later re- 
searches have developed the fact that nacan is simply the native word mean- 
ing the interior, so that Cubanacan means only the interior part of Cuba; but 
the heated imagination of Pinzon connected this name with the word Khan, 
and the amazing discovery was communicated to Columbus. The discoverer 
at once concluded that he was mistaken in supposing Cuba to be Cipango, or 
Japan ; it was a part of the mainland, and he was now in the territories of the 
Great Khan. 

The Admiral settled it in his own mind that he was about a hundred leagues 
from the capital of this mighty potentate, and resolved to send embassadors 
to him at once. Two envoys were selected ; one of them a converted Jew, 
who was acquainted with Hebrew and Chaldaic, and had some knowledge of 
Arabic, in which language, it was supposed, he would be able to communi- 
cate with some one in the court of the Khan. These embassadors were in- 
structed to inform the Khan that Columbus had been sent by the King and 
Queen of Spain, for the purpose of establishing friendly relations between 
the powers; they were also to ascertain exactly the situation of certain ports, 
provinces, and rivers; and they were to find out if certain drugs and spices, 
of which they were provided with samples, were produced in that country. 



94 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

While awaiting the return of these embassadors, Columbus occupied him- 
self in attending to the necessary repairs of his vessels. Having arranged 
for this work, he spent some time in the exploration of the interior; and 
again received much remarkable information from the natives. We cannot 
help suspecting that the natives found Columbus such a willing listener that 
they indulged their imaginations considerably; for they gravely assured him 
that there were tribes at a distance, of men who had but one eye; that there 
were others who had the heads of dogs, and that there were still others who 
were cannibals, killing their victims by cutting their throats and drinking 
their blood. Mingled with these stories, were accounts of a place which they 
called Bohio, where they declared that the people wore anklets and bracelets 
and necklaces of gold and pearls. 

While Columbus was being thus ably entertained by the Indians of the 
coast of Cuba, his embassadors had penetrated to the interior in search of the 
capital of Kublai Khan. They returned Nov. 6, having reached a point 
twelve leagues from the coast, and learned there that there was nothing of 
interest beyond it. The village which was the capital of Cubanacan contained 
about fifty huts, and at least a thousand inhabitants. The envoys had been 
treated w^ith courtesy and hospitality, though, to their surprise, they found 
that Hebrew and Arabic were but gibberish to the natives, and were obliged 
to rely upon the services of an Indian who had occompanied them, and who 
had picked up a little smattering of Spanish. They saw no gold or precious 
stones; and when the white men displayed their samples of cinnamon, pep- 
per, and similar commodities, they were informed that such things grew far 
off to the southwest. 

During their absence, Columbus had become acquainted with the proper- 
ties of a plant, which, one of his biographers justly observes, was destined 
to be of more real value to the people of the eastern continent than all the 
precious metals that have been mined in the New World. This was the po- 
tato. The embassadors sent into the interior saw in use a plant which has 
not, indeed, the wide usefulness of the potato, but which has become 
necessary to the comfort of many of the white race. This was tobacco, the 
name of which is derived from the Indian word designating a sort of rude 
cigar; the term being applied by the Spaniards to the plant and its dried 
leaves. The strangers at first regarded this practice of smoking as singular 
and nauseous; but as it is said of vice that — 

"We first endure, then pity, then embrace," 

SO the white men were taught by curiosity to learn what the Indian found in 
tobacco that was pleasant, and speedily acquired the habit. 

Columbus was now convinced, by the report of his envoys, that he was not 
within such a short distance of the capital of the Khan. He still listened 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 95 

eagerly, however, to the tales which the Indians had to tell of Babeque and 
Bohio, although he was not quite certain whether these terms applied to the 
same place or not. He decided to go in search of Babeque, which he hoped 
to find the name of some rich and populous island off the coast of Asia. 
Later researches into the language of the natives of these islands have not 
made it wholly clear what they intended to convey by these two words ; accord- 
ing to some authorities, they are names applied to the coast of the mainland; 
others that bohio means house, or populousness. 

November 12, the little fleet weighed anchor, and sailed eastward along the 
coast of Cuba. A storm obliged them to take refuge in a harbor to which 
Columbus gave the name of Puerto del Principe, and several days were spent 
in exploring that cluster of small and beautiful islands which have since been 
called El Jardin del Eey, " The Garden of the King." On the 19th, he again 
put to sea, and for two days made ineffectual efforts to reach an island which 
lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, supposing it to be Babeque. Find- 
ing this impossible, on the evening of the second day he put his ship about, 
and made signals for the others to do the same. The Pinta was considerably 
to the eastward of the Santa Maria and the JVina, and, to the surprise of 
the Admiral, failed to answer the signals or comply with the commands which 
they indicated. He repeated the signals ; but still the Pinta paid no attention. 
Night came on; and hoisting signal lights at the masthead of the Santa 
Maria, so that the Pinta could easily follow through the darkness, he sailed 
on.ward. Morning came, but nothing was to be seen of the Pinta. 

Columbus was not a little disquieted by this action of Pinzon. The rich 
navigator of Palos, who had furnished a large part of the money required for 
the expedition, and without whose aid Columbus would probably have been 
obliged to seek assistance at some other court than that of Spain, was fully 
aware of the importance of the services which he had rendered to the Gen- 
oese adventurer. Thoroughly familiar with the theories of Columbus, he had 
adopted them as his own, and probably came gradually to consider them as 
much his property as they were the foreigner's. Several times, during the 
voyage, there had been serious differences of opinion between Columbus and 
his chief subordinate; and when the Admiral saw that the Pm/« had thus 
deserted the flag-ship, he suspected that Pinzon intended to return to Spain 
at once and claim all the honors due to the successful prosecutor of this great 
enterprise. 

But Columbus was not to be deterred from his purpose of discovering the 
rich and populous parts of the far east; he continued coasting along the 
northern line of Cuba until, Dec. 5, he reached the eastern extremity, to 
which he gave the name of Alpha and Omega, supposing it to be the eastern 
point of Asia. He was now undetermined what course to pursue. Return 
to Spain would be unadvisable at this season of the year; and so far as the 



96 . THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

Pinta was concerned, she was so much swifter sailer than the other vessels, 
and had the start of them by many hours, that it was useless to think of chas- 
ing her across the Atlantic. If he kept along the coast, following its trend 
to the southwest, he might find the country of the Khan; but then he could 
not hope to reach Babeque, which his Indian guides now assured him lay to 
the northeast. 

Thus undecided, he continued cruisingaimlessly for some days in the waters 
around the eastern end of Cuba; and at last descried land to the southeast, 
which he decided to make. The natives protested against his seeking to do 
so, assuring him that the people were fierce and cruel cannibals. But these 
remonstrances were unheeded, and Columbus steered toward Ilayti. 

He anchored in a harbor at the western endof the island, to which he gave 
the name which it still retains — St. Nicholas. As they explored the northern 
coast of the island, they caught many fish, several species of which were sim- 
ilar to those which the sailors had taken in Spanish waters ; they heard from 
the wooded shore the notes of song-birds which reminded them of the night- 
ingale and other birds of Andalusia; and they fancied they saw, in the beauti- 
fully diversified country, some resemblance to the more beautiful parts of 
Spain. Accordingly, Columbus named the island Hispaniola, or little Spain. 

While exploring the island, Columbus found plants and birds of much 
different species and more abundant than those he had seen in Europe. 
Animals were also less rare, more various, and of greater size; amongst 
others the iguana, a sort of gigantic lizard, whose likeness to the crocodile, 
or at least to the representations of it then extant, made some of the crew 
mistake it for one of those dreadful monsters. Glad to make use of his 
courage in reassuring his men, who were frightened at everything that was 
new, Columbus did not hesitate to attack this beast; he rushed at him with 
uplifted sword, and pursuing him into the waters of the lake, did not come 
out until, to the universal satisfaction, he had made an end of him. The 
skin which he carried back with him to Europe, measured seven feet in 
length, much more than the average length. 

Columbus must have smiled at the recollection of this exploit, when he 
found out that this terrible-looking beast, with its enormous crop, its long 
and powerful tail, its spine notched like a saw, its sharp claws, is as harm- 
less as our common lizard, and is even esteemed a great delicacy by the In- 
dians. 

The natives had abandoned their villages and fled into the interior at the 
approach of the vessels, leaving their cultivated fields and large villages. 
Columbus sent well-armed parties in search of them, and one such party suc- 
ceeded in capturing a young woman, who was induced by presents of clothes, 
trifling ornaments, and trinkets, and by the kind treatment which she experi- 
enced, to act as embassador to her people. It was no difficult matter after 



THE FIKST VOYAGE OF (OLUMBUS. 



97 



this to secure the presence of large numbers of the natives, who were well 
disposed toward the strangers when they found that there need be no fear of 
them. 




The Fight with the Iguana. 
They were frequently visited by chiefs of various degrees of importance; 
and, Dec. 22, received a message from a chief named Guacanagari, borne 
by a number of natives, who filled one of the largest canoes that the Span- 
iards had as yet seen. This cacique, as the chiefs of these islands are called 
by Columbus, asked that the ships might be brought to a point opposite his 
village, which was a little farther east than the point where they then were. 
But the wind was not favorable, and Columbus had to content himself with 
sending a deputation to visit Guacanagari, by whom they were received with 
great state and honor. But, as before, the Spaniards learned from this chief 



98 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

nothing of the vast stores of treasure for which they were seeking; and 
although the cacique and his followers freely gave them any of their few 
golden ornaments, it was evident that these were not drawn from any mine 
worked by Guacanagari and his tribe. 

The envoys returned, bearing the most friendly messages with them; and 
as soon as the wind proved favorable, Columbus gave orders that the two 
vessels should sail toward the village of Guacanagari. His hopes had again 
been raised by the statements of various minor caciques who had visited him 
during the absence of his messengers, and who talked much of a place which 
they called Cibao, the cacique of which had banners of wrought gold. To the 
ears of the great discoverer this name was nearly enough like Cipango to 
mislead him completely; and he believed that at last he had come upon the 
traces of that magnificent prince mentioned by Marco Polo, whose wealth ex- 
ceeded even that of the ruler of Cathay. 

It was the morning of December 24 that the two vessels departed from 
their resting-place to proceed toward the residence of the cacique. The 
wind was so light as hardly to fill the sails, and they made but little progress. 
At eleven o'clock that Christmas eve, they were about four or five miles 
from the harbor where the cacique's village was situated; the sea was 
calm and smooth, and the coast had been so explored by the party of mes- 
sengers that Columbus felt no fears regarding rocks or other sources of 
danger. He according retired to the rest which he had earned by sleepless 
nights spent in watching the course of the vessels along an unknown coast. 

Scarcely had he fallen asleep, before the helmsman, in defiance of the com- 
mander's plain orders, gave the helm over to a boy, and himself went to 
sleep. It was not long before the whole crew of the Santa Maria was locked 
in slumber; the only wakeful one being the boy at the helm. 

The currents along this coast are swift and strong; and when the ship was 
once in the power of one of them, she was swept rapidly along. To older or 
more heedful ears the sound of the breakers would have given warning of 
the danger; but the boy thought nothing of what he was doing. Silently 
and swiftly the current bore the ship upon a sand-bank; suddenly the boy- 
helmsman felt the rudder strike, and heard the tumult of the rushing sea. 
Frightened, he called loudly for help; the Admiral, a light sleeper, and 
always feeling the responsibility which rested upon him, Avas the first upon 
deck, followed hastily by the sailors who had been sleeping when they should 
have watched, and by those others who were not on duty. He quickly gave 
orders to carry an anchor astern, that by this means the vessel might be 
warped off. The boat was launched, and the men detailed for the pur- 
pose entered it; but either, insane from fright, they misunderstood the order, 
or purposely disobeyed it, by seeking their own safety first, and at once rowed 
off toward the other vessel, which lay half a league to windward. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUxAIBUS. \)^ 

The Santa Maria had swung across the stream, and lay helpless, the 
water continually gaining upon her. The Admiral gave orders that the mast 
should be cut away ; hoping to lighten her so that she w^ould be carried off 
the bar before any more serious damage was done. The order was obeyed; 
but the keel was too firmly bedded in the sand for this measure to prove 
effective. The shock had opened several seams, through which the water 
entered in large quantities. The breakers struck her w^ith force again and 
again, until she lay over on her side. Had the weather been less calm, this 
vessel, the largest of the armament which a queen had fitted out for the dis- 
covery of a New World, would have gone to pieces on the shore of that far- 
away island. 

In the meantime, the boat had reached the caravel Nina and given 
information of the condition of the larger vessel. The commander of the 
caravel reproached the sailors for their desertion of the leader in such mis- 
fortunes, and immediately dispatched a boat to his relief. Columbus and 
his crew took refuge on board the JSfina until morning, and envoys were 
at once sent off to inform the cacique of what had happened. 

Guacanagari showed great distress at the misfortunes of his expected 
visitors; nor did he confine himself to mere words of sympathy and con- 
dolence, but showed himself active in measures for their relief. All the 
canoes that could be mustered were pressed into service, and all his people 
assisted in unloading the vessel. The lading was stored n-ear the palace of 
the cacique, and an armed guard placed around it to prevent depredations; 
the cacique and his brothers having kept close watch while the w^ork of 
unloading was going on, to prevent the helpers from being overcome by 
temptation to help themselves to these wonderful things. 

To Columbus and his companions, this course appeared unnecessary; so 
much sympathy with the shipwrecked sailors was shown by all who, at the 
command of the chief, were engaged in assisting them; and Columbus after- 
ward bore this testimony to their character, in his Journal : — 

"So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people that I swear to your 
majesties there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land. They 
love their neighbors as themselves; and their discourse is ever sweet and 
gentle, and accompanied with a smile ; and though it is true that they are 
naked, yet their manners are decorous and praiseworthy." 

The day after Christmas, Columbus was visited on board the JSFina by 
Guacanagari, who assured him again of his eagerness to render the Spaniards 
any assistance which lay in his power. 

The Admiral, who was at dinner when he came on board, observes in his 
journal with regard to this visit, that the cacique would not allow him when 
he entered the cabin to rise or use any ceremony, and that, when invited to 
partake of any dish, he took just as much as w^as necessary for him not to 



100 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



appear impolite. He did the same if anything was given him to drink; he 
put it to his lips, merely tasted it, and sent it to his followers. His air and 
his movements were remarkably grave and dignified. 




The Grateful Cacique. 

His dignity and discretion, however, were not proof against all the attrac- 
tions that surrounded him. While, with the help of the Indians he had 
brought with him as interpreters from San Salvador, Columbus was enter- 
taining his royal guest, he noticed that the cacique turned his eyes again and 
again, as if in spite of himself, on the quilt that covered his bed. Columbus, 
seeing this, hastened to present him with the coveted object, together with a 
pair of red shoes and a necklace of amber beads. The gratitude of the 
cacique and his officers knew no bounds, and there is no doubt that these 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 101 

gifts did more to exalt the power and grandeur of Spain and her sovereigns 
in their eyes than all the words of Columbus and his interpreters on that 
subject. While they were conversing, a canoe arrived from another part of 
the island, bringing bits of gold to be exchanged for small bells, such as 
were worn by the hawk used at that time in hunting. To the Indians, these 
appeared the most desirable articles which the Spaniards had to distribute 
among them ; they hung the bells on their arms" and legs when preparing for 
the dances of which they w^ere so fond, and which were performed to the 
cadence of certain songs. They had found that the Spaniards valued gold 
more than anything which their savage treasuries contained, and readily 
brought all that they had to exchange for the wonderful musical bells. 

Sailors who had been on shore, trading, informed Columbus that gold was 
easily obtained in trade with the natives; and this restored the drooping 
spirits of the Admiral to something of their normal state. The cacique saw 
the change in his countenance, and inquired what good news the sailors had 
brought. He was told how desirous the Admiral was of obtaining the yellow 
metal; and replied that there was a place not far off, among the mountains, 
where it could be obtained in large quantities. He promised to get as much 
as Columbus might desire, the metal being there in such abundance, he said, 
that it was not held as very valuable. This place he called Cibao; and 
Columbus at once recognized this name, and again confounded it with 
Cipango. 

When Guacanagari had been entertained by Columbus, he insisted that the 
Admiral should be his guest on shore. The request was granted ; and the 
guest received such honor and sympathy as to make him admire the kindly 
yet dignified savage chieftain more than ever. In return for the cacique's 
efforts at entertaining him, he sent on board the ship for a skilled archer and 
his arms, and showed the assembled Indians the accuracy of such weapons. 
The people of Guacanagari were of so unwarlike a nature that they had no 
similar skill to display; but the cacique informed Columbus that the Caribs, 
who sometimes made forays upon them, had bows and arrows which they 
used with deadly precision. Columbus assured the chief that he had nothing 
more to fear from the Caribs, for the great monarchs of Spain had weapons 
far more terrible than these, which they would not hesitate to use in the de- 
fense of a people who had assisted their Admiral. To illustrate his words, 
he ordered an arquebus and a heavy cannon to be discharged. 

To the Indians, it seemed that a thunderbolt had fallen from a clear sky; 
and they fell prostrate on their faces in terror. When they had recovered a 
little, Columbus called their attention to the place where the cannon-ball had 
crashed through the trees, carrying away great branches; and they were filled 
with renewed dismay. But he assured them that these arms would not be 
used against them, but for their protection against the cruel and dreaded 



102 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

Curil)s; and secure in the friendship of these children of light who were 
armed with thunder from their native skies, the simple savages Avere more 
than content. 
"^^^"^The fame of the hawk-bells had gone abroad, and there w^as not an Indian 
who had a golden ornament who was not more than w^illing to trade it for 
one of these precious articles. Las Casas, wdiose work is one of the chief 
authorities regarding this part of the life of Columbus, tells us that one In- 
dian offered a handful of gold-dust in exchange for one; and when the trade 
had been made, hurried off as fast as his feet would carry him, lest the Span- 
iards should regret that they had sold it so cheap. 

The Spaniards who had endured so many hardships and dangers became 
enamored of the easy, luxurious life which the Indians led ; in a land where 
the earth produced, almost spontaneously, roots and fruits enough to feed 
more than the inhabitants, wdiere there w^as evidently no winter to be feared, 
where shelter and clothing were looked upon as unnecessary, Avherethe main 
part of the day was passed in indolent repose, and the main part of the night 
in dancing to the music of their songs or the beating of their rude drums, the 
Indians were indeed creatures to be envied. Gradually the sailors came to 
long to share this life, so full of ease and enjoyment, and Columbus formed 
the idea of establishing a colony of those who wished to remain; while he, 
with his one vessel and a small crew, would return to Spain to carry the news 
of his discovery — unless he had been anticipated by the captain of the Finta — 
and to procure the needed supplies and reinforcements. Had the natives 
been less peaceable and friendly, such a course would have been the height 
of madness; but armed as the Spaniards were with cannon and smaller fire- 
arms, and surrounded by those whose chief w^sh seemed to be to minister to 
the white strangers, there appeared to be no difficulty in the Avay. 

But he did not propose to take any unnecessary risks; the stranded vessel 
was to be broken up to afford materials for a fortress; and it Avas to be armed 
with her guns. Provisions enough could be spared from the general stock to 
maintain a small garrison for a year; so that whatever change there might be 
in the feelings of the natives, the white men who were left behind would be 
entirely safe. He intended that they should occupy themselves with explor- 
ing the island and becoming acquainted with the location and extent of the 
gold mines on Avhich they all laid such stress, and in trading Avith the natives 
forAvhatever of the precious metal they might possess. At the same time, 
they could learn the language of the country more perfectly, so that com- 
munication Avould be easier and surer ; and acquaint themselves Avfth the habits 
and customs of the people, so as to make future intercourse all the smoother. 
Columbus did not suppose that the fortress, except under very improbable 
circumstances, Avould be necessary for the defense of his folloxA-'crs from the 
natives; for the latter had too clearly proven their unwarlike nature and their 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 103 

friendly disposition; but he considered that some sort of military organiza- 
tion and round of requiredduties was necessary to keep the Spaniards in good 
order during the absence of a ruler specially appointed by the Crown, and to 
enable those who were disposed to do what was right by the natives to hold 
in check those who might otherwise have proved tyrannical, unprincipled, and 
cruel. 

For the discoverer, who was so enchanted with the beauty of nature and 
the character of the inhabitants in this New World, entertained fond hopes 
that all these people would speedily be converted to the Christian faith. 
Wherever he had gone, he had found them of the same gentle, loving dispo- 
sition, ready to listen eagerly to whatever the strangers could make them un- 
derstand, and readily learning by rote such prayers as the sailors taught them, 
and making the sign of the cross with becoming devoutness of aspect. This 
is not the place to discuss the good done by pra3'ers which are not understood 
by those who utter them; but it is a fact that these Spaniards of the fifteenth 
century thought they had done good when they taught an Indian the Latin 
words of a prayer, of the meaning of which the savage had not the slightest 
conception ; and which may have been rather hazy to the Spaniard. Columbus 
looked eagerly forward to the time when all these untaught savages should 
receive the rite of baptism, believing that that was all that was necessary to 
make them good Christians. Throughout the time that he had sought assist- 
ance in working out his theory, he had held fast to the idea of advancing the 
dominion of the Church ; and this feeling was probably at the bottom of his 
reasons for seeking assistance from Spain. Isabella M^as known for a de- 
vout Catholic, and ardent in the cause of religion; hence, although the 
country was convulsed with civil war, he sought assistance from her, rather 
than from the cold and crafty men v/ho sat on the thrones of France and 
England. 

The project of building a fortress and leaving a colony was broached to the 
natives, who were enraptured with the plan. That the wonderful white men 
who had come from heaven with their thunderous weapons should remain to 
protect them from their dreaded enemies the Caribs, while the Admiral re- 
turned to the skies for more white men and hawks' bells, Avas almost too good 
to be true; and they eagerly assisted in building the fortress. 

A site was chosen, the wreck was broken up and brought to shore. A large 
vault was to be dug, and over this a strong wooden tower was to be erected ; 
finally, the whole was to be surrounded by a wide and deep ditch, with the 
usual draw-bridge. In the vault were to be stored such supplies of arms, 
ammunition, and food as should be brought from the wreck, and could be 
spared by those who were about to undertake the homeward voyage. 

So industriously did the Spaniards push the work, and so eagerly did the 
many natives assist them, that the whole fortress was completed in ten days 



104 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

from the time that Columbus had given orders to begin it. He gave it the 
name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, because they had been rescued from 
the wreck of the vessel on Christmas Day. Having concluded the account 
of the building of this tower, the devout Admiral points out the care which 
Providence had exercised over his voyage; so that even the shipwreck, which 
appeared at the time to be such a great misfortune, was the cause of his find- 
ing Avhat riches lay hid in the island, where otherwise he would only have 
touched at the coast and gone farther on. As seen more clearly by those who 
have a knowledge of later events, the wreck of the /Santa Maria appears the 
misfortune which it seemed at first; since because of it Columbus devoted so 
much of his time and attention, in later years, to this very island, and suffered 
much because of his connection with it. 

While they were engaged in building the fortress, some Indians brought 
word that a large vessel, like that of Columbus, had been seen in a harbor at 
the eastern end of the island. There could be but one explanation of this: 
it must be the Pinta. Columbus at once sent a Spaniard, with a crew of 
natives in a native canoe, to take a letter to Pinzon, urging him to join com- 
pany at once, but making no complaint regarding his desertion, or saying a 
word that Avas not entirely friendly. A close search, however, by these mes- 
sengers, failed to disclose the presence of any such vessel ; and they returned 
to the Admiral. Other rumors reached them of a ship like theirs, but Co- 
lumbus resolved to take no further steps toward searching for the lost vessel 
until something more definite should be heard. 

In the meantime, it was a subject of much anxiety to Columbus, how the 
voyage back to Spain would be accomplished. The Pinta, the swiftest of 
the ships, had deserted, and they knew nothing of her fate; she might have 
escaped across the ocean, or she might have been wrecked on the shore of 
some distant island, or she might have foundered at sea and gone down with 
all on board. The Santa Maria, the largest of his ships, had been wrecked 
and destroyed. There remained only the Nina, which really was fit only for 
-coasting. Indeed, it was not wholly because Columbus had feared to demand 
large ships that he had accepted small ones; he had selected those which 
seemed to him best fitted for coasting and for tracing an intricate course in 
channels between islands. 

But the JSfinay^as not the vessel in which any sane sailor would have wished 
to cross the Atlantic without a consort; much less was it one to which a man 
who had labored and waited for a score of years to secure the realization of 
his dreams would wish to entrust the fulfilhnent of those dreams. For, 
should the Xina be lost on the homeward voyage, what record would remain 
of Columbus? It would only be known that he maintained a theory which 
the most learned men of Spain condemned as impracticable; that he had 
sailed into the western ocean, and had been lost there, as they had predicted. 




The Columbus Bkoxze Doors ix the Capitol at Washixgtox. (10.")) 



lOG TIIK FIRST Y0YA(;K of COLUMBUS. 

> Return he must, however; and preparations for the homeward voyage were 
begun about the same time as the fortress. Thirty-nine persons were selected 
to remain behind at La Navidad, while the others, numbering a few more, 
sailed eastward again. Minute instructions were given the colonists, to treat 
the natives always with gentleness and justice, remembering how much they 
were indebted to Guacanagari; to keep together, for mutual safety, and not 
stray beyond the territories of the cacique who had so befriended them; and 
to acquire a knowledge of the productions and mines of the island, to pro- 
cure as much gold and spice as possible by trading, and to seek a better situ- 
ation for a settlement, as this harbor was far from being a safe one. Tiie 
boat of the Santa Maria was left with them, as well as a variety of seeds to 
sow, and a quantity of articles to be used in traffic. A commandant of the 
post was appointed in the name of the sovereigns, and two lieutenants, upon 
whom, successively, the command was to devolve in case of his death. 
Having made all arrangQments f or the safety and well-being of the colony, as 
far as such arrangements could be made by any man, Columbus, on the 4th 
of January, 1493, sailed from Hispaniola eastward across the broad ocean; 
five months and one day after he left Palos. 

The student of idle superstitions may well remark the recurrence of a cer- 
tain day of the week in the history of this first voyage of Columbus; it was 
on Friday that he set sail from Palos; it was on Friday that he first saw the 
shores of Guanahani, the first land of the New "World on which his eyes 
rested; and it was on Friday that he left Hispaniola on his return. The sixth 
day of the week is far from being considered a day on which to begin great 
undertakings; but the greatest event of modern times is thus associated with 
it. 

The first hvo days of the return vo3'age Avere without event; on the third, 
the lookout gave the cry that he saw the Pinia at a distance. The report 
was an animating one; for there was not a man on board but fully realized 
the dangers of their long and lonely voyage. 

The Pint a hastened toward them as soon as the Nina was descried by her 
lookout; and conversation proving impracticable by reason of the state of 
the weather, the two vessels, at the command of the leader of the expedition, 
put back to the bay a little west of what is now called Monte Christi. Here 
the Admiral and his chief subordinate landed, and here was told the story of 
the P^?^^« '5 adventures. According to Martin AlonzoPinzon's account, he 
had been compelled to part company by stress of weather, and had ever since 
been seeking to rejoin his companions. Columbus received this statement 
without contradiction, although he did not believe it from the first ; and made 
investigations afterward which brought the truth to his ears^ One of the In- 
dians on board the Pinta had given information of a gold-bearing country to 
the eastward which had excited the imagination of the master; he had taken 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 107 

advantage of circumstances to separate from the others, and had sought to be 
the first to discover this rich country.' For some days he sailed about among 
a group of small islands, unable to shape his course so as to avoid them ; but 
the Indians had finally conducted him to Hispaniola; the rumors that Colum- 
bus had heard were not wholly false, although unreliable, or perhaps misun- 
derstood, in their statements of localities. Pinzon had remained three weeks 
near the shore of this island, and had collected by trading no small amount 
of gold; half of this he had retained for himself, half had been divided 
among his crew, to insure their silence regarding the transaction. But Colum- 
bus, even though the treachery of Pinzon could be clearly proved, could as 
yet take no steps to punish him in any way, or even appear to disbelieve his 
assertions. Many of the sailors were relatives or townsmen of Pinzon, and 
a break with him, at this juncture, might have been fatal to Columbus. 

A supply of wood and water was procured for the voyage, and the two ves- 
sels coasted a short distance along the shore which had been explored by 
Pinzon. Arrived at the mouth of a river which Columbus named Rio de 
Gracia, but which is now Porto Caballo, the Admiral received news that his 
lieutenant had, during the period of his desertion, carried off four men and 
two girls from among the Indians of that section. The complaint was inves- 
tigated, and it was found that the captives were on board the Pint a, and that 
it was the intention of that vessel's commander to take them to Spain 
and sell them as slaves. The Admiral at once gave orders that they should 
be released and returned to their own people; being clothed and given many 
presents as a kind of restitution for the temporary loss of their liberty. 
This proceeding was not conducted without protest from Pinzon, and we shall 
find, as we proceed, that Columbus learned to look with less horror upon the 
project of selling Indians as slaves; but at this time he was careful to take 
none with him but those who voluntarily accompanied him. 

As they continued their course along the coast, they came to an arm of the 
sea extending so far into the land that at first they supposed it to be a chan- 
nel separating the island of Hispaniola from some other near neighbor; but 
it proved to be only a gulf. On the farther side of this inlet, they found a 
people differing very much from those others Avith whom the discoverer was 
so much pleased. These were of a ferocious aspect, and hideously painted ; 
they were armed with war-clubs, or with bows as large as those used by 
English archers, the arrows being made of slender reeds and tipped with 
bone or with the tooth of a fish. They also had swords of palm-wood, the 
weight and hardness of which excited the wonder of the Spaniards. Though 
ferocious in appearance, and thus armed, they did not seem hostile, but sold 
two of their bows to the Spaniards, and one of them was induced to go upon 
the Admiral's vessel. 

He was sent back with many presents, to induce his comrades to trade with 



108 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

the Spaniards. The men in the boat which conveyed him back to hind were 
alarmed at the sight of about fifty fully armed warriors, who gathered on the 
shore; but at a word from the savage in the boat, they hiid down their arms 
and came to meet the white men. Suddenly, in the midst of a peaceful con- 
ference, they rushed toward the spot where they had left their arms, and 
returned with a quantity of strong cord, as if to bind the strangers. The 
latter at once attacked them, wounding two. The others took to flight. The 
Spaniards would have pursued them, but the pilot who commanded the boat 
forbade it. Such was the first conflict between the natives and the people of 
southern Europe; if we regard the fight of which the old saga tells as 
unworthy of credit, the first on the soil of America between Indians and 
white men. 

Columbus had been so anxious to keep the peace with all the natives, that 
he was much troubled at the occurrence of this fight; but he consoled himself 
by thinking that the Indians had now had a taste of the superiority of the 
white men's weapons, and would be careful how they attacked them in the 
future. He w^as pleased to find that the enmity of the Indians had not been 
excited by this occurrence, as they returned the next day and appeared more 
desirous than ever of being friends. They told him of the islands to the east 
in such terms that Columbus decided to stop there, and prevailed upon four 
of their young men to accompany him as guides. 

Following their guidance, Columbus at first steered to the northeast, then 
to the southeast; but he had gone but about fifty miles in all when there 
sprang up a breeze which, it seemed to him and his sailors, would waft them 
straight to Spain. He saw the discontent on their faces as they thought how 
far from the direct line of the homeward path they were diverging; he con- 
sidered how shaky was the allegiance of Pinzon; and how uncertain was the 
fate of either vessel, should it be exposed to even an ordinary storm among 
these many islands. He considered that the whole fate of the path w^hich he 
had marked out to India depended upon his safe arrival on the eastern shore 
of the Atlantic; and repressing all desire for further exploration of the 
islands w4iich he had discovered, he gave orders to shift sail and make direct 
for Spain. 

The outward voyage had been full of doubts and anxieties ; had it been 
through one-tenth of the difficulties and dangers which beset the homeward 
voyage, the New World would have remained undiscovered; for the rebellion 
of the crew w^ould have been determined enough to have broken even the 
iron resolution of Columbus. 

The trade-winds which had so prospered the outward \'03^age were of course 
unfavorable to their return; and it was not until they had run far to the 
north, and got completely out of the track of these wnnds, that they were 
enabled to make any headway. So often had they changed their course to 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



109 



take advantage of the least wind that promised to bear them homeward, that 
the pilots had lost their reckoning completely; and could no more agree with 
each other than they could guess at the true situation. Columbus alone 
retained a clear idea of where they were, having powers of minute observa- 
tion which often caused his conclusions to seem little short of inspirations; 
but he did not enlighten the pilots; since he wished to be the only man who 
had a clear idea of the route followed in crossing the Atlantic. 




The Return of Columbus. 

While they were yet in the midst of the Athmtic, barely two-thirds of their 
voyage done, they were looking for land, supposing themselves to be in about 
the latitude of the Madeira Islands. Columbus knew that they were more 
nearly in a line with the Azores, but that they were not likely to reach even 
these outposts of the known world for a few days. 

February 12, a storm began to come on; and it was only with great labor 
and danger that the ships could keep on their eastward course. The wind 
and heavy sea lasted all that day and the next; increasing greatly after sun- 
set on the 13th. Flashes of lightning gave promise of a still greater tempest, 
which soon burst in such fury that they were obliged to take in all sail, and 
scud all night under bare poles. 

The next morning there was promise of a break in the storm; but it was 
not fulfilled. The wind rose again, and lasted all through the night. The 
open vessels labored hard, every moment threatening them with engulfment 
in the angry waves. As night came on, the two ships Avere separated; 
Columbus kept on a straight course to the northeast, endeavoring to signal 



110 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

by lights to the JPinf a; but no answering lights could be seen through the 
blackness of the stormy night. The weakness of her foremast had prevented 
her from holding the wind, and she had been obliged to run before it due 
north. 

Day broke over a waste of waters, still angry and threatening. All through 
the dreary day the helpless little iV^^?^a was driven along before the wind, not 
knowing what had become of her companion vessel. The ship was nearly 
disabled, and all seamanship was in vain; there was but one source of help 
in such emergencies, and thither Columbus and his crew betook themselves. 
Thinking to avert the wrath of Heaven as manifested in this terrible tempest, 
he determined to offer solemn vows and acts of penance. Pilgrimages to 
peculiarly sacred places were in that day a favorite means of showing devo- 
tion, and were esteemed acceptable worship. At the suggestion of Columbus, 
it was determined to cast lots, to see who should vow to make a pilgrimage, 
immediately after landing, to the shrine of Santa Maria de Guadaloupe, 
bearing a wax taper of five pounds' weight. A number of beans, one of 
which was marked with a cross, were placed in a cap, and the crew assembled 
to draw from among them. Columbus, of course, was the first to do so; and 
he drew the marked bean, which indicated that he was to make the pilgrim- 
age. Another lot was cast, to decide who should undertake a pilgrimage to 
the shrine at Loretto; and Columbus agreed to pay the expenses of the sea- 
man wdio drew the marked bean. A third time was chance invoked to decide 
who should become a pilgrim, this time to the shrine of Santa Clara de 
Moguer, and coupled with an obligation to procure a solemn high mass, and 
to watch all night in the chapel; and this, like the first, fell upon Columbus. 

But in spite of these pious vows, the tempest was not abated; and the 
whole crew agreed that wherever they first landed they would go in proces- 
sion, barefooted, and clad only in their shirts, or close under-tunics, to some 
church dedicated to the Virgin, and offer up a solemn thanksgiving for 
their safety. Each man, besides, made such private vows of penance or 
reformation of life as seemed good to him ; and the whole crew anxiously 
waited to see the result of their acts of piety. 

But even to the eye of faith it was not perceptible, and all gave themselves 
up for lost. The storm continued unabated. Their danger was increased by 
the lightness of the vessel; the water casks being nearly emptied, and the 
provisions having run low. To remedy this evil, Columbus gave orders that 
the empty casks should be filled with sea-water; and thus ballasted, the cara- 
vel rode more steadily. 

The condition of the mind of Columbus is better pictured by his own 
words, as found in a letter to the sovereigns, than in any which could be 
found to express it. He says: — 

" I could have supported this evil fortune with less grief, had my person 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



Ill 



alone been in jeopardy, since I am a debtor for my life to the supreme Crea- 
tor, and have been at other times within a step of death. But it was a cause 
of infinite sorrow and trouble to think that, after having been illuminated 
from on high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise, after 
having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of convincing my op- 
ponents, and sccui-.. ' ^ li'i -^< 'J,* H glory and vu-t increase of 




COLUMBUO' Mex TTlI;o^M^o Ovir tiu: C\sk. 

dominions, it should please the Divine Majesty to defeat all by my death. It 
would have been more supportable, also, had I not been accompanied by 
others who had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who, in their distress, 
cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear inspired by my words 
which prevented their turning back, as they had at various times determined. 
Above all, my grief was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had 
left at school in Cordova, destitute, in a strange land, without any testimony 



112 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

of the services rendered by their father, which, if known, might have in- 
clined your highnesses to befriend them. And although, on the one hand, I 
was comforted by the faith that the Deity would not permit a work of such 
great exaltation to his Church, wrought through so many troubles and contra- 
dictions, to remain imperfect; yet, on the other hand, I reflected on my sins, 
as a punishment for which he might intend that I should be deprived of the 
glory which would redound to me in this world." 

AMiile in this state of uncertainty as to what had become of the Pinfa, and 
what was to become of the JSfina, the tireless Admiral of the Indian Seas de- 
termined to take every means to perpetuate the knowledge of his discovery, 
even should he be lost. An account of his voyage was carefully written 
out on parchment and enclosed in a waxed cloth, which was placed in the 
center of a cake of wax. The whole was then shut up in a large barrel, 
which was cast into the sea. The account of his voyage Avas addressed to the 
King and Queen of Spain, and superscribed with a pro;nise of a thousand 
ducats — about six thousand dollars according to present values — to whoever 
should deliver it unopened. He made two copies of the account, and placed 
one, enclosed in a similar way, on the poop of his vessel ; so that, if he should 
be lost, there would be two copies afloat on the ocean. 

About the year 1852 a report was circulated, through the English news- 
papers, that this cask, committed to the waves so long ago, had been picked 
up by an American vessel off the African coast. Lamartine, one of the great 
writers who have devoted their talents to a study of the life of Columbus, has 
accepted this story as correct. Of the other principal biographers of the 
great discoverer who have written since the date of its publication. Helps is 
the only one who mentions it ; and he says the story has never been substan- 
tiated, but probably originated in the brain of some fertile newspaper writer. 
It seems incredible that, if such a thing were indeed discovered, the fact 
should not excite wude-spread comment, and the article itself be deposited in 
some public place, where it could be examined by historians and antiquarians. 

Although taking such precautions to prevent the knowledge of his discov- 
ery from being wholly lost, Columbus did not let his men know what he was 
doing; but gave them to suppose that he was performing some religious vow. 
So great was the variety of such vows in those times, and so whimsical did 
they sometimes appear to those who did not know the full meaning which the 
devotee attached to that particular form of doing things, that this excited 
no surprise in the minds of his followers. If his vow obliged him to throw 
a cask overboard, it was his duty to do so, especially in such a storm as this, 
which might have been sent to remind him of a neglect of duty, 

A streak of clear sky appeared in the west about sunset, and the wind 
changed during the night; but the sea still ran high, and they could carry but 
little sail during the night. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 113 

At daybreak on the morning of the 15th, the lookout gave the welcome cry 
of " Land!" It was plainly to be seen, about five leagues to the east-north- 
east, directly over the prow of the caravel. The rejoicing sailors began to 
discuss the question of what land it was ; one thought it one of the Madeira 
Islands; one said that it was a rock near Lisbon; and many of them strove to 
recognize some Spanish headland in its outlines. Columbus was assured that 
it was one of the Azores; and this it proved to be. As they approached the 
land, the wind veered directly around; and for two days the tempest-tossed 
mariners were kept by the contrary wind in full sight of the laud which they 
longed to reach, but could not. 

They succeeded in coming near enough to cast anchor on the evening of the 
17th; but the cable parted, and they were obliged to put to sea once more. 
Beating about all night, they were more successful the next morning, and an- 
chored in a harbor on the northern side of the island, as they had now found 
it to be. 

A boat was sent to land, and it was found that this island was St. Mary's, 
one of the Azores, and a dependency of the Crown of Portugal. When the 
inhabitants saw the caravel, and learned that it had been at sea during the 
tempest, and yet had lived through it, they were wonder-struck; for the 
storm had raged for fifteen days with unexampled severity. When they 
learned, however, from what port it had sailed, and that it had crossed the 
ocean and found land on the west, from which it was even now returning, their 
wonder and excitement knew no bounds. In reply to inquiries, they pointed 
out a harbor where the caravel might ride in safety; but insisted that three 
of the seamen should remain on shore to give them full particulars of the ex- 
traordinary things of Avhich they had told. 

Morning came; and Columbus, grateful for the preservation of his vessel 
from the fury of the storm, reminded his men of the vow which they had 
made, to be fulfilled as soon as they should reach any land where there was a 
shrine of the Virgin. The crew could not all go at once; so that it Avas re- 
solved that half should go first; and when they had performed this pious duty 
and returned, the others, among whom was the leader himself, should follow 
their example. 

There was a small hermitage, dedicated to the Virgin, at no great distance 
from the spot where they lay at anchor, although hidden by an intervening point 
of land. This was the end of their pilgrimage; and messengers were sent to 
the village to procure the services of a priest in celebrating mass. 

The governor of the island, Juan de Castaneda, had, on the previous even- 
ing, sent refreshment to the tempest-tossed mariners, and claiming through 
his messenger an acquaintance with Columbus, had been profuse in his com- 
pliments and congratulations. He had apologized for not coming in person, 
but promised to pay them a visit the next morning, bringing more supplies 



114 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



and the three seamen whom he now detained on shore. It w^as then with a 
feeling of perfect security that the devotees left the vessel and marched bare- 
footed to the little hermitage. What was their surprise when, in the very 
midst of their prayers and thanksgiving, they found themselves surrounded 
by a mob, mounted and unmounted, from the village, headed by the governor 
himself; and were all taken prisoners! 




A PlLGRIMAOK OF GkACE. 

Eleven o'clock arrived, and the Admiral was anxiously awaiting the return 
of his men; but still they came not. He now began to fear that they had 
been detained by the Portuguese; for he was by no means certain that any 
official of that government would be disposed to treat him well. There was 
another alternative: the boat might have been dashed to pieces upon the 
rocky and surf-beaten shore. He accordingly gave orders to weigh anchor 
and stand out to sea far enough to command a view of the hermitage and of the 
path leading to it. Much to his dismay, he saw a party of armed men approach 
and enter the boat. They rowed to the side of the caravel ; and the governor, 
who was one of their number, demanded an assurance of his personal safety in 
case he boarded the vessel. This was given, readily enough ; but still he seemed 
reluctant to trust himself within reach of Columbus. The Admiral then broke 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 115 

forth into reproaches, declaring that the perfidy of the governor did wrong 
not only to the Spani.sh monarchs, whose representative ColumbUs was, but 
to the King of Portugal, whom Castaneda represented here. He stated in 
sonorous Spanish titles, his own rank and dignity, displayed his letters patent, 
with the royal seal of Castile affixed, and threatened him with the vengeance 
of Ferdinand and Isabella. Castaneda replied contemptuously, and the boat, 
after an hour's altercation, returned to shore. 

Columbus feared that a war had broken out between Spain and Portugal 
since his departure fromPalos, and that this was the explanation of the treat- 
ment which he had received. But whatever the reason, he did not have long 
to speculate; all his attention was required to keep the vessel safe. The 
weather became stormy again, and she was driven from her anchorage; not 
only was she short of hands, because of the detention of half her crew on 
shore, but the greater part of those who remained were landsmen and Indi- 
ans, who were almost useless in navigating the vessel. 

The evening of the 22nd, Columbus returned to his anchorage; forthe storm 
had abated. Shortly afterward, a boat, containing two priests and a notary, 
as civil officers were called, put off from shore and approached the caravel. 
After considerable parleying, they came on board; and requested to see the 
papers of Columbus. These were readily shown; and the officials departed, 
satisfied. The next morning the sailors Avere liberated, and permitted to de- 
part in their own boat. 

During their detention, they had learned the reason for this action on the 
part of the governor. Jealous in the extreme of the sovereigns of Spain, 
since they had embraced an opportunity which his own craftiness and deceit 
had lost to him, he had given orders to all the governors of his outlying col- 
onies to seize and detain Columbus wherever he should be met with. Castan- 
eda had hoped, by courteous treatment, to allay any suspicions which Colum- 
bus might entertain, and then surprise and capture him while he was without 
the assistance of so many of his men; but the caution of Columbus had pre- 
vented this; and the Portuguese governor had to own himself beaten. 

Two days later they set sail from St. Mary's, the wind being favorable for 
a direct passage to Spain. But this state of affairs did not long continue. 
They seemed to be repulsed, on their return, "from the very door of the 
house." Several days of stormy weather had been experienced when, on the 
2nd of March, a squall struck the little vessel and rent hersails into ribbons. 
Again she scudded under bare poles; and again the crew, at the suggestion 
of Columbus, cast lots to see who should perform a pilgrimage. The devotee 
was to go to the shrine of SantaMaria de la Cuevain Huelva; and once more 
the lot fell upon Columbus. The devout Las Casas, remarking upon the fact 
that Columbus had drawn the lot for three pilgrimages out of the four, con- 
cluded that it was an intimation from God that these storms were all on his 
8 



IW TIIK FIRST VOYA(JK OF COLUMBUS. 

Mccoiiiil, to limuhUi liis pride, iiiul show liiiu how Ciisily hi^ might have boon 
lost, -with nil knowledge of Avhat lie had done, had Providenee so willed it. 
It is not improbable that Columbus himself took this view of it. 

They saw various signs of the vieinity of land; but in such a storm as was 
raging, this only increased their fear. The tempest continued; and the light 
caravel seemed but the plaything of the angry winds and waves. During the 
first watch of the night of the 8rd, the cry of land Avas given; but by strong 
exertions they nuinaged to keep to sea until daylight should point out a safe 
path. 

They found themselves off the rock of Cintra, at tlu^ mouth of tlu' Tagus; 
and although Columbus had good reason to doubt how ho Avould be treated 
in Portugal, he had no choice but to bring his battered little vessel to land. 
He accordingly anchored opposite to Kastello, the crew returning hearty 
thanks to God for their escape from so numy dangers. From the inhabitants 
of that part of the shore, Avho flocked to congratulate them upon what seemed 
a miraculous preservation, the seamen learned that this h;id been a remark- 
ably stormy winter; and that many vessels had remained storm-bound in port 
for months, while many others had suffered shipwreck. Yet the frail and 
crazy bark JVina had crossed the broad and unknown Atlantic in safety, and 
reached port at last. 

Columbus at once dispatched a courier Avith letters to his royal patrons; 
and another Avith a letter to the King of Portugal, asking permission to take 
his vessel to Lisbon, and assuring him that he had not been to the coast of 
Guinea or any other of the Portuguese possessions, but had reached India by 
sailing to the Avest. 

Before this letter had reached its destination, indeed, the very day after 
ho had anchored, Columbus received a message from the connnander of a 
Portuguese man-of-war summoning him to give an account of himself and 
his vessel. The Admiral of the Indian Seas refused to leave his vessel at the 
bidding of any power but that of Castile, and so replied to the messengers. 
When the Portuguese otHcer learned Avhat a voyage ho had made, ho visited 
him on board the caravel, and offered his services in any Avay in which they 
might be desired. 

From this visit, and from the accounts given by the people living near the 
mouth of theTagus, the news Avas transmitted to Lisbon, reaching thei)opular 
ear at almost the same time that the letter of Columbus Avas delivered to the 
King. The people Avere Avild Avith excitement; since for a hundred years the 
chief glory of Portugal had been derived from her maritime explorations, 
and here Avas an achievement Avhich thrcAV into the shade their hitest success, 
the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope. 

As soon as the King received the letter, he dispatched a cavalier with an 
answer, inviting Columbus to Valparaiso, Avhere the court then Avas; and or- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OE COLUMBUS. 



117 



dcringthat everything which Columbus might require for himself, his men, 
or his ship, should be furnished at the expense of the royal treasury. 

Columbus, remembering the treatment which he had received at the hands 
of this very monarch, was a little distrustful; but being already in his power, 
dared not show suspicion by decliningthe invitation. He went, accompanied 
only by his pilot; and was received with high honors. So anxious was the 
King to show him all possible respect that the visitor was commanded to be 
seated in the royal presence; an honor which generally was accorded only to 
royally. 




Columbus Bkfork thk Sovereigns of Portugal, 



After the interview l)et\vecn them, in which Columbus gave an account of 
his voyage and of the lands which he had visited, the King held a conference 



118 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

with some of his udviscr.s„ lie was uneasy lest these discoveries should inter- 
fere with his claims of territory which had been granted him by a papal bull, 
of the land from Cape Non, on the coast of Africa, to the Indies; and his 
courtiers were only too ready to suggest that the islands which Columbus had 
discovered lay very near the Tercera Islands, and therefore rightfully belonged 
to Portugal. 

t was even advised that Columbus should be prevented from returning to 
Spain or making more voyages of discovery, by the simple and effective means 
of putting an end to his life. It could be done, the wily advisers told the 
King, without any appearance of violence unbefitting the King; Columbus 
could be led to resent some remark, for his pride was evident to them all; 
this would lead to an altercation, such as could be settled, between gentlemen, 
only by an apjDeal to arms; and in the resulting duel the adventurer Avould be 
slain. 

But this advice Avas less pleasing to the King than another bit of counsel. 
If he followed the leading of some of his courtiers, he would permit Colum- 
bus to depart for Spain, unmolested; for it was his duty as a prince to pro- 
tect and further the journey of all who were driven by storms to seek shelter 
in his harbors. But if he should at once proceed to fit out an armament, and 
should send it to take possession of the countries which Columbus claimed to 
have discovered, it would require a w^ar for Spain to dispossess him; and his 
right would be made all the stronger, before such w^ar could be begun, by his 
having possession of the country in dispute. 

Thus the King of Portugal and his Council first persuaded themselves that 
the countries discovered by Columbus rightfully belonged to Portugal — no 
difficult task, since they wished to believe it — and then contrived a plan by 
which, they thought, Spain and her envoy could be cheated out of the results 
of that envoy's genius and labor and peril. 

In accordance with this plan, Columbus was treated with the most disting- 
uished considerJttion by all connected with the Portuguese court. King John 
offered, if he preferred to enter Spain by land, to bear all the expenses con- 
nected with his journey, and to furnish a giiard of honor such as was fitting 
for a personage of his rank and achievements. Columbus, however, declined 
this flattering offer, since the weather had become more calm; and put to sea 
March 13, arriving at Palos two days later, the day of the week being Friday. 

If the day, nearly seven months and a half previous, when the little fleet 
set sail from Palos had been a season of general mourning, the day of the 
Xina's return was one of general rejoicing. There are but two important 
dates in the history of this Spanish seaport; one is August 3, 1492; the other 
is March 15, 1493. 

Yet, although the bells were rung, the shops shut, and all business sus- 
pended, there was but one of the vessels that had returned in safety; one 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 119 

had been wrecked, and the fate of the other was dreadfully uncertain. Of 
the mariners who had manned these vessels, thirty had been left on the 
strange shore which the expedition had discovered; about the same number 
were still battling with the ocean, in the Jr*infa, or were buried with her 
beneath its waters. 

But this uncertainty was soon to be dispelled; for on the very day that 
Columbus arrived at Palos, and only a few hours later, the Pinta sailed up 
the river. Driven before the storm into the Bay of Biscay, Pinzon had suc- 
ceeded in making the port of Bayonne. Confident that in a tempest which 
the stronger and more sea-worthy Pi)ita could hardly weather, the Khia 
must have perished, he wrote a letter to the rulers of Spain, announcing the 
discoveries which he had made; and requesting permission to come to court 
and communicate the particulars in person. Full of brilliant anticipations 
of a triumphant entry into his native town, he then set sail for Palos. 

The bells were still ringing when he entered the harbor; but he knew no 
reason for this glad demonstration until he saw, riding at anchor before him, 
the battered and tempest-tossed Xina, which he had thought w^as at the bot- 
tom of the Atlantic. At once all his bright hopes were dashed to the ground ; 
and fearful of being called to account by Columbus for his desertion off 
Cuba, he caused his boat to be lowered, and landed privately; keeping well 
out of sight until he learned that Columbus had left Palos. 

Concealed in the home which he had dreamed would be the scene of such 
honor, he at last received the answer of Ferdinand and Isabella to his letter. 
It reproached him with endeavoring to take to himself the honor which right- 
fully belonged to another, and ended by forbidding him to come to court. It 
was too much for the hardy and adventurous mariner; and he who perhaps 
had done more than any one man to make the expedition of Columbus 
possible died a few days afterward, the victim of deep chagrin. " His story 
shows how one lapse from duty may counterbalance the merits of a thousand 
services; how one moment of weakness may mar the beauty of a whole life 
of virtue; and how important it is for a man, under all circumstances, to be 
true not merely to others, but to himself." 

Columbus had gone to Seville, shortly after landing, there to await the 
commands of Ferdinand and Isabella; he had taken with him six of the 
Indians who had voluntarily accompanied him to Spain; one having died on 
the voyage, and three being left, ill, at Palos. 

At Seville he received an answer to his letter, addressed to " Don Christo- 
pher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy and Governor 
of the Islands Discovered in the Indies." It is said that the Spaniards arc 
particularly fond of long and sounding titles; and this address would surely 
have satisfied the most ambitious of them. The contents of the letter were 
as flattering as the superscription was imposing. The sovereigns expressed 




I 











Tile Tkiumphal Pkogkess. 



(120) 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMHUS. 121 

their unbounded delight at the services rendered by Columbus, and requested 
him to repair to court at once, to make arrangements for a second voyage. 
If there was anything which they could do to expedite such a journey before 
he could come to them, he was to send them word, and it should be done. 
They desired to take advantage of the approaching summer, since that was 
the most favorable season for such journeys of discovery. 

His journey to Barcelona, where the court then was, was like the triumphal 
progress of a sovereign ; never before had a man sprung from the people 
received such honors from Spaniards; for never before had any man done 
such service to the Crown and the empire. Arrived at Barcelona, he was 
welcomed by such a crowd of spectators of the brilliant cavalcade which 
escorted him, that they could hardly make their way through the streets. 
The King and Queen had ordered their throne to be placed in public under a 
rich canopy of brocade; and seated here, attended by their son and the 
highest nobles of the court, they awaited the coming of the discoverer. As 
he approached the throne, they rose, as if receiving one of their own rank; 
and as in the court of Portugal, so in the presence of the proud and punctil- 
ious Spanish monarchs, Columbus was actually permitted to be seated. To 
us, such a distinction appears trivial; but it did not seem so to those who 
witnessed the reception of Columbus by the sovereigns whom he served. 

An account of the voyage was given their majesties, and the natives and 
other spoil acquired duly displayed. When Columlius had finished speaking, 
the King and Queen, followed, of course, by all present, fell upon their 
knees; and raising their clasped hands, poured forth a thanksgiving to the 
Power which had so blessed the enterprise. The emotion of those assembled 
was too deep for ordinary acclamations; and when the prayer was concluded, 
there was a solemn silence, until the voices of the choir of the royal chapel, 
accompanied by instruments, rose in the sacred strains of the psalm, "Te 
Deum Laudamus." Their thoughts were borne upward on the swelling 
strains, as though, says Las Casas, " in that hour they communicated with 
celestial delights." 

It would be tedious to tell of the round of entertainments prepared in 
honor of Columbus by the obsequious courtiers, and the honors which they 
strove to shower upon him. Everywhere that he went', he was the object of 
a respect so profound that its like had never been shown to any man not of 
royal descent. Yet there were not wanting some who were meanly jealous of 
him, and who asserted that his service was but small; had he not discovered 
these countries, there -were yet others in Spain who were capable of doing so; 
that his success was due simply to a series of lucky accidents, which might 
have befallen any adventurous mariner. At one of the banquets given in his 
honor, a courtier had the hardihood to suggest this to Columbus himself, by 
asking if he thought there was no one else in Spain who could have accom- 




RECEFnox oi' Columbus i;y Fei^dixaxd axd Fsabella. 



(122) 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 123 

plished the discovery. For answer, Columbus took an egg, and asked his 
would-be detractor to set it on end; saying that it was an easy thing to do. 
The courtier tried to balance it, but failed; meantime, the attention of all 
present was attracted to this " most excellent fooling," which seemed to be 
directed by the great man himself. When the trial was ended, and the proud 
Spaniard acknowledged that he could not do it, one after another, believing 
he saw wherein lay the difficulty, and encouraged by the amused smile of Co- 
lumbus and his assurance that it was easy enough, begged leave to make the 
trial. One after another they essayed it; and one after another they failed, 
and were obliged to give up. The discoverer took the egg in his hand, and 
knocked one end against the table until it stood firmly upon the broken 
part. No words were needed to complete the lesson; the envious belittler 
of a great man's fame had learned that there are things easy enough to do 
when one knows how, but impossible to those who have not learned, unless 
natural capacity supplies the place of teaching. 

The story is as well known as that later one of George Washington and 
the cherry tree; but it is better authenticated than that. The simplicity of 
the reproof is quite in accordance with the character of Columbus, who was 
eminently practical, and always ready to use the means at hand, no matter 
how trifling. 

Although it was supposed that the land discovered by Columbus was a part 
of the twritory of a people who had made a considerable advance in civiliza- 
tion, the Spanish sovereigns felt not the slightest doubt of their right to take 
possession of it, and appoint governors and other officials as they saw fit. 
This was in accordance with the principle which the rulers of Europe had 
established for themselves during the Crusades, that Christian princes have 
undoubted rights over all countries not Christian. This principle, highly 
satisfactory to those who were benefitted by it, combined with the principle 
of the right of discovery, sustained Ferdinand and Isabella in their intention 
of taking possession of the Indies. It was further believed that the Pope, 
as the head of the Christian w^orld, possessed the right to assign these terri- 
tories of paynim peoples to the Christian nations. In accordance with this 
belief, the Spanish rulers, to strengthen their right of discovery, applied to 
the Pope for a bull to sanction their further proceedings. 

This request was not made without an intimation that the Spaniards 
scarcely considered it necessary, but regarded it merely as a ceremony due 
from them to show their respect for the Holy See. Thus politely informed 
that if he did not give his consent to their holding and colonizing these 
lands, they would do so without his permission, the Pope granted the request, 
and issued the desired bull. To prevent any conflict between Spain and 
Portugal regarding the countries which the Holy Father had granted to them 
respectively, it was decided that an imaginary line to be drawn from pole 




Columbus axd the Egg. 



(124) 



TIIK FIRST VOYA(iE OF COLUMBUS. 125 

to pole a hundred leagues to the west of the Azores, should be the boundary 
between their possessions; all to the east of this was to belong to Portugal; 
while all land to the west of it was to belong to the Crown of Spain. 

While these negotiations were being carried on, Ferdinand and Isabella ex- 
erted themselves to honor Columbus to the utmost. The outcome of their 
efforts seems to have been the assignment of a coat of arms, in which the 
group of islands surrounded by waves, which was the design of the heralds, 
was quartered with the royal Castle and Lion, which Isabella bore on her 
shield in allusion to the names of her two kingdoms, Castile and Leon. To 
this device, a motto was afterward added, a Spanish couplet which is, trans- 
lated into English prose: "To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a New 
World." 

It took time to procure the papal bull; and the Spanish monarchswere not 
willing to delay their preparations for another voyage. They proceeded with 
the work, first organizing it so as to insure regularity and dispatch in trans- 
acting the business relating to this vast new empire. Juan Eodriguez de 
Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville, was appointed to superintend them, and 
finally, aft(T several ecclesiastical promotions in Spain, made Patriarch of the 
Indies. Francisco Pinclowas associated with him as treasurer, and Juan de 
Soria as comptroller. These officials were to be located at Seville; although 
they also had charge of the custom-house at Cadiz, where ships from the New 
World were required to land. An office was also ordered to be established in 
Ilispaniola, under the direction of the Admiral. An' accountant was to sail 
with each vessel, and strict reports were to be rendered to the sovereigns of 
the amount of cargo carried; since they were responsible for the expenses, 
and received all the emoluments, excejit for that small proportion which they 
had agreed to allow to Columbus. 

The narrow and jealous spirit of the Spaniards was shown in the restric- 
tions which were put upon emigration and commerce; for a long time no one 
but subjects of Isabella were permitted to trade in the Indies discovered by 
Columbus; he had given the New World to Castile and Leon, and to no other 
country. 

Although Ferdinand was called the ]\Iost Catholic King, and Isabella was 
noted for her piety and devotion, the means which they employed or per- 
mitted to furnish this armamentscem to us to smack of the grossest injustice. 
We have seen that on the first voyage they had ordered that men and vessels 
should be joressed into service when it was found that they could be obtained 
in no other way; and now again they ordered that Columbus and Fonseca 
should select whatever vessels pleased them, and pay to the owners what 
seemed to the Admiral and the Archdeacon a fair price, regardless of whether 
the owner desired to sell or not. The same order was given in regard to the 
supplies of provisions, arms, and ammunition; and they were further author- 



126 



TIIK FIKST VOYAGE OF ClOLl'MHUS. 



izcd to ooni})('l ;niy oflicor or seaman who niiglil add to llic cniciency of the 
service to embark on the fleet at a reasonable pay. 

The revenue for this expedition was drawn partly from the church tithes; 
two-thirds of that revenue being set aside for the purpose. The Jews had 
been banished from the kingdom during the preceding year, their jewels and 
many other valuables being confiscated; and these were now sold, and the 
proceeds applied to the expenses of the expedition. The deficiency which 
existed after these resources had been exhausted was supplied by a loan. 

Twelve zealous and able churchmen were to sail with the Admiral, to assist 
in the conversion of the heathen inhabitants. The six Indians, also, having 
been duly baptized with great state and ceremony, were intended to assist in 
this work among their countrymen; but one of them remained behind, at the 
request of Prince Juan, the heir to the throne, as a member of his household. 
He died not long afterward, however; the first of his race, says the pious 
Spanish historian, to enter fhe kiuiidoni of Ilcavon. 




U Pl'.CEZ. 



Seventeen vessels wx>re prepared for this second expedition to the western 
lands; all kinds of skilled workmen w^ere provided for every need of the new 
colony; domestic animals of all varieties were secured, and there was a 
plentiful stock of seeds and plants, as well as of the special kinds of 
merchandise for traffic with the natives. Provisions, ammunition, arms, and 
medicines were a matter of course. The number of persons engaged in the 
enterprise was at first limited to a thousand; ])ut so great was the enthusiasm 
respecting the New World, and so vast was the army of adventurers, whose 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 127 

occupation had been gone since the Moorish wars and the late contests with 
France had ended, that the sovereigns found it necessary to raise the limit to 
twelve hundred. These enlisted without pay, trusting to the fabulous amount 
of wealth which they believed to exist in the Indies to repay every exertion 
Avhich they might make. So intense was the desire of many to go, that they 
hid themselves on the vessels until after the departure; and the real number 
on board the ships, including these stowaways, was not far short of fifteen 
hundred. 

Not all the requisitions which Cohimbus made for men and supplies were 
honored without question by the officials appointed for the superintendence 
of these affairs. Both Fonseca and Soria demurred to various demands of 
his; but an appeal to the royal authority always ended in Columbus being 
upheld, and the objecting officials being commanded to furnish all that he 
might desire. It was the golden prime of his favor with the sovereigns; for 
a little while he was to be the man whom the king delighteth to honor; and 
then his star was to set at the Spanish court, to rise again, after a short 
obscuration, over the wide world. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



W 



HEN, ill the early part of August, 1492, three small vessels sailed from 
the port of Palos, the men on board of them were regarded as doom- 
ed to be lost at sea, and the leader of the expedition was regarded as 
a foolhardy adventurer, who had succeeded in exciting the cupidity of the 
sovereigns until, for the hope of visionary gains, they were willing to im- 
peril these vessels. Nearly fourteen months later, or Sept. 25, 1493, the 
same man was the commander of a fleet which lay off Cadiz, waiting for the 
sun to rise before they sailed over the same course ; but how different w^as 
the feeling with which he and his followers were regarded! Now, he was 
the great discoverer of a new route to the opulent Indies, the friend and 
favored oiEcer of great sovereigns; while his followers w^ere the most fortun- 
ate of mortals in being permitted to seek these regions of riches incalculable. 

The fleet, as we have seen, consisted of seventeen vessels; three of which 
were of the class called carracks, of about one hundred tons' burden each; 
two of the caravels were much larger than the others; and there was not a 
vessel of them all that was not far superior, in its sea-going qualities, to the 
crazy bark in which the great Admiral had made the homeward voyage. 

Columbus had purposely selected many small vessels, as being better fitted 
for navigating the straits separating the many islands of the New World from 
each other and from the main land. It had been for this reason, partly, that 
he chose small vessels for his first voyage; for it was even then known that 
there were many small islands along the coast of Asia. 

Leaving Cadiz at sunrise on the 25th of September, they reached the 
Canaries October 1, and remained there several days, taking on board a 
number of domestic animals in addition to those already provided, and seeds 
of lemons, oranges, and such other tropical fruits as seemed to Columbus 
appropriate to the climate of the islands w hich he had visited. Before leav- 
ing these islands, Columbus delivered to the commander of each vessel sealed 
orders as to the course to be pursued; these orders to be opened only in case 
the vessels should become separated. He pursued this course in order to 
prevent the path to the New World from becoming generally known; 

(128) 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 129 

for he feared lest adventurers of other nationab"ties, and particularly the 
Portuguese, would follow in his steps should the road once become familiar, 
and rob the Spanish rulers of the sovereignty and emoluments which justly 
belonged to them. It was the thirteenth, however, before the wind proved 
favorable for their westward voyage; and on that day they set sail from the 
Canaries. 

The journey was not attended by any misfortunes, such as had marked the 
recent homeward voyage. Toward the latter part of October they were con- 
siderably alarmed by a storm, accompanied by the vivid lightning and heavy 
thunder of the tropics; this lasted for four hours; but they were reassured 
when they saw the lambent flames playing about the masts: with the super- 
stition of the time, they said that St. Elmo appeared on the mast, with seven 
lighted candles. Having seen this appearance, they chanted litanies and 
orisons, confident that when St. Elmo showed himself in the storm there 
would be no damage done. 

Sunday, November 3, land was descried; and because it was seen on Sun- 
day, dies Domini^ Columbus named the island Dominica. Six other islands 
were seen during the day, on one of which he landed to take formal possession 
of the archipelago in the name of Spain. 

Continuing their course, they landed the next day on an island that Colum- 
bus named Guadaloupe, in fulfillment of a promise to the monks of Our Lady 
of Guadaloupe in Estramadura to call some newly discovered place after 
their convent. The natives fled at their approach, in such haste that some 
of them even left their children behind them. The huts they found con- 
structed in a similar manner to those of the other islands which Columbus 
had visited; but much to his surprise, he found in one of them an iron pan, 
tlie first bit of that metal which he had seen in the New World. In another 
house was the stern-post of a vessel, which was very much like those of 
European manufacture. Columbus wondered much to see this, and was at a 
loss to know how it had been obtained. Had it been brought from some 
country near by, where the people were more civilized, as he was certain that 
the subjects of Kublai Khan were? Or was it the sole remnant of some un- 
fortunate vessel which had been driven out to sea from some voyage along 
the coast of Europe or Africa, and lost, its fragments drifting to this distant 
shore? It surely could not be the stern-post of that vessel of his own which 
had been wrecked off Hispaniola, for the parts of that had been used in the 
construction of the fortress, toward which they were presently to continue 
their voyage. 

But the most horrifying sight which they beheld, was the evidence of the 
cannibalism of the inhabitants; human skulls were used as vases and house- 
hold utensils ; and other human remains were present in abundance. Fortun- 
ately for the crew of the boat that was sent to land, the men of the island 



130 



THE SECOND A^OYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



wore absent on one of the predatory expeditions by which they terrorized the 
neighboring ishinds; and only women and boys remained to defend their 
homes. This much was ascertained from several women and a boy, who were 
captured, and who were able to communicate with them, although imperfect- 
ly, through one of the Indians who had been to Spain and returned on this 
voyage. 




EvniKNCES OF CaXNTI!.\1,I.SM. 

Much alarm was occasioned by the tidings that the captain of one of the 
caravels was missing, together with eight of his men. Every effort was made 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 131 

to find them; and when search proved unavailing, signal guns were fired to 
attract their attention. They did not make their appearance for several days ; 
when they told a pitiful story, confirmed by their haggard looks and exhaust- 
ed strength, of being lost in the impenetrable forest, and wandering about, 
unable to find their way back until they at last reached the shore ; and by 
following that for a considerable distance, had come within sight of the fleet. 
Although the account which they gave of their sufferings was evidently true, 
Columbus ordered them to be placed under arrest; for they had left their 
vessel without leave and it was necessary to maintain the strictest discipline 
if the order of the expedition was to be preserved. 

While the fleet had been waiting their return, several women, who were 
captives of the fierce Caribs that inhabited this island, had sought shelter 
from their harsh nuisters in the ships of Columbus, and had found sympathy 
and assistance. These were on board Avhen he set sail Nov. 10; and he had 
agreed to return them to their homes. 

Olf the island, to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz, a number of 
Spaniards, who had been sent on shore to procure water, and to get such in- 
formation as they could, were attacked while returning to the fleet, by a 
canoe-load of natives. The white men endeavored to protect themselves 
with their bucklers; but the long arrows of the Indians pierced these shields 
through and through, and two of the Spaniards were wounded by the shafts. 

Approaching that island now known as Porto Rico, he learned that it was 
the native country of nu3st of those who had sought refuge on board his 
ships. He landed and spent two days here; but the natives had fled in terror 
as soon as they saw the squadron, and it was exceedingly difficult to persuade 
•them to return. FimUly, after cruising for some days among these islands, 
Columbus and his captains proceeded toward Hispaniola, which was to be the 
end of their voyage. Here they would find their comrades who had elected 
lo remain in the New World; and here they would find what progress had 
been made in trading with the natives. 

They arrived off the eastern extremity of the island Nov. 22, and followed the 
shore for a short distance before any attempt was made to land. Then a boat 
was sent ashore, the crew of which had been detailed to bury the body of a 
sailor who had died of a wound received during the skirmish which has 
])een mentioned. Here also a number of natives came on board, inviting Co- 
lumbus to land, and promising to procure him all the gold which he might 
desire. He was only anxious, however, to reach La Navidad, and dismissed 
them with presents and kind words. 

Arrived at the gulf now called Semana, he sent ashore one of the Indians 

who had accompanied him to Spain, and who was considered converted to 

Christianity, having been l)aptized. The native was loaded with trinkets of 

all kinds, and instructed to make friends with his countrymen in the name 

8 



132 Tiiic si-:(;oNi) voYA(iK of columbus. 

of the white men, and iiidiicc Ihcin to meet the Admiral in council at La Na- 
vidad; but whether he forgot the promises nuide while a captive, when once 
he had regained his liberty, or whether he was robbed of all his wealth of 
trinkets, and perhaps murdered, was never known ; for nothing more was seen 
or heard of him. 

As several of the mariners were ranging ah)ng the coast, they found the 
bodies of a man and a boy, but so far decomposed that they could not tell if 
they were Spaniards or natives. The next day, however, their worst doubts 
were confirmed; for two other bodies were found, one of which was certainly 
a European, as was seen by the beard. 

What had happened to the fortress and garrison of La Navidad? The 
frank and fearless manner of the natives, who came in numbers to visit the 
vessels, forbade the supposition that they had been massacred by the Indians; 
yet he could not explain the finding of these two bodies in the wild forest. 

Arrivinglate on the evening of the 27th opposite the harbor of La Navidad, 
he was obliged to cast anchor for the night, on account of the dangerous reefs, 
which he feared to pass in the darkness. But he determined to comnmnicate at 
once to the garrison the glad tidings that their friends had arrived. He accord- 
ingly ordered two cannon to be fired, hoping to hear an answering report from 
the shore. But as the echo of his own guns died away, there was only the 
breaking of the waves to be hoard through the stillness of the night. 

About midnight, a canoe approached the Admiral's vessel, and after the 
Indians in it wei-e sure that Columbus was on board, they entered the ship. 
One of them who said that he was a cousin of Guacanagari, broughtas a present 
two masks ornamented with gold. lie informed the Admiral that several of the 
Spaniards had died of sickness; others had fallen in a quarrel among them-, 
selves; and others had removed to another part of the island, and married 
Indian women. Guacanagari had been attacked by Caona])0, the cacique of 
the fierce tribe that inhabited the gold-bearing region of Cibao; the friendly 
chief had been'Avounded, his village had been burned, and he now lay, help- 
less by reason of his injury, in a neighboring handet. 

Some difficulty was experienced in making out the story of this Indian ; for 
the only interpreter, the sole survivor of those Indians who had nuule the 
journey to Spain, was a native of another island, and spoke another dialect 
of the language common to many tribes. But this news relieved the mind of 
Columbus of one fear: whatevcrhad happened to the garrison of La Navidad, 
Guacanagari had not been treacherous, but was worthy of the confidence 
which the Admiial had reposed in him. 

The Indian envoys departed in the night, after making many promises that 
Guacanagari would visit the Admiral in person in the nu)rning; and the ma- 
riners anxiously awaited the dawn, that they might learn how many of the 
garrison renuiined at the fort. 



THE SECOND VOYAOE OF COLUMBUS. 133 

Thoy waited in vain for the promised visit from the cacique; and no other 
Indians in their canoes thronged the harbor, as they had been wont to do when 
the Admiral first sought shelter from his wrecked vessel here. Finally, Co- 
lumbus sent a boat ashore to reconnoitcr; the crew at once sought the fort- 
ress. The ditch had been partially filled with the debris of the ruin; the 
palisades had been beaten down; here and there, among the charred rem- 
nants of the walls, they found broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the 
ragged remains of European garments. Now and then they caught sight of 
an Indian in the distance, watching them from his lurking-place behind a 
tree; but not one approached the search party. 

Fully assured that the people of Guacanagari had wrought this destruction 
of the fortress, the party returned and reported to Columbus. He went on 
shore, to see for himself Avhat was the condition of the colony. He found 
that they had given a correct report; and the minutest search failed to re- 
veal any traces of a human body in the ruins. Returning to the vessel, he 
gave orders that guns should be discharged at regular intervals; for he 
thought that if they had found shelter anywhere in the neighborhood, they 
would be attracted to the shore by these sounds. 

But not one came. Further search revealed the bodies of eleven men, 
buried in different places, at some distance from the fort; which were known 
by their clothing to be Europeans. These men had been dead for some time, 
for the grass was beginning to grow upon their graves. 

The Indians, after hovering timidly at a distance for some time, were finally 
induced to approach nearer, upon assurances that they would be allowed to 
dei)art when it pleased them. From them the story of the first European 
colony in the New World was learned by degrees. Scarcely had the Admiral 
sailed away, that the men whom he had left behind forgot his prudent coun- 
sels, and surrendered themselves to their vices. The avaricious seized upon 
the ornaments of the natives wherever they were found; the sensual were not 
content with the privileges allowed them by Guacanagari, but gave their pas- 
sions loose rein; and they quarreled among themselves with such fierceness 
that the wondering Indians, who had thought them the children of Heaven, 
came to have an entirely different idea about their origin. 

Nor did they obey those wise orders of the Admiral, that they should main- 
tain a military discipline, and keep within the bounds of the territory gov- 
erned by Guacanagari. The two lieutenants sought to make themselves 
equal with the commander; and failing in this, withdrew from the fortress, 
and set off for Cibao. This part of the island was governed by the Carib 
chief (^aonabo, who had invaded the country, and finally settled there with his 
fierce followers. He was held in great fear by the peaceable natives; but he 
knew very well that his reign of terror would bo over if the white men, with 
their arms of thunder and lightning, should establish themselves in the island. 



134 Till] SKCOND VOVA(iK OK COLUMBUS. 

Accordingly, no sooner had tliosc rebels ventured into his territory, than he 
went upon the war-[)alh, captured them, and put them to death. 

Having full information of the original strength of the garrison, and know- 
ing what proportion of tho mcu had fallen at the hands of his tribe, Caonabo 
resolved to attack the f orti-ess. He made :i league with tho cacique of JNIarien, 
who dwelt to tho westward of Guacanagari; and arrived in the vicinity of the 
friendly chief's village without his presence being suspected. Only ten men 
were in tho fortress; the others were scattered around in various houses of 
the village; and even the handful who remained at their post maintained no 
guard. 

The Caribs are supposed to have migrated from the mainland of North 
America; and we find this attack upon the Spaniards nnicli like the attacks 
upon English colonies within the bounds of tho present United States. There 
was a sudden burst of frightful yells ; and before the startled sleepers realized 
what had happened, tho whole place was wrapped in flames, every point of 
egress barred by a phalanx of painted savages. Eight of the Spaniards rushed 
toward the sea; with what intent, we know not; but plunging into the waves 
as a refuge from their savage foes, they were drowned. The others were 
massacred. 

Guacanagari and his people suffered for having been friends to the whites; 
their village was attacked at the same time as the fortress; their huts were 
burned to the ground, several of his people killed, and the cacique himself 
wouiuled. 

Columbus visited the wounded cacique at his placeof refuge, and the chief 
himself repaid tho visit by coming to the fleet. The fact that although he 
claimed his wound was very painful, no external evidence could be perceived, 
excited tho suspicions of some of tho followers of Columbus; and Guacana- 
gari, seeing that he Avas -not regarded with full confidence, as on previous oc- 
casions, returned to shore, and disappeared, with all his followers, during 
the night. This gave new force to their suspicions; and Guacanagari was 
generally regarded as the traitor and tho destroyer of the fortress. 

The crowded condition of the ships made it necessary for the Spaniards to 
land as soon as possible; but the associations connected with this beautiful 
point were not such as to make them desirous of rebuilding La Navidad. They 
accordingly Aveighod anchor, intending to proceed to apoint at some distance; 
but, compelled by the Aveather to put in at a harbor about ten leagues to the 
east of IVfonte Christi, the Admiral AvasstruckAvith the advantages and beauty 
of the situation, and gave orders to begin the building of a fortress and resi- 
dences. 

It Avas the middle of December; but in that land Avhere there is no Avinter, 
the trees were in leaf, :ind the birds Avere singing as in spring. To the men 
Avho had been shut up on board ship for nearly three months, the beauty of 



TIIK SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 135 

this teeming plain must indeed have appeared almost heavenly. An encamp- 
ment was at once formed about the point of land, protected on one side by 
the impervious forest, and on the other by a natural rampart of rocks; and 
the various artificers who had been brought from Spain busied themselves in 
erecting the houses of the new city, Isabella. 

Streets were laid out, and the plaza, that indispensable part of a Spanish 
town, was marked out. A church, a public storehouse, and a residence for 
the Admiral, were begun, all built of stone. Private houses were built of 
reeds, wood, plaster, or any other material which ingenuity might suggest. 
For a short time, they all worked with feverish energy. Then the enthusiasm 
ran its course, and work became more distasteful. Many of them had suf- 
fered much from seasickness, having never been accustomed to the sea; and 
these needed rest and relaxation, rather than unremitting labor. Others, 
again, had been victims of scurvy, having lived so long upon salt provisions 
and mouldy sea-biscuit. Another source of disease was found in the un- 
wonted exposure, since everybody could not be housed at once; and in the 
rank exhalations of that moist, warm earth which produced such luxuriant 
vegetation. 

Ill in body and dispirited in mind, finding that gold was to be obtained only 
in small quantities and by dint of hard work, the adventurers were disheart- 
ened at the very outset. Columbus himself did not escape the prevailing 
evils, but was stretched on a sickbed for several weeks. There is nothing 
like necessity, however, for calling forth the best powers of the mind; and 
conscious that the success of the expedition lay almost entirely in his hands, 
Columbus felt that he must succeed. Thus, although the cares and respon- 
sibilities and distress regarding the destruction of the fortress weighed far 
more heavily on him than on any other, he did not give up; but continued, 
with indomitable energy, to direct from his sickbed the building of the cit}', 
and to give a general supervision to the affairs of the expedition. 

But this was not all that he had to think of. He had expected that when 
he returned to Hispaniola, he would find that the garrison of La Navidad had 
collected a considerable amount of treasure by trading with the natives; or 
that, at least, they would have ascertained where the richest mines lay, and 
where were the sources of wealthy traffic. The destruction of the fortress 
had of course ended all such hopes ; but there were the ships, waiting to make 
the return voyage, and there was for their cargo no such store of treasure as 
his royal patrons expected to receive. There was nothing to send in them. 

He decided that the island should be thoroughly explored; convinced that 
Cibao was but another form of the name Cipango, he was sure that there 
must be rich and populous cities somewhere in the interior; and this terrible 
cacique, Caonabo, whose name signified " The Lord of the Golden House," 
was the very potentate from whom these stores of gold must be obtained. 



1.3() TIIK SKCOND VOYACK OF COIAJMIUIS. 

As leader of the oxploi-iiiii^ party he chose Alonzo do Ojeda, a Spanish cav- 
alier who had gained a great reputation for courage during the Moorish wars; 
but whose bravery seems, to the dispassionate eyes of the nineteenth century, 
rather foolhardy daring than true courage ; for true courage does not court 
danger; it only faces it calndy when unavoidable. 

To such a man, however, this expedition into the interior w\as extremely 
alluring; and the more that was told him about the terrible reputation of 
Caonabo, the better pleased was he to see him in his mountain fastnesses. 

Many difficulties, resulting from the nature of the country, were encoun- 
tered before they reached the mountains; but they were not molested by the 
natives. The Indians, on the contrary, appeared to welcome them with kind- 
ness; the dreaded Caonabo was absent in some other part of his dominions, 
and only women and children were left to receive the strangers. 

Of course, they found no traces of the rich and magnificent cities which 
they had expected to behold; but they saw what seemed to them unmistaka- 
ble signs of the vast wealth of these regions. The sands of the mountain- 
streams glittered with particles of gold ; nuggets of considerable size were 
sometimes found in the beds of these rivulets; and rocks were discovered, 
richly seamed and streaked with the yellow metal. 

While Ojeda was absent on this exploring expedition, Columbus had sent 
another party, on a similar errand, in another direction, under the leadership 
of a young cavalier named Gorvalan. Both parties returned about the same 
time, bringing glowing accounts of the riches of the island. Columbus now 
felt assured that it was only necessary to explore the mines of Cibao thoroughly, 
in order to open up inexhaustible sources of wealth, and his sanguine expec- 
tations were fully shared by his follow^ers. 

He dispatched twelve of the vessels of his fleet to Spain, sending such 
specimens of the wealth of the island as had been obtained; and also, speci- 
mens of all the fruits, or plants which appeared to bo valuable, or were par- 
ticularly curious. The natives captured in the Caribbee Islands were also 
sent, with a recommendation that they should be carefully instructed in the 
Spanish language and the Christian faith. 

Columbus asked that further supplies might be sent him; as their provis- 
ions were already growing scanty, and nuich of their wine had been lost 
through the badness of the casks. The colony was also in need of medicines, 
clothing, and arms. In addition to these, W'orkmen skilled in mining and 
smelting and purifying ore would be required if the teeming mines of Cibao 
were to be worked; while horses were needed to use on the public works 
and in tilling the ground, and also for military service; for the Indians, un- 
accustomed to any but the smallest quadrupeds, showed the greatest fear of 
the immense beasts, horses and horned cattle, which the Spaniards had 
brought in their wonderful ships. 




Salllng among the ISLA>a)S. 



(137) 



138 THH SKCONO VOV.\<iK OF COLUMHUS. 

Columbus had devised a scheme for furnishing the ishmd with live stock 
which appears to us simply inhuman; to him, devout Christian as ho was, 
wishing for nothing more strongly than to advance the interestsof the Church, 
to free the Holy Land from the domination of the infidels, and to bring the 
whole w^orld into the Christian fold, its advantages seemed to be so great that 
there was no question of right or wrong to be considered. He proposed that 
an exchange should be established, by which Spanish merchants were to send 
live stock direct to Isabella, and receive in payment therefor slaves captured 
from the Caribs. A duty was to be levied on every slave so traded, for the 
benefit of the royal purse. 

The Admiral, thinking that he had reached the opulent countries of which 
Marco Polo had told, had long promised his royal patrons a large revenue 
from them. Trusting in these promises, they had incurred great expense 
in fitting out the second expedition. It was doubtful whether, at least 
during his absence, they would continue to grant money to pay expenses, 
where they had hoped to derive an income. He felt bound to suggest some 
way in which an income could be derived from the new countries, Avithout a 
long and tedious waiting till the mines should be developed. This was one 
reason which he had for making this suggestion. 

But it was not the one which made itseem right to his own mind. To many 
persons of that time, an observance of the forms prescribed by the Church 
appeared to be enough ; it mattered little what the course pursued in the 
ordinary transactions of life might be. Columbus was one of these persons; 
to him, as to thousands of others, it seemed that if the Indians received a 
certain amount of instruction, and were then baptized, they would become 
by that fact Christians, and would be assured of Paradise. If, then, these 
savage islanders, who were in their own country only a perpetual menace to 
their peaceable neighbors, could be taken to Spain, even as slaves, and there 
taught the doctrines of the Christian Church, and be brought within its fold 
by baptism, surely the good that was done would far outweigh the evil which 
lay in slavery. 

Besides, it must be remembered that slavery was not then regarded as it is 
now. One great source of the revenue which Portugal derived from her 
African possessions was the sale of slaves, captured on the coast of that con- 
tinent. Columbus had doubtless made many voyages to Africa, had perhaps 
engaged in this very trafiic; and did not regard a human chattel as a thing of 
which humanity cannot approve. 

The fleet sailed February 2, 1494. It Avas the intention of Columbus to 
explore the island in person as soon as possible; but at the time that the 
twelve vessels departed he Avas still confined to his bed. He Avas busily mak- 
ing arrangements for the expedition, hoAvever, in spite of being thus disabled ; 
AA'hen his attention Avas engrossed by affairs of more pressing importance. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 139 

The men who had worked with much ardor at first upon the new city soon 
found their enthusiasm considerably cooled; and every day's work after that 
increased their discontent; yet so strict was the rule of the Admiral that they 
were compelled, unless actually sick, to keep on with their task. They had 
also expected to find gold much more readily than they had done; and were 
correspondingly disappointed at the news that the mines lay some distance in 
the interior, and would have to be carefully and laboriously worked. The 
departure of the fleet at this timo brought home to them the idea of their 
own country, and although obliged to serve out their term of enlistment, they 
were already sick of their bargain. 

When such a state of general dissatisfaction with the " powers that be " 
exists in any community, there is sure to be a leader ready. In this case it 
was Bernard Diaz do Pisa, who had come out as comptroller with the fleet, 
and who was so puffed up with his own importance that he had more than 
once questioned the authority of the Admiral, and had met with the result 
Avhich might have been expected. Sore at such insults to his importance, he 
readily found followers among the dissatisfied; and proposed to them that 
they should seize upon the five remaining ships and return to Spain. Once 
there, they could easily explain their desertion, for the Admiral, as they all 
knew well, was overbearing and unjust, and had grossly misrepresented the 
wealth of these islands in the reports rendered to the sovereigns. Among 
these malcontents was an assayer named Fermin Cedo, who obstinately 
insisted that there was no gold in the island; or at least none in such quan- 
tities as to pay for the working. He refused to be convinced by the speci- 
mens that he saw, declaring that the large grains had been melted, and in 
some cases represented the accumulations of several generations; and that 
the largest pieces were far from being pure. This opinion of an expert, in 
which many of them, from sheer discontent against the Admiral, were ready 
to concur, would justify them, as they considered, in their complaint that 
Columbus had procured their enlistment by false representations, and was 
still endeavoring to deceive the sovereigns; and Diaz do Pisa boasted loudly 
that he had sufficient influence to obtain them a hearing at court. 

Fortunately, this conspiracy was discovered before it had made dangerous 
headway. The ringleaders were at once, by the orders of Columbus, arrested, 
and a general search for incriminating evidence instituted. In this search, 
they found, concealed in the buoy of one of the ships, a memorial in the 
handwriting of Diaz, full of the grossest misrepresentations of the Admiral. 

Although the conspiracy was thus proven, Columbus did not take harsh 
measures. He punished some of the inferior mutineers, but not as severely 
as their mutinous conduct had deserved; Diaz was confined on board one of 
the ships, until it should be convenient to send him to Spain for trial. 

But while thus lightly passing over a very grave offense, Columbus did not 



140 THE SECOND VOYA(5E OF COLUMBUS. 

fail to take measures to prevent it from lieing repeated. lie had all the guns 
and naval munitions taken out of four of the vessels and stored in the fifth, 
which was placed under the charge of men in whom he had entire confidence. 

Mild as was the punishment, and grave as was the offense, this occuri:ence 
was the beginning of much of Columbus' future misfortune. Whatever 
might be the extent of his services to science, or however highly he might be 
regarded by the sovereigns, he was still, to these narrow-minded Spaniards, 
a foreigner. He stood alone; but every man that he punished had relatives 
and friends in Spain, who thenceforth lost no opportunity of defaming the 
great discoverer. 

March 12, having attended to the punishment of those concerned in the 
mutiny, and set affairs to running smoothly again, Columbus set out on his 
journey to Cibao. His brother, Don Diego, was left in command of the settle- 
ment; but the force at his disposal was but a weak one. Every healthy per- 
son who could possibly be spared accompanied the Admiral; for he expected 
to form an establishment for working the mines, and besides, needed an 
escort sufficiently strong to assert the rights of the Spanish monarchs against 
the possible protests of the warlike savages who ruled Cibao. 

Columbus penetrated to a point about eighteen leagues from Isabella, 
where he decided to build a strong fortress of wood, for the protection of 
such workmen as might be employed in the mines about this point. This 
fortress he named St. Thomas, intending the name to be a rebuke to those 
who declared that they would not believe in the golden treasures of Cibao 
until they had seen and touched them. While the Admiral remained to 
superintend the building of this fortress, he sent a young cavalier, with a suf- 
ficient party, to explore the neighboring country. Having received a most 
favorable report from Luxan, the leader of this party, he placed Pedro Mar- 
garite in command of St. Thomas, with a garrison of fifty-six men, and re- 
turned to Isabella, which he reached March 29. 

He received here the most favorable reports of the results which their la- 
bor in tilling the ground had produced. All were alike astonished at the ease 
with which a large crop was produced, and at the shortness of the time re- 
quired to bring things to maturity. But while thus encouraged by the con- 
dition of affairs at Isabella, the Admiral received a message from Pedro 
Margarite to the effect that the Indians had changed in their behavior, and 
were threatening the safety of St. Thomas. Caonabo, it was said, Avas assem- 
bling his warriors, and preparing for an attack. This, however, did not oc- 
casion any special uneasiness in the mind of Columbus; he contented himself 
with sending Margarite a reinforcement of twenty men; believing that the 
Indians could be readily repulsed with the increased force, guns and horses 
adding to the advantages possessed by the white men. 

A greater source of anxiety was the condition of the colony. Very many 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 141 

of the men were suffering from something like malaria, the effect of living in 
such heat and humidity, surrounded by undrained marshes and extensive 
forests. Their stock of medicines was exhausted; and, to add to the general 
discontent, flour began to get scarce. Grain they had in plenty; for wheat 
sown in January had ripened at the end of March; but their only contrivance 
for grinding it was a hand-mill; a process too slow and laborious when so large 
a quantity was required, and so few workmen to prepare it. 

The Admiral decided that a mill and some other works important for the 
welfare of the community must be erected at once. But many of the work- 
men w^ere sick, and it appeared that it would be a long time before these 
buildings could be completed. In this emergency, since the gentlemen of the 
colony required food as much as the laborers, the ruler directed that each 
one, no matter wdnit his rank, should share inthe work for the common good. 
This was considered a cruel degradation by the proud young Spanish nobles, 
and they tried by every means to escape it. But discipline was strict, and 
Columbus was the supreme authority in the island; they were obliged to 
obey. 

In order to prevent the evils which arise from lack of occupation, Columbus 
determined, as soon as the pressing difficulty about food was settled, to send 
all the available force on an exploring expedition into the interior. Every 
healthy person, not absolutely necessary for the care of the sick, was accord- 
ingly put under arms; they numbered nearly four hundred, including the 
officers; and under the command of Ojeda, set out for St. Thomas. Here 
Ojeda was to remain in command of the post, while Margarite was to conduct 
the main body of the troops on a military tour, for the thorough exploration^ 
first of Cibao, and then of the other parts of the island. 

Written instructions were sent to Margarite, to treat the Indians kindly 
and justly, but to deal rigorously with any who were detected in theft; all re- 
quired supplies were to be purchased, not taken by force. A strict discipline 
was to be maintained among his men, and they were not to be suffered to 
wander from the main body. 

It was the intention of Columbus to make another voyage of discovery in 
the bays and channels to the west of their present situation. For this pur- 
pose he would need no more than the force required to man the vessels which 
he intended to take. Having made arrangements for the government of the 
colony during his absence, by appointing a junta of which his brother Don 
Diego was president, he set out upon this voyage. 

The two largest ships were left at Isabella, as being unfit for purposes of 
exploration; the others, of light draught, and therefore able to penetrate 
where the others could not go, were chosen for the purpose. He intended to 
visit Cuba, reaching it at about the point where he had discontinued his ex- 
plorations on his first voyage, and following its coast-line until he should 



142 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

roach — if it were indeed the extremity of the continent of Asia — the wealthy 
and populous lands described by Polo and Mandeville. 

Had he kept to this intention, he would of course have found that Cuba 
was an island; but he was attracted by the appearance of Jamaica, and sailed 
toward that body of land, being assured by the Cubans that gold was to be 
found there. He reached the western extremity of the island, w^hen the wind 
changed, and became unfavorable for further advance. He accordingly re- 
turned to Cuba, wdiere he endeavored to learn from the people something of 
its extent. Several caciques assured him that it w\as endless; an assertion 
which he w^as quite willing to believe. At last, one of them told him that he 
could learn more from the inhabitants of a country to the west, called INIangon. 
The word was welcome to his ears; for was it not the same as Mangi, the 
name of the richest province of Cathay? To add to the certainty, this cacique 
informed him that the people of Mangon had tails like those of animals; 
and w^ore long garments to conceal the deformity. He at once recalled a 
story told by Sir John Mandeville, of a people of the far east who could im- 
agine no reason for their neighbors' wearing clothes, unless they had some- 
thing of the kind to hide ; and who accordingly circulated the report that these 
neighbors had tails. As for the garments, it was a well-known fact that the 
subjects of the great Khan wore long flowing robes of richest texture. 

But they found themselves involved in narrow and shallow channels, almost 
choked with sand, where they found it impossible to proceed until they saw 
that they could not get out any other way. Their vessels had received con- 
siderable injury, having run aground often, and had to be helped along 
by the use of the capstan. Their cables and rigging were w^orn, their pro- 
visions scanty and becoming unfit for use, and the crews worn out by inces- 
sant labor. Still they had not found any sign of a civilized people; and they 
demanded that the vessels should be turned toward Isabella. It was certain, 
they said, that this vast body of hind could not be an island; for they had 
already coasted three hundred and thirty-five leagues, and yet saw no sign of 
any end to the land. Columbus, anxious to prove that this was the view of 
all on board, sent a notary around to every person onboard the vessels, from 
the master to the cabin-boy, to ask each if he had any doubt that this land 
w^as not an island; if he had the slightest, he was at once to declare it, and 
the reasons for it, that the matter might be investigated at once, and forever 
set at rest. Each one declared, under oath, that he believed this to be a part 
of the mainland of Asia. Many experienced navigators, and others well versed 
in the geographical knowledge of the day, w^ere on board, and this opinion 
was on their part, the result of careful study of their charts, and mature de- 
liberation. 

Yet at the very time that these affidavits were made, they were almost Avith- 
in sight of the group of islands to the south; beyond which, after an hour's 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 143 

sail, they might have seen the open sea. Two or three days' advance woukl 
have proved to Columbus that this belief that Cuba was a part of the main- 
land was a mistake; but this proof was never given him; he died in the be- 
lief that this was the extremity of the Asiatic continent. 

Losing sight of the eastern extremity of Jamaica August 19, they sailed to- 
ward Hispaniola. But on the way thither, Columbus w^as seized with a strange 
sickness. The hardships and privations which he had shared with his men, 
joined to the anxieties and responsibilities which were his alone, had proved 
too much for his years ; for he was now past sixty, and his life had been so 
full of cares and adventures and hardships that his years pressed heavily up- 
on him. While his vessels were struggling to make their way through peril- 
ous and unknown channels, he was ever on the alert; for their safety depended 
on his watchfulness. While there was still an immediate prospect of reach- 
ing the territories of the Khan, excitement kept him up. But when this hope 
was abandoned for the present, and the caravels rode in a calm and well-known 
sea, he gave way, and sank into a deep slumber which closely resembled 
death. 

His frightened crew hastened toward Isabella, followed by the two other 
caravels, arriving there Sept. 4. The unconscious Admiral was conveyed on 
shore to his residence, and the utmost available skill exercised to effect a 
cure. 

When ho became conscious of his surroundings, w^hat was his surprise to 
find his brother Bartholomew at his bedside! This was the brother who had 
undertaken to lay before Henry VII. of England, the great project of a west- 
ern route to India. Captured and plundered by a corsair, he was delayed in 
reaching his destination for several years. Arrived at London, he submitted 
the question to the King, wdio acted more readily than Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Bartholomew was bidden to return to Spain, to bring his brother to England, 
that final arrangements might be made. On reaching Paris, he learned, for 
the first time, that the tardy Spanish sovereigns had provided the armament 
for which his brother had asked, the great discovery had been made, and the 
two vessels had returned in safety. 

The Admiral was the darling of fortune at the Spanish court : and his 
brother felt his reflected glory even in Paris, distant as it then was from Mad- 
rid and Barcelona; for the distance between the two places is to be reckon- 
ed, not by miles, but by the time required to reach one from the other. But 
although the brother of the greatest man then living, he was short of money. 
This, however, was easily remedied; and no less a personage than the King 
of France furnished money to defray the expenses of his journey from Paris 
to Seville. 

He reached Seville just as the Admiral had departed on his second voyage. 
Repairing at once to the court, he was well received; and Ferdinand and Isa- 



144 



THE SE(X)ND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



bella, understanding tliut he Avas an able and experienced navigator, gave him 
three vessels, freighted with supplies for the infant colony, and sent him to 
his brother's aid. Again he arrived just too late; reaching Isabella a f cav 
days after the expedition for the exploration of Cuba had sailed. 




Bartholomkw Columbus. 

Columbus now had his two brothers at his side. " I have never had any 
better friend," he wrote to his sons, *' on my right hand and on my left hand, 
than my brothers." Diego was of a gentle and retiring disposition, scarcely 
fitted for the command of men; but Bartholomew more closely resembled 
his brother Christopher. 

The Admiral accordingly determined to relieve himself, during his present 
ill-health, of the cares of state; and appointed his brother Bartholomew 
Adelantado, or lieutenant-governor. This appointment was much resented by 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 145 

the sovereigns, when they heard of it ; as they considered that officers of such 
high rank ought to be appointed by them only. This was one instance in 
which the star of Cohimbus began to wane ; henceforward, we find many such 
cases, until it sets at last, in obscurity, disgrace, and death. 

We have seen the departure of Pedro Margarite from St. Thomas, with his 
little army of about four hundred men. He disregarded the instructions of 
Columbus almost from the start; and succeeded in making enemies of the 
gentle and peaceable natives. He was reproved by Diego Columbus and his 
council ; but disregarded the reproof, refusing to acknowledge their author- 
ity. He found a willing lieutenant in his defiance in Friar Boyle, or Buil, as 
the name is sometimes written; who was the head of the religious fraternity, 
a member of the council, and apostolical vicar of the New World. It is not 
easy to find why this priest should have been so determined an enemy of Co- 
lumbus; but throughout the history of the colony he had thrown difficulties 
in the way of the Admiral, and now joined himself with the rebel Margarite. 

They decided to return to Spain ; and seizing upon the vessels which had 
brought out Bartholomew Columbus, they set sail, accompanied by those who 
were discontented with their residence in the colony and displeased with the 
rule of Columbus. The departure of Margarite left the army without a head ; 
and the soldiers scattered in small bands over the country, indulging in all 
kinds of excesses. The Indians had become changed, by the treatment re- 
ceived at the hands of the Spaniards, into vindictive enemies; and whenever 
they met small parties of soldiers, attacked and slew them. Success made 
them bolder; and Guarionex, one of the caciques, put to death ten Spaniards 
who had quartered themselves in his town, and followed up the massacre by 
setting fire to a house in which forty-six of their countrymen were lodged. 
He then threatened to attack a small fortress which had been built in his 
neighborhood; and the garrison was obliged, through fear of him, to remain 
shut up until reinforcements could reach them. 

A more formidable enemy still was Caonabo, who had been enraged by the 
erection of the fortress St. Thomas within the very center of his dominions. 
He assembled an army of ten thousand warriors, and stole through the forest, 
hoping to find the fortress but slightly guarded. But Ojeda was not the 
soldier to be destroyed because he felt too secure; his forces were drawn up 
within the stronghold, and Caonabo saw that an attack by his naked warriors 
would be hopeless. 

Still he did not despair; but surrounding the fort, and shutting up every 
path through the forest by which relief might come, proceeded to reduce it 
by famine. The siege lasted for thirty days, and the garrison was reduced to 
great distress. It was now that Ojeda showed anobler courage than even his 
daring feats during the Moorish Avars had indicated; constantly leading his 
men wherever opportunity offered for a successful sally, he wrought great 



146 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

havoc in the ranks of the enemy, and finally wore out the patience of the 
savages. The siege was raised and Caonabo retired. 

But the cacique did not despair of reducing the white power in the island; 
he formed the design of securing the assistance of the other caciques — there 
M'cre five principal rulers in Hispaniola — and making a concerted attack upon 
Isabella, the weakness of which was well known to him. But this design 
proved impracticable by reason of Guacanagari's fidelity to the Spaniards. 
His territories hiy nearest the town; and without his assistance, or at least 
connivance, they could not hope to accomplish their end. The angry savages 
made several attacks upon him, hoping to force him to yield; and inflicted 
various injuries upon him and his people; but he remained firm in what he 
considered his duty to the strangers ; and for a while the Spaniards were safer 
than, as a whole, they deserved to be. 

Columbus, although still unable to leave his bed, was obliged to take active 
measures to undo the mischief that had been done during his absence. He 
received a visit from Guacanagari, and cemented a friendship with the faith- 
ful Indian. He took measures to punish the tributary cacique who had mas- 
sacred the Spaniards at Fort Magdalena, managing at the same time to avoid 
war with his superior chief, Guarionex; and to establish a fort in the very 
midst of his territories. 

But the most formidable enemy of all was Caonabo, who Avas yet untouched 
by any negotiation. Ojeda requested the privilege of trying to capture him, 
and Columbus readily assented. 

The cavalier chose ten followers, of whose courage he was well assured; 
and set out for the territory of the cacique. Approaching him with nmch 
deference, he represented himself as an envoy from the Grand Cacique of 
the Spaniards, sent to treat with the great Chief Caonabo on equal terms. 
The savage, greatly flattered at the idea, received him kindly and entertained 
him handsomely. There was no one whom Columbus could have sent who 
would have been received with more respect; for Caonabo had tried Ojeda's 
skill and courage as a warrior, and looked up to him accordingly. 

The cavalier's skill in all the manly exercises practiced by the knights of 
that day excited still further the admiration of the cacique; and what was 
apparently a warm friendship sprang up between them. But one was wily 
as the other; the cavalier was waiting to entrap the chief ; and the chief was 
determined to outwit the cavalier. 

At last, Ojeda broached the subject of a treaty between his host and the 
Spaniards, and begged the cacique to goto Isabella to conclude one with Co- 
lumbus. The chief hesitated; one inducement after another was offered; 
and finally Ojeda promised him the bell of the chapel. This bell was regarded 
by the Indians as possessed of magical powers; they had seen the Spaniards 
hurrying to mass at the sound of it, and were accustomed to say that it could 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 147 

talk. They called it tureij, a word which they frequently applied to the be- 
longings of the strangers, and which really meant in their language, heavenly. 
The idea of possessing the turey talking bell was too much for Caonabo's 
persistence; he agreed to go to Isabella and make a treaty of peace with 
Columbus. 

Ojeda congratulated himself upon his success; and anxiously awaited the 
day set by the cacique for their departure. It came, and with it Caonabo, 
attended by an armed force of fully five thousand warriors. Aghast at this 
display of power, Ojeda demanded to know why he took such a force with 
him upon a mere friendly visit; Caonabo replied that it did not become a 
great cacique like himself to travel without many attendants. Ojeda pro- 
fessed himself satisfied, although he feared that it was the intention of Cao- 
nabo to surprise the fortress, or make some attempt on the person of Colum- 
bus, and Ojeda was well aware of what would become of the colony without 
the Admiral at the head of its affairs. 

As they journeyed onward, he revolved in his mind various schemes to ob- 
tain possession of the person of Caonabo Avithout exciting the suspicions of 
his men. At last he hit upon one. Having halted one day near the Little 
Yaguijthe cavalier produced a pair of brightly burnished steel handcuffs, and 
displa^'ed them to the wondering chief. In reply to his question as to their 
purpose, Ojeda gravely informed him that they were a kind of bracelet worn, 
on state occasions, by the Spanish King; and that these had been sent as a 
present to the great cacique Caonabo. He proposed that the chief should go 
to the river and bathe, after which he should beinvested with these bracelets, 
and set upon Ojeda's horse, so as to astonish his people by assuming the state 
of a Spanish monarch. Caonabo w^as quite ready to assent; pleased as a 
child at the idea of mounting the horse, he was by no means disappointed 
when Ojeda explained that of course he would himself ride in front, and 
guide the animal; for the bravest of the Indians were still somewhat afraid 
of the strange beasts. 

The program was carried out, as Ojeda had planned it. Caonabo repaired 
to the river and bathed — probably the fastidious cavalier had good reason to 
insist on this preliminary — was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, and the gyves 
were adjusted on his wrists, and closed with a snap. Proudly he sat, as they 
rode into the presence of his assembled men ; and proudly he called their at- 
tention to the turey bracelets of shining w^hite metal, unlike any that they 
possessed. The Indians gazed admiringly, while Ojeda, telling Caonabo that 
the Spanish monarchswere accustomed to ride in circles about their subjects, 
gave reign to his horse, and rode about the Indians. So absorbed were they 
in watching the new grandeur of their chief that they did not notice how 
Ojcda's men had withdrawn from their midst, and had in fact quite disap- 
peared. Wider and wider grew the circles, until they carried the riders quite 



148 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

out of sight. Suddenly, Caonabo saw himself surrounded by Ojeda's men, 
and was told that death would be the result if he made any outcry. His own 
followers were out of sight and hearing; and, a helpless prisoner in the hands 
of the Spaniards, he was taken to Isabella. 

Curiously enough, this exploit did not diminish the liking or respect which 
Caonabo entertained for Ojeda ; it rather increased his respect, since the caval- 
ier had daring and cunning enough to carry off a chief from the midst of his 
warriors, without provoking a battle. He manifested much more reverence 
for his captor than for the Admiral, saying disdainfully that Columbus had 
never dared come to his home personally and seize him. 

The great enemy of disorder being thus helpless, and only awaiting the de- 
parture of a vessel to be sent to Spain for trial, Columbus was at full liberty 
to attend to other needs of his colony. Much of the existing distress was 
allayed by the arrival of four ships; which brought not only the necessary 
supplies, but also a physician and an apothecary, and workmen of various 
trades. 

The letters received by this fleet were of the most gratifying kind; express- 
ing, as they did, the royal approval of all that Columbus had done; and in- 
forming him that arrangements would be made to dispatch a caravel each 
month from Spain, and directing that one should sail from Isabella at the 
same interval. A letter addressed to the colonists collectively bade them 
obey Columbus implicitly, threatening punishment for each offense against 
the regulations he might enact. 

Eager to send home such evidences of the wealth of the country as he could, 
Columbus collected all the gold possible, and with specimens of other metals, 
various fruits, and valuable plants, he freighted the vessels. But these inno- 
cent articles of commerce were not all. Five hundred Indian captives were 
sent to be sold as slaves in Seville. 

The capture of Caonabo had not put an end to the Indian league, as the 
Spaniards had hoped. The leadership was taken up by the brother of the 
cacique, Manicaotex, and by the neighboring cacique Behecio, whose sister, 
Anacaona, was the favorite wife of Caonabo. Columbus learned that the 
Indian force was assembled in the Vega, but two days' journey from Isabella ; 
and that they intended marching upon the settlement, and overwhelming it 
by pure force of numbers. He hastily assembled his little army — two hundred 
infantry, and a cavalry force of twenty, the latter under the leadership of 
Ojeda. His soldiers were armed with cross-bows, swords, lances, and the 
heavy arquebuses then in use; which were so unwieldy that they were usually 
provided with a rest, and sometimes were mounted on wheels. His men were 
cased in steel and covered by their great bucklers; and thus equipped, formed 
a force Avhich could with safety attack twenty times their number of naked 
savages. They had another assistance in their fight — they Avere accompanied 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 149 

by about twenty blood-hounds, which, at a word from their masters, would 
spring upon the enemy, drag them to the earth, and tear them to pieces. 

March 27, 1495, Columbus issued from the gates of Isabella and proceeded 
toward the Vega with his little army. The Indians w^ere hid in the forest 
which on all sides surrounded this beautiful open plain ; but they sent their 
scouts to count the enemy. They had but little skill in arithmetic, and had 
no word in their language for a higher number than ten ; they were accus- 
tomed, however, to give accurate reports of the force brought by an enemy, 
by allowing a grain of corn for each warrior, and displaying the number to 
the cacique. In the present case, it was a mere handful; and the Indians 
felt confident of victory. 

By skillful maneuvering, Columbus managed to get his enemies all into 
one body, on a plain interspersed with clusters of forest trees, near the spot 
where the town of St. Jago now stands. By the advice of Don Bartholomew, 
he divided his force into several detachments, and advanced upon them from 
several directions at once. 

The sudden clamor of the drums and trumj)ets alarmed the Indians; and 
almost at the same moment that these were heard, a destructive fire was 
poured from the groups of trees. It seemed that thunder and lightning had 
been brought down from heaven for their destruction ; and upon the miserable 
frightened wretches poured a steady rain of arrows. The cavalry dashed in 
upon them, hacking and hewing as they rode them down; and the terrible 
blood-hounds were let loose, seizing the naked savages by the throat and 
dragging them to the earth, to be literally torn to pieces. Such was the war- 
fare of a Christian nation at the end of the fifteenth century; at the end of 
the nineteenth, the process is simpler and more refined; a machine-gun is 
brought up, and volley after volley of shot poured upon the enemy; or a 
shell is sent shrieking through the air, to explode in the midst of the camp. 

Well satisfied with the decisive victory thus obtained, Columbus returned 
to Isabella; and almost immediately set out upon a military tour of the island, 
to reduce the other inhabitants to subjection. All the caciques except Behe- 
cio were brought to sue for peace; and he retired with his sister, to the dis- 
tant part of the island which was his by right. 

Columbus had at first dreamed of ruling these people as their benefactor. 
The wrongs done them by his own followers had prevented the possibility of 
this; and he now must rule them as a conqueror. He accordingly demanded 
that they should pay him tribute. In the regions of the mines, each Indian 
above the age of fourteen was required to pay, every three months, a hawks' 
bell full of gold-dust — an amount equivalent, at the present day, to about fif- 
teen dollars of United States money. Those who lived where gold was not 
obtainable, were required to furnish, instead, twenty-five pounds of cotton 
each, and at the same interval of time. Copper medals were struck, different 



150 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



for each quarter of the year; and given as receipts to the Indians who had 
paid their tribute, to be worn suspended around their necks. The caciques 
Avere required to pa}' a much larger personal tribute, of course, than their 
subjects. 




Spaxiards Setting Dogs ox Ixdiaxs. 

{From an Old Engraving.) 

The fortresses already built were strengthened, and others were erected, in 
order to keep the Indians in subjection, and enforce the payment of this trib- 
ute. It was not paid without protest. Guarionex represented to Columbus 
that there were no mines in his district; that the only gold was in the grains 
washed down by the streams, which his people w^ere not skilled in collecting. 
He offered, instead of this tribute, to cultivate a stri^D of ground from sea to 
sea, and pay the grain in place of the gold; but although, according to the 
calculation of a contemporary historian, this was enough, in one year, to have 



THE SECOND \ OVAGE OF COLUMBUS. 151 

fed the whole popuhition of Castile for ten years, the proposition was rejected. 
Columbus, however, coni[)ronii.sed with the cacique, agreeing to accept one- 
half the quantity which had been originally demanded. 

A patient people may bear tyranny a long time; but there is a point beyond 
which patience not only ceases to be a virtue, but to be a possibility. The 
Indians had now reached that point; they could not pay the tribute which 
was demanded; and they resolved to rid themselves forever -of the white 
men. 

Tliey had ti'icd war, and found themselves beaten. They now resolved to 
starve the Spaniards out. But in making this effort, they seemed to forget 
tlijit they too must suffer; and in fact they did suffer far more than the Span- 
iards did. Many thousands of them perished miserably, of hunger, or disease 
produced by privation, or exhaustion brought on by exertion under such con- 
ditions. The remnant of them crept back to their homes, submitting humbly 
to the harsh rule of the conquerors. 

AVhile these things were going on, Margarite and Friar Boyle had reached 
Spain, and laid their case before the court. They accused Columbus of de- 
ceiving his royal patrons regarding the wealth to be derived from the islands, 
which they declared wM)uld always be a source of expense rather than of 
prolil ; and they declared that he had treated his followers harshly and cruelly ; 
laying especial stress upon the indignities which he had heaped upon the gen- 
tlemen of the colony. It was the signal for the sovereigns to withdraw their 
favor from Columbus; and gradually from this time forth, we find them hold- 
ing him in less esteem. Fortunately for him, however, the representations of 
Margarite and his reverend accomplice had hardly reached the royal ear when 
the ships commanded by Torres arrived in Spain, bringing information that 
Columbus had returned from his voyage of discovery to Isabella, and was 
fully assured that Cuba was a part of the mainland of Asia. The effect was 
immediately apparent; instead of leaving the appointment of a commissioner 
to investigate affairs in Hispaniola to Fonseca, almost an open enemy of 
Columbus, the King and Queen took the matter in hand themselves, and ap- 
pointed Juan Aguado. lie had accompanied Columbus to Hispaniola, and 
on his return to Spain had been strongly recommended to royal favor by the 
Admiral. It was generally thought, then, that Ferdinand and Isabella had 
acted directly in the interests of Columbus by appointing this man to inspect 
the affairs of the colony. 

As to the Indian prisoners who Avere sent to be sold as slaves, the Queen 
did not altogether approve of the idea. A royal order had been issued per- 
mitting the sale; but within five days thereafter it was suspended, until the 
sovereigns could inquire into the matter, and learn from wise and pious the- 
ologians whether they might with a clear conscience allow the sale to go on. 
The priests differed much upon the subject; and the Queen finally decided it 



152 THE SECOND VOYAGE OE COLUMBUS. 

for herself. She ordered that the Indians should be sent back to Hispaniola, 
and that only the gentlest means should be used in the effort to convert them 
to Christianity. Thus amid the temptations of a queen-regnant's position did 
Isabella of Castile keep her faith unspotted from the world, and decide a 
vexed question in accordance with the true teachings of the religion which 
she professed. 

Aguado arrived at Isabella while Columbus was still absent on his tour 
through the island. His arrival was the signal for disorder of all kinds; for 
he gave out that he was come to right every wrong that had been done by the 
Admiral. The report was circulated that the downfall of Columbus and his 
family was at hand; Aguado refused to acknowledge the authority of the 
Adelantado; and a report was actually circulated through the island that a 
new Admiral had arrived; and that the old one was to be put to death. 

Undoubtedly there were evils existing in the colony; some of them were 
brought about by the officials, some by the colonists; some of them had arisen 
without much fault on either side. But whether it was the misdeeds of the 
colonists, the neglect of the orders of Columbus by the minor officials, orany 
other cause which produced them, the ungrateful Aguado, " dressed in a lit- 
tle brief authority," displayed his weakness of head and heart by blaming all 
upon Columbus. Nor was this all; he interfered in the government; ordered 
the arrest of some persons; called to account the officers appointed by the 
Admiral; and refused to respect any of his regulations. He finally insinuated 
that the prolonged absence of Columbus was due to fear of the royal com- 
missioner's investigation. 

Columbus returned, having heard of the arrival of Aguado and of his 
behavior. Much to Aguado's disappointment, he behaved with grave and 
punctilious courtesy; and ordered the letter of credence which the envoy had 
brought to be publicly proclaimed the second time, that all might hear the 
will of the sovereigns. Aguado had hoped that he would indulge in violent 
language, which might be construed as disrespectful to the royal authority; 
but Columbus was too wary for this. 

Everywhere, however, Columbus was looked upoii as the setting, and 
Aguado as the rising sun. Even the Indians, hoping something from a 
change of masters, brought their complaints against the Admiral, as the 
author of all the wrongs that they had suffered. Aguado considered that he 
had collected enough testimony to ruin his benefactor, and prepared to return 
to Spain, to lay it all before Ferdinand and Isabella. 

Columbus resolved to return, also; knowing that he had no friends at 
court, but many enemies. But just as they were ready to depart, a terrible 
hurricane, such as the Spaniards had never before seen or heard of, and more 
destructive than any that the Indians had ever witnessed, swept over the 
island. The four caravels of Aguado were completely destroyed; also two 




An Aboriginal Race Working in Mines. 



(163) 



154 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMliUS. 

others, which were in the harbor with them. The JSfina was the only vessel 
that survived the storm ; and it would have been foolhardy to attempt the 
voyage in her alone. Columbus at once gave orders that new vessels should 
be constructed from the fragments of those destroyed. 

During the delay thus occasioned, welcome tidings reached the settlement: 
mines of great importance had at last been discovered. The discovery was 
brought about by singular and ronuintic means. A young Spaniard, Miguel 
Diaz, had wounded a comrade in a quarrel, and fearing the punishment which 
would be meted out to him by the Adelantado, he fled into the wilderness. 
He was accompanied by five or six comrades, who, like himself, had " left 
their country [or colony] for their country's good." Kindly received by the 
Indians who were settled near the mouth of the Ozema, governed by a female 
cacique, they remained there for some time. Diaz and the cacique loved 
each other, and she became his wife by the simple Indian ceremony. But he 
grew homesick for civilization; and she, fearing to lose him, resolved to de- 
vise some means of enticing the Spaniards to that part of the island. She 
told him of rich mines in the neighborhood, and urged him to invite them to 
leave the unhealthful situation of Isabella, and settle near the villages of her 
people. He caught at the suggestion; and finding upon investigation that 
the mines were indeed rich, he set off to Isabella, about fifty leagues away 
through the trackless forest. The guides with which his wife had furnished 
him, however, found their way; and he brought the welcome tidings to the 
Admiral, just at the time when such news was more welcome than ever it 
would have been before this time of trial. 

Assured that the wounded man had recovered, that no punishment awaited 
him, and that he had rendered a great service to the Admiral, as well as to his 
sovereigns, it was with a light heart that young Diaz set out on the homeward 
journey, as the guides of the Adelantado. 

Bartholomew Columbus returned with a most favorable report, and valua- 
ble specimens of gold which had been found with little difiiculty. He reported 
also that there was some evidence that the mines had been regularly worked 
in some former time, though the Indians now contented themselves with such 
gold as could be separated from the sands of the river by the simplest pro- 
cess of washing. With his usual splendor of imagination, Columbus at once 
jumped to the conclusion that these were the ancient mines of Ophir, whence 
King Solomon had derived the vast amount of gold used in the temple. 

But whoever had worked the mines in the past, the fact that they had been 
discovered in the present was enough to gild all the dreams of Columbus, and 
to make him sure of a more favorable reception at court than he might 
otherwise have been granted. As soon as the second caravel was completed, 
they made ready to depart; Columbus in one, Aguado in the other; and 
March 10, 1496, they set sail from Isabella for Spain. 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



'^oJ "HE two vessels had expected to purchase food from the natives of the 
VS^ neighboring islands; but in this they were disappointed. In conse- 
^T quence there was nearly a famine on board before the end of the voy- 
age was reached; and the firmness and determination of Columbus alone 
saved the half-starved sailors from killing and eating the Indian prisoners, 
among whom was Caonabo. Columbus exhorted them to patience, assured 
them that in three days they would be in sight of land, and did all in his 
power to appease their savage impulse, and although not one of them be- 
lieved him, his absolute authority prevailed. 

After many delays, they arrived at Cadiz June IL Columbus found in the 
harbor three caravels ready to sail with supplies for the colony; and the 
letters which were to have been delivered to him at Isabella were put into his 
hands at Cadiz. Sending careful instructions to his subordinates in accord- 
ance with the wishes of the sovereigns as here expressed, he proceeded to 
notify the King and Queen formally of his arrival. 

Their reply reached him July 12; it congratulated him on his safe return, 
and invited him to repair to court when he should have recovered from the 
fatigues of his journey. The tenor of this letter was a surprise to Columbus ; 
who had expected, after the behavior of Aguado, to find that he was in deep 
disgrace at court. His reception at court was in the same spirit as the letter ; 
he was treated with distinguished favor, and no mention was made of the 
complaints of Margarite and the friar, or of the so-called investigation of 
Aguado. 

Surprised and delighted to find that Ferdinand and Isabella retained their 

appreciation of the services which he had rendered, and were apparently not 

influenced by the efforts of his slanderous enemies, Columbus proposed to 

them a new enterprise. He asked for eight ships ; two of these were to be 

left at Hispaniola; the other six he wished to use in a voyage of discovery, 

by which he hoped to add to the dominions of the sovereign the main land 

of Asia. 

But Ferdinand was then engaged in extensive military operations, the ob- 

(155) 



THE LAST VOYAGES OP COLUMBUS. 157 

ject of which was to add to his dominions the kingdom of Naples; he was 
also busily arranging such marriages for his children as would be likely to 
extend his empire. Both enterprises took time and money; and it was only 
after considerable delay that Columbus obtained a grant of six millions of 
maravcdis — equivalent, in present value, to about fifty-four thousand dollars 
in United States money — to fit out the squadron which he had requested. 

But money granted is not money secured. Just as "the law's delay" 
seemed to be over, and Columbus was definitely promised this sum from the 
royal treasury, Pedro Nino, a captain of the fleet with which Columbus had" 
sailed to Hispaniola, arrived at Cadiz with three caravels, freighted, he said, 
with gold in bars. Instead of making a formal report as soon as he landed, 
he went straight to his home in Iluelva, to visit his family. 

The reportof the "gold in bars" raised the wildest expectations, notonly in 
the people, but in Columbus and the sovereigns. To the King, especially, 
the news was welcome; and he appropriated, for the purpose of repairing a 
fortress, the sum which had been granted to Columbus, arranging that the 
Admiral should draw the equivalent amount from the cargo of Nino's vessels. 

Meanwhile, all were upon the tiptoe of expectation, to see the first great 
amount of treasure which had been brought from the New World. Colum- 
bus readily understood whence it had come; the newly discovered mines of 
Hayna, the ancient Ophir, were beginning to yield up their vast stores of 
yellow metal; and since this came so soon after their opening, it was evident 
that the quantity of gold there to be found was something Avonderful, incal' 
culablc. 

Nino returned to his vessels; and then the truth was made known. He 
was a miserable maker of jokes; the " gold in bars," the rumor of which had 
created such excitement, was represented by the Indians whom he had 
brought, and who were expected, when sold as slaves, to furnish gold in con- 
siderable quantities. 

The ready money which was to furnish the ships had been spent on the 
frontier fortress, and there was nothing for Columbus to do but to w^ait until 
another grant had been made. The King had never been as favorably dis- 
posed toward the enterprise as the Queen had shown herself; and his mind 
was now more readily poisoned against Columbus. He did not see any proofs 
of the great wealth which the Admiral had promised, and he scarcely believed 
that there was any foundation for these golden expectations. Isabella, how- 
ever, seems to have been actuated by different motives; less narrow-minded 
than Ferdinand, she saw that, whether the colony continued to be a source 
of expense or not, much was ultimately to be gained by supporting it, and by 
furnishing Columbus with the means to prosecute his plans. But the Queen's 
resources were limited; the treasury of Castile had furnished a marriage- 
portion to the Princess Juana, and had liberally endowed Prince Juan, the 



158 



THE LAST ^'()VA(;ES OF CJOLUMBUS. 



heir to the throne, when he married an Austrian princess in the spring of 
1497. The Princess Isabelhi was now betrothed to the young King of Portu- 
gal, the successor of King John; and a marriage-portion must be found 
for her. 

Still, the Queen considered carefully the question of how these vessels 
were to be furnished; until her attention was distracted from state affairs 
by the death of her son, a few mouths after his marriage. Even in her grief, 
she was not unmindful of Columbus; his two sons had been pages in the 
household of the prince; she now ordered that they should hold a similar 
office in her own. 




•Gold 



There was no danger then, that Isabella would forget the great discover- 
er and the services which he had rendered. The difficulty was, as we have 
seen, for her to find the money; and she at last actually took it from that 
which had been set aside as the marriage portion of the Infanta Isabella. 

This Avas finally arranged in the spring of 1498; and on May 30 of that 
year, Columbus sailed with his squadron of six vessels on his third voyage of 
discovery. He proposed now to take a different route from that which he 
had before pursued, sailing much farther south; for he believed that under 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 159 

the equator he shoukl find much rarer and richer productions than anywhere 
else; and this belief was supported by the opinion of Jayne Ferrer, an em- 
inent and learned lapidary, who had traveled much, especially in Asia, and 
wasAvell versed, as the learning of the time went, in geography and natural 
history. 

For two months after they sailed from Spain, they did not reach the west- 
ern land. Part of the time they were becalmed in the midst of such intense 
heat that the tar melted from the ships, and the seams opened, causing much 
leakage. Their meat had spoiled; the wheat was parched as if by fire; and 
there Avas not more than a single cask of water in each vessel. Columbus had 
vowed that if he were permitted to find the land which he expected, he would 
name it in honor of the Trinity; what was his surprise, then, when the look- 
out, about noon on the last day of the year, declared that he saw three 
mountains rising out of the water. The ships drew nearer, and it Avas seen 
that the mountains were united at the base. With pious exultation, Colum- 
bus bestowed upon it the name which it still bears — La Trinidad, 

The ships cast anchor and obtained a supply of water. While coasting 
along this island, Columbus observed, to the south, low-lying land, stretching 
more than twenty leagues. He named it La Isla Santa, supposing it, like the 
other land that he had discovered, to be an island. It was in fact that por- 
tion of South America which is intersected by the mouths of the Orinoco. 
Thus he felt assured that Cuba was a part of the main land, and named a 
portion of a continent as an island. 

Casting anchor on August 2, near the southern point of Trinidad, they saw 
approaching them a large canoe, containing about twenty-five young Indian 
warriors. Thinking to attract them by music and dancing, when gestures of 
friendship and offers of trinkets had failed to do so, Columbus ordered that 
some of the musicians whom he had brought should play, while one man 
performed a dance on the deck of his vessel. But the Indians mistook this 
demonstration for a war-dance, and let a shower of arrows fly at the dancer 
and his comrades. This was answered by a discharge of a couple of cross- 
bows from the ship, and the entertainment being concluded, the spectators 
paddled rapidly away. 

The whites had some difficulty in communicating with the natives, for the 
latter generally fled as soon as they saw the strangers approaching; but at 
last, about a week after they first saw land, they succeeded in doing so. The 
Indians readily told them that gold was to be obtained on a highland to the 
west, but added that the people living there were cannibals, and the road was 
infested by venomous animals. The attention of the Spaniards, however, 
was arrested by the sight of the great numbers of pearls which the Indians 
wore as ornaments; and which, they learned, came from the coast of La Isla 
Santa, 



160 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



Columbus found that in his own ship, which was a vessel of one hundred tons' 
burden, and required three fathoms of Avater, he could not sail freely among 
the islands, as he still considered the land which he had just discovered. 
"Late at night," he writes, " being on board of my ship, I heard as it were 
a terrible roaring, and as I tried to pierce the darkness I beheld the sea to the 
south heaped up into a great hill, the height of the ship, rolling slowly to- 
wards us. The ships Avere lifted up and Avhirled along so that I feared we 
should be engulfed in the commotion of the Avaters; but fortunately the 
mountainous surge passed on towards the entrance of the strait, and after a 




The liAXDixG of Colujihus at Tiunidai 



contest Avith the counter-current gradually sudsided." He sent a caravel to 
see Avhere there Avas a channel betAveen these islands by Avhich he might reach 
the ocean beyond. The caraA^el ascended the Paria Eiver for some distance, 
and returning, reported the discovery of a circular basin, but informed him 
that all the land Avhich he had seen was connected. Still he does not seem to 
have realized that this Av^as a continent; according to the best maps of Asia 
obtainable, it ought to be an island; and an island he Avas determined to con- 
sider it. 

But there AA\as danger that the supplies for the colony AAdiich the vessels had 
on board Avould spoil in this tropical climate; and the sea stores of the ships, 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



161 



besides, were almost exhausted. In addition to this, Columbus suffered much 
from the gout, and was afflicted with an affection of the eyes, which rendered 
him nearly blind. He accordingly decided to sail for Ilispaniola, and rest and 




The Tidal Wave. 

recruit his health there; and to send his brotherthe Adelantado— upon whom 
that title had now been formally conferred by the sovereigns— to complete 
the exploration of this new group of islands. Several large and valuable 



162 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

pearls had been secured, to send to the sovereigns as indisputable proof of 
the \yealth that had now been discovered ; and many smaller ones were obtained 
in exchange for hawks' bells and similar valuable articles of European man- 
ufacture. 

Prevented by his infirmities from taking any part in the navigation of his 
vessels, Columbus had ample time to reflect upon the nature of the country 
■whence they had just sailed. He remembered that the channels, as he had 
thought them, were fresh water, but slightly affected by the saltness of the 
sea; there was a current perceptible; and finally he came to the conclusions 
that these channels where in reality rivers. Streams of such size must drain 
a country of considerable extent, largerthan any island. The land surround- 
ing the Gulf of Paria must be a portion of an almost boundless continent, 
as 3'et unknown and uncivilized, and therefore clearly the property of its dis- 
coverer's patrons, the rulers of Spain. 

Columbus Avent farther in his meditations, and decided that he had made 
yet another discovery. It was now generally received that the earth was 
spherical in form; but the various experiences through which he had re- 
cently passed, led him to believe it was reall}' more the shape of a pear, one 
part much more elevated than the rest, and rising decidedly nearer the skies. 
He supposed this part to be under the Equator, in the interior of the conti- 
nent which he had just discovered; and he concluded that this was the true 
earthly paradise; that the northern part of South America, to translate his 
speculations into language more intelligible to the latter part of the nine- 
teenth century, w^as just outside the gates of heaven. 

Immediately after the departure of Christopher Columbus for Spain his 
brother Bartholomew had begun work to develop the mines whose existence 
had been revealed by Miguel Diaz. The first stop was to build a fortress 
near by, to which he gave the name of San Christoval, but which was popu- 
larly called the Golden Tower. 

He was in the midst of difficulties caused by shortness of supplies of food, 
when the caravels which were ready to sail when Columbus arrived at Cadiz 
reached the island. They brought reinforcements of men; but many of the 
stores had spoiled on the voyage. Letters from the Admiral, brought by 
these vessels, directed the Adelantado to build a town near the mouth of the 
Ozema, for the purpose of being near the new mines. 

The site was chosen, and the proposed city christened San Domingo, it 
being the germ of the present city, and having given name to the greater 
part of the island. The fortress was completed, and a garrison of twenty 
men placed in it; then the Adelantado set out to visit Behechio, the cacique 
who had not yet acknowledged Spanish sovereignty. 

Behechio received him at the head of a considerable army of naked 
warriors; but the Adelantado had adopted his brother's method, and traveled 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 163 

in state, with a large escort, and a guard of honor of his cavalry. Behechio 
saw that it would be worse than useless to provoke a battle ; and explained 
the force of warriors by saying that he had been engaged in reducing some 
rebellious villages. For two days the Adelantado and his escort were enter- 
tained by the cacique; and then the real business of the visit was entered 
upon. Behechio Avas informed that he must pay tribute, as the other 
caciques did; it was in vain he urged that there was no gold in his dominions; 
the Adelantado demanded that the tribute should be paid in cotton, hemp, 
and cassava bread. The cacique thankfully accepted this provision; aAid 
thus the tribe was brought into subjection without striking a blow. 

But there were many difficulties to be overcome at Isabella, and the 
Adelantado found that he must give considerable time to the settling of 
affairs there. These were of the usual nature, complaints that there was not 
enough food to be had, when the complainants would not exert themselves 
in any way to obtain a crop, and had so outraged the natives that these kindly 
and generous creatures would no longer furnish them with the fruits and 
flesh which they desired. While the Adelantado was busy here and at San 
Domingo, the garrison at Fort Conception was threatened by an Indian 
league. 

By the exertions of two missionaries, the cacique Guarionex had been 
brought to profess the Christian faith. Scarcely had they succeeded in doing 
so, when an injury inflicted upon his favorite wife caused him to renounce 
indignantly the religion professed by one who was capable of committing 
such an outrage. The missionaries removed to the territories of another 
cacique; first erecting a small chapel for the use of one of their converts, and 
furnishing it with an altar, a crucifix, and other images. 

Scarcely had they departed, when a number of Indians, it was said by the 
order of Guarionex, entered the chapel, defiled the altar, and breaking the 
images in pieces, buried them in a neighboring field. The act was reported 
to the Adelantado; he caused the arrest of the Indians, and ordered their 
trial for sacrilege. 

Offenses against the Church were then punished by inhuman barbarities; 
all heresies and acts of sacrilege must be expiated at the stake. The Indians 
were duly tried and convicted, and burned alive. Guarionex was still further 
angered by this assumption of power within his dominions and the inhuman 
death of his subjects. He allowed himself to be drawn by the other caciques 
into a league against the Spaniards, their immediate object being to rise and 
massacre the garrison at Fort Conception. 

Their purpose was by some means betrayed to the garrison, and a messenger 

was sent to implore aid from the Adelantado, who was then at San Domingo. 

He marched against the dusky enemy, attacked the various caciques at the 

same moment, by dividing his force; and captured Guarionex and his brother 

11 



164 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

chieftains. The two hitter were put to death; but the AdeLnntado, knowing 
what provocation Guarioncx had received, and finding that it Avas only wilh 
difficulty that the others had induced him to join the conspiracy, released 
him, and thus subdued him by unexpected clemency. 

Scarcely had this been attended to, when the Adelantado was summoned 
to receive the tribute which had been collected by Behechio. There were 
such vast stores of cotton and cassava bread that he was obliged to send to 
Isabella for one of his newly built caravels to transport them; and this vessel 
was a source of great w^onder to the Indian cacique and his people. Ilis 
sister, particularly, the Avife of Caonabo, who appears to have shared his 
authority since her return from her husband's dominions, was anxious to 
entertain the white men and make them all the gifts that she could 
command. 

In the meantime, the men of the colony at Isabella w^ere not living any 
more peaceably. Always dissatisfied, since they could not realize the golden 
dreams with which they started out, they found now a leader in Francisco 
Roldan, an alcalde, or justice of the city. This man had been raised by Co- 
lumbus from poverty and obscurity ; he had at first been employed as a servant ; 
but had gradually been promoted to higher positions, until he reached at last 
this official eminence. He performed his duties in this position so well that, 
on his dei3arture for Spain, Columbus made him alcalde ma3'or, or chief judge 
of the island. 

It might bethought that such a man would have been inalienably attached 
to his benefactor, and to those whom that benefactor loved; but there are 
some base natures who think that, if those above them be pulled down, they 
themselves can rise higher. It was so with Roldan. He was deeply jealous 
of the authority of the two brothers of Columbus; and soon made a party 
among the idle, daring, and dissolute of the community. 

He began by sympathizing with the hard treatment which they had experi- 
enced; and having won them in this way, he suggested that their rulers Avere 
foreigners, intent only on enriching themselves. With no respect for the 
pride of a Spaniard, the two Genoese adventurers, left here by their equally 
selfish brother, treated the gentlemen of the community as mere slaves, com- 
pelling them to labor on the public works or to swell their state as they 
marched about the island, enriching themselves at the expense of the caci- 
.ques. 

By these means, he brought their feelings to such a height that they had, at 
one time, formed a conspiracy to assassinate the Adelantado; but the op])or- 
tunity for which they waited did not occur, and the plan Avas consequently 
abandoned. 

While Don Bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute of Behechio, the 
conspirators judged the time ripe for action. Roldan's plan was to excite a 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



165 



t-umiilt by underhand means, interpose in his official character, throw thcblame 
upon the injustice and oppression of the two Colunibuses, and seize upon the 
reins of power himself, in order to promote the peace and welfare of the is- 
land. 

A pretext was soon found. When the caravel returned with her cargo of 
cassava and cotton, and was unloaded, she was drawn up on the beach. Rol- 
dan pointed out this circumstance, and told his followers that it was to pre- 
vent its being used by them to send word of their distress to Spain. 




Ruins of the House of Columbus at San Domingo. 
The people now insisted that the caravel should be launched and sent to 
Spain, to ask for further supplies. Don Bartholomew pointed out to them 
that it was unfit for so long a voyage ; it was rigged only for coasting trips 
about the island, and equipped for short voyages only. But they persisted. 
Roldan then advised them to rise against the tyranny of these Avould-be mas- 
ters, to launch and take possession of the caravel, and dispatch her to Spain 
for the supplies so sorely needed, and at the same time to make complaints 
of the tyrants. He pointed out that if this vessel were in their hands, 
with its possibility of being the bearer of their complaints, even sliould they 



166 TilE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

not cliooso to send it, they might lead a life of case and pleasure in the island, 
employing the natives as slaves, and sharing equally all that was gained by 
barter. 

Don Diego, who was in command at Isabella at this time, his brother being 
absent, feared to come to any open rupture with the alcalde, and sent him, 
with forty men, to the Vega, on the pretext that there were certain Indians 
there who needed to be taught respect for the Spanish arms. He hoped by 
thus employing the energies of the seditious upon lawful business, they might 
be brought to submit cheerfully to the rule of his brother and himself. 

But Koldan simply strengthened his own hands by making friends and par- 
tisans among the caciques who weredissatisfied with Spanish rule, and secured 
the devotion of his soldiers by indulgfng them in every possible way. 

On his return, Don Bartholomew having returned also, he ojDenly demanded 
that the caravel should be launched; but received the same reply that had 
been given to the demands of his followers. He was afraid to attempt any 
open rebellion at Isabella, but departed into the wilderness, hoping to over- 
come the garrisons one by one and attach them to his standard, when he 
would openly revolt against the rule of the Adelantado. 

His movements threatened a siege of Fort Conception ; and the commander, 
alarmed, sent for reinforcements. Don Bartholomew marched at the head 
of the relief, and held a parley with Roldan. The alcalde now boldly avowed 
that he was in the service of his sovereigns, defendingtheir innocent subjects 
from injustice and oppression. The Adelantado demanded that he should 
submit himself to superior authority, or else surrender the office with which 
it had invested him. He refused to do either; and withdrew, with his forces, 
to the province of Xaragua, the realm of Behechio. 

He suddenly marched to Isabella, intending to take possession of the cara- 
vel, and sail in it to the selected part of the island. Don Diego withdrew his 
forces into the fortress when he found that the enemy was too strong; but 
could do no more. Roldan found that he had not sufficient force to launch 
the caravel, or to assail the fortress; and dreading lest the Adelantado should 
return, and he be crushed between the soldiers of the two brothers, he pro- 
ceeded to make preparations for the expedition to Xaragua. Pretending to 
act in his official capacity, for the relief of the oppressed subjects of the 
King and Queen, he broke open the royal storehouse and helped himself to 
the supplies of arms, ammunition and clothing there; and drove off such 
of the cattle as he judged necessary for his purpose; causing others to be 
killed for present use. 

The Adelantado was unable to take any decisive step, for lie knew that many 
of his men were disaffected; and he feared lest they should go over to the 
enemy. Another danger lay in the position of the Indians. They had been 
rendered liostile by the cruel treatment experienced from many of the Span- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 167 

iards, and the tribute exacted by the Admiral did not make them any less so; 
always watchful, they now saw that their enemies were divided among them- 
selves; and only awaited the most favorable time to strike a deadly blow at 
the colony and its dependencies. 

Such was the situation when news was received that two vessels were ap- 
proaching the island. These were under the command of Pedro Fernandez 
Coronal, and brought a reinforcement of soldiers, and supplies of all kinds. 
It also brought the news that Don Bartholomew had been confirmed in his 
title and authority as Adelantado; and that the Admiral was in high favor at 
court, and would soon arrive with a powerful squadron. 

Desirous of restoring the island to peace before the return of his brother, 
and feeling that his authority was not now likely to be disputed by any but the 
ringleaders among the rebels, Don Bartholomew proclaimed an amnesty for 
all past offenses, on condition of immediate return to allegiance. But Rol- 
dan knew too well of what he had been guilty; and despite these promises, 
feared to venture within the power of the Adelantado. He accordingly re- 
fused to hold any communication with those who were sent to receive his al- 
legiance, and prevented his followers from speaking with them. He then 
immediately set out on his journey to Xaragua, not waiting to hear that the 
Adelantado had proclaimed him and his men traitors. 

The Indian rising, which had been instigated by the idea that the whites 
were quarreling among themselves, now took place. The night of the full 
moon was fixed upon as the time that they were to attack the various parties 
of soldiers; but fortunately for the Spaniards, one of the caciques proved to 
be careless in his observations, and led his men against Fort Conception a 
night before the proper time. His attack was repulsed, and other garrisons 
prepared to receive the foe in time. 

Guarionex, who had been a principal mover in this insurrection, now be- 
took himself to the mountains, and made occasional sallies upon the villages 
of those who remained at peace with the Spaniards. The Adelantado re- 
solved to put a stop to this, and resolutely marched against the cacique and 
those who had sheltered him. Both were captured; and were still in prison 
at San Domingo when the Admiral arrived in the island, after an absence of 
nearly two years and a half. 

One of the first acts of Columbus was to issue a proclamation approving of 
the course pursued by his brother, and strongly condemning lloidan and his 
associates. But the rebel had been favored by an unexpected streak of good 
luck. Three of the caravels of the Admiral's squadrons had been carried by 
the current outside of the path pursued by their companions, and had reached 
the coast of Xaragua before they knew where they were. Eoldan told their 
commanders nothing of his rebellion against the Adelantado; and being a 
man in an important oflficitll position, they did not hesitate to grant all his re- 



168 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

quests for supplies. He thus procured many military stores; and his men 
cunningly circulated among those on board the vessels the story of the op- 
j)ressions of the Adelantado, and of the various hardships endured by the 
colonists at Isabella and San Domingo, while they did not fail to enlarge upon 
the ease and plenty and pleasure of the life which they led in Xaragua. Many 
of those on board were convicts, who had been permitted to commute their 
sentence into exile to the New World; and they listened eagerly to the men 
who defied the law. Much mischief had been done in the three days before 
the captains of the ships discovered the real character of Eoldan. 

They then endeavored to dissuade him from the position that he had taken, 
and to induce him to return to the settlement and submit to the Admiral's 
authority; but their arguments were in vain. In the meantime, contrary 
winds rendered it impossible for them to proceed; and the captains, finding 
that there was danger of their crews becoming corrupted, resolved to send 
the artificers who were important, to the service of the colony overland, 
under the leadership of Juan Antonio Colombo, a relative of the Admiral's, 
and much devoted to him. 

Forty of them were selected, and they set out; but scarcely had they 
landed, before thirty-two of them deserted to the enemy. Appeals, remon- 
strances, threats, promises, were all in vain; and Colombo returned to the 
ships with his eight faithful followers. 

The ships stood out to sea, and finally made their way to their destination. 
Columbus was greatly troubled when he heard the report regarding the rebels 
in Xaragua; he resolved that steps must be taken at once to prevent their 
gaining any further headway; and with a view of getting away from the 
island all those who were discontented, and who might therefore be expected 
to join Roldan, he announced that five ships would sail for Spain at a given 
time, and that anyone desirous of returning would be given free passage. 

The ships sailed October 18, bearing letters from Columbus and from Rol- 
dan, giving both sides of the story in detail. Before they sailed, however, 
the commandant at Fort Conception had, at the desire of the Admiral, held 
a conference with Roldan, and again proffered him pardon. It was con- 
temptuously refused, and demands of a highly insolent nature made. Again, 
after the departure of the ships, Columbus wrote to Roldan, offering him 
pardon if he would submit even then ; and after much treating between the 
outraged authorities and the rebels, terms of capitulation were finally agreed 
upon ; they were to be furnished with two ships, fully equipped for the voy- 
age to Spain, within fifty days from the time that this agreement was reached; 
and Columbus made liberal concessions regarding their pay and privileges. 

Obliged to give a certificate of good conduct to Roldan and his followers, 
Columbus felt that he had deceived his patrons; and wrote by a confidential 
person who was to sail in one of the vessels a letter to the sovereigns stating 



THE LAST VOVACKS OV C'OLUMI5US. 169 

the whole circunistanco, and saying that he had been obliged to do this to 
save the island from utter confusion and ruin. Every day that llokhm re- 
mained in the island, Avhether in open rebellion or pretended submission, 
weakened the authority of (\)liimbiis among those under his comnumd. 

Insolent as the demands of Kohlan had been, no sooner had they been 
granted than ho resolved to make others. Not all of his men were to depart; 
luit those Avho chose to remain were to receive certain lands for their main- 
tenance. Further, it nmst bo proclaimed that everything which had been 
charged against him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony, 
and the machinations of persons disaffected to the royal service. It was 
furliicr i)r()\ ided that lioldan himself should be reinstated in his office. 

Hard as these conditions were, and they were accompanied with the stipu- 
lation that if he failed to keep them, the relxds might compel him to do so, 
Columbus accepted tlieni; only inserting a clause in the treaty that the com- 
mands of the sovereigns, of himself, and of the officers appointed by him, 
should be ol)eyed. 

In the meantime, tlie re})utati()n of Columbus was being constantly assailed 
b}^ his enemies in Spain. He says of himself that he was " absent, envied, 
and a stranger." His son Ferdinand gives a vivid picture of the lengths to 
wliich the returned colonists went in accusing him to the authorities: — 

" AVhen I was at Granada, at the time the most serene l*rince Don Miguel 
died, more than fifty of them, as men without shame, bought a great quantity 
of grapes, and sat themselves down in the court of the Alhambra, uttering 
loud cries, saying, that their Highnesses and the Admiral made them live in 
this poor fashion on account of the bad pay they received, with many other 
dishonest and unseemly things, which they kept repeating. Such was their 
effrontery that when the Catholic King came forth they all surrounded him, 
and got him into the midst of them, saying, 'Pay! Pay!' And if by chance 
I and my brother, who were pages to the most serene Queen, happened to 
pass where they were, they shouted to the very heavens, saying: 'Look at 
the sons of the Admiral of ]\Ios(iuitoland, of that man who has discovered 
the lands of the deceit and disappointment, a place of sepulcher and 
wretchedness to Spanish hidalgoes!' Adding many other insulting expres- 
sions, on which account we excused ourselves from passing by them." 

When the King was thus c()m[)elled to listen to the complaints of these 
persons, is it not fair to suppose that privately his ears were filled with more 
decorous allegations against the Admiral? Such was the constant clamor 
against him, that Ferdinand and Isabella seriously considered the question of 
suspending him from the exercise of his high office; he had himself requested 
that some one might be sent out to administer justice in the colony courts; 
and they simply decided to send such a person, but to enlarge his authority 
by giving him civil as well as judicial functions. 



170 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

But they certainly acted with deliberation. March 21, 1499, they directed 
Francis de Bobadilla to "ascertain what persons have raised themselves 
against justice in the island of Hispaniola, and to proceed against them 
according to law." Two months later, they conferred upon this officer the 
government of the island, and signed an order that all arms and fortresses in 
the Indies should be given up to him. But still Bobadilla was in Spain, and 
no news of this action had reached Columbus. Not until the first part of 
July was the supplanter permitted to sail ; he arrived at Hispaniola August 28. 

The Admiral Avas at Fort Conception when he arrived; but he at once took 
possession of his house at Isabella, and sent him the letter of the sovereigns. 
It read thus: — 

"Dox Chkistopher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean : — 

" We have commanded the Commendador Francis de Bobadilla, the bearer of 
this, that he speak to you on our part some things which he will tell you; we ]n-ay you givL' 
him faith and credence, and act accordingly. 

"I the KixG. I tlie Queen. 

"By their command, 

" Miguel Peuez de Aljl\zax." 

But Bo]>adilla did not wait for Columbus to appear before him. There 
had been a conspiracy to murder Columbus and Roldan, who had been active 
in the pursuit of some of his late companions and followers in rebellion; and 
Columbus, who saw that lenity was mistaken for weakness, resolved to take 
stern measures. Some of the offenders were executed; others were thrown, 
chained, into prison. Bobadilla at once demanded the release of these; and 
when Don Diego and his officers represented that these men were imprisoned 
by order of the Admiral, and could only be released by his order, the new 
envoy took matters into his own hands, and forced open the doors of their 
prison. He then seized all the property of Columbus, even his most private 
pajjers, and spoke publicly of him in the most disrespectful terms, saying 
that he was empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he nor 
any of his family would ever be permitted to rule in Hispaniola again. 

Columbus could not believe the reports that he heard; he would not be- 
lieve that this man was really accredited by the sovereigns to whom he, Co- 
lumbus had rendered such great services. It must surely be some adventurer, 
who had possessed himself of the fortress, and was usurping the government 
of the city. 

When he learned the contents of the letter which Bobadilla bore, he didnot 
know what to do; but of one thing he was sure, and that was, that the sov- 
ereigns had never intrusted him with such powers as he claimed; they had 
sent him out, in accordance with the Admiral's request, to perform the duties 
of a judge, and had armed him with provisional powers to make inquiries 
into the disturbance, of which Columbus himself had complained. Hethere- 



TIIK LAST V0VA(;KS OF COTA'MlUiR. 



171 



fore wrote to Bobadilla, welcoming liiin to the island, iind cautioning him 
against hastily granting licenses to collect gold. Bobadilla did not answer; 
and Columbus, hearing on all sides of the license which the newcomer prac- 
ticed, published his belief that his own powers were granted to him in per- 
petuity, and that Bobadilla could not supersede him in the government. 
Then Bobadilla sent him the letter of credence, which we have copied above; 
and Columbus forced himself to yield to the usurper, and departed, almost 
alone, for San Domingo. 




Rivi-.Tixa TIIK Fetters urox Coli-jmbi 



What authority had Bobadilla to act against the Admiral ? It was contained 
in a letter of instructions from the sovereigns, which authorized him to 
" seize the persons and sequestrate the property of those who appeared to be 
culpable, and then to proceed against them and against the absent, with the 
highest civil and criminal penalties." This was clearly directed against Eol- 
daii and his followers, whom the King and Queen supposed to be still in re- 
bellion; but as no names were mentioned, Bobadilla took advantage of its 
being so indeiinite to make this language apply to the highest official of the 
New "World, 

Colum])us arrived at San Domingo; and Bobadilla at once gave orders to 
arrest him, put him in irons, and contine him in the fortress. For a time, it 



172 TIIK LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

seemed that no one would obey this order, so shocked were even his enemies 
jit the idea of offering such indignities to so old a man, who had rendered 
such services to their sovereigns, and who had been honored by them in every 
possible way. Finally, one of his own servants undertook the task of fetter- 
ing the great Admiral ; "a graceless and shameless cook," according to Las 
Casas, who was nearly a contemporary of Columbus, " Avho, Avith unwashed 
front, riveted the fetters with as much readiness and alacrity as though he 
were serving him with choice and savory viands. I knew the fellow, and I 
think his name was Espinosa." 

What was the charge against him? " I make oath that I do not know for 
what I am imprisoned," Columbus wrote to a Spanish lady of rank who had 
been the nurse of Prince Juan. In another letter, he says that he was seized 
and thrown into prison, without being summoned or convicted by justice. It 
is probable that Bobadilla had no formal charge to make. There were many 
individual complaints, but they would scarcely bear investigation as charges 
against the Admiral; for the evils from which the colonists suffered so much 
were either unavoidable, or were brought about by their own faults. The 
great mistake which Columbus had made was in sending, and in permitting 
others to send, Indians to Spain to be sold as slaves. This had first dis- 
tressed, and then angered Isabella; and in whatever way the slavery might 
be excused, by representations that these Indians were prisoners of war, or 
had committed grave offenses against the laws, she could not forget that 
these Avere her subjects, and that she owed them the same privileges that she 
gave to those of Castilian birth. Isabella was offended at the persistence of 
Columbus in treating the Indians as deserving slavery; Ferdinand had lost 
confidence in his promises of riches from these new lands; and thus Boba- 
dilla was given the power which he used for the humiliation of the Admiral. 

Bobadilla now had Columbus and his brother Diego in his power; but the 
Adelantado was in Xaragua, in pursuit of some rebels, and had a considera- 
ble armed force at his back. The new governor had evidently heard of his 
determined spirit, and feared the result that would ensue from sending to 
arrest him. Columbus was accordingly enjoined to write to his brother, re- 
questing him to repair peaceably to San Domingo. He readily complied, and 
exhorted his fiery brother to submit to the authority of the person appointed 
by the sovereigns, and to endure all wrongs and indignities patiently, under 
the full hope that when they arrived in Castile, all would be remedied. 

Thus it was that Don Bartholomew Columbus came quietly to San Domingo 
and rendered himself up; instead of marching at the head of his army to 
assault the place, rescue his brothers, and put the new governor in their 
place, as he doubtless would have much preferred to do. Like his brothers, 
he was put in irons; and they were removed from the fortress to one of the 
caravels, where they were confined separately, not being permitted to hold 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. l73 

.any conversation with each other, or to be visited ])y any one from the city. 

We need not describe the condition of affairs in the town, where every one 
who had a complaint to make against the late government was regarded as a 
patriot and a hero who had suffered at the hands of a tyrant. The vessels 
made ready to sail, Alonzo de Villejo being appointed to take charge of the 
prisoners. He was, says Las Casas, "An hidalgo of honorable character, 
and my particular friend." When he arrived with a guard to conduct the 
Admiral from the fortress to the ship, he found him in chains, silent and de- 
pressed. When he saw the officer enter with the guard, he thought that it was 
to conduct him to the scaffold; for though he had not had any trial, and did 
not know the charges against him, the treatment Avhich he had received had 
been such that he could not tell Avhere it would end. 

" Villejo," said he, mournfully, " whither are you taking me? " 

" To the ship, your Excellency, to embark," replied the officer with true 
manly respect for the misfortune of another. 

" To embark? '^ echoed Columbus, catching at the word; " Villejo, do you 
speak the truth? " 

" By the life of your Excellency," was the reply, " it is true!" 

Such was the conversation between them, as narrated by the historian whose 
description of Villejo has been quoted; and doubtless Las Casas heard from 
the lips of his " particular friend " himself the words which passed between 
that friend and the great Admiral. 

The caravel sailed early in October, 1500. Villejo and Andreas Martin, the 
master of that in which Columbus was ordered to be confined, although they 
were both supposed to be attached to the enemies of Columbus, were deeply 
grieved at the treatment which had been accorded him, and did all in their 
power to show, by their profound respect and assiduous attention, that they 
had not chosen their office as his jailers. They desired to take off his irons : 

" No," he replied proudly, "their majesties commanded me by letter to 
submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority 
he has put upon me these chains ; I will wear them until they shall order them 
to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterward as relics and memorials of 
the reward of my services." 

And he kept his word; for, says his son Fernando: "I saw them always 
hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be 
buried with him." 

The arrival of Columbus in Cadiz produced very nearly as great a sensation 
as his return from his first voyage, though of a different kind; then, no honor 
could be too great for him; now, he was fairly hooted by the mob, an object 
of contempt to all. But the friendship of Martin had one good effect upon 
the fortunes of the Admiral; he permitted him to send off that letter to the 
nurse of Prince Juan by express, as soon as the vessel landed; while the re- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



17: 



port of Bobadillii was sent by more formal and dilatory messenger. This let- 
ter was at once shown to the Queen ; and was the first intimation she received 
that Columbus had not been treated with the respect due to him. The tide 
of royal and of public opinion changed at once ; the enemies of Columbus had 
defeated their own ends by the violence with which their agent had acted. 
Orders were at once sent to Cadiz that the prisoners should be released, and 
treated with all distinction. They then wrote a letter to Columbus himself, 
expressing their grief that he should have been offered such indignities, and 
inviting him to come to court at once. Two thousand ducats were sent to 
pay the e\pcnse& of hi^ journey. 







-r^'"m^- 









\\rr 



II ,r 



r^ 



i^v y^7'i, 



r-t^^.^ 




jinL K><aLe^4» 



Hooted by the Mob. 
He reached the court, and was received with marked kindness by the sov- 
ereigns. He saw tears in the e3'es of the gentle Queen; and unable to sup- 
press the feelings which this sign of sympathy called forth, he threw himself 
on his knees, and sobbed aloud. 



176 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

The King and Queen raised him from the ground, and endeavored to en- 
courage liim by expressing their deep sense of his services. When he had 
regained his self-control he entered upon a vindication of his loyalty; but 
none was needed; the very excess of his enemies' anger showed that they 
were in the wrong; and the rulers disavowed the proceedings of Bobadilla, 
asserting that the expressions in their letter had never been meant to apply 
to Columbus and his brothers; and declared that he should be recalled at 
once. 

The report of Bobadilla had not yet been received. In fact, although it 
must have been duly delivered, there is no I'ecordthat it was ever considered. 
Columbus was assured that his grievances should be re<lressed, his property 
restored, and that he should be reinstated in all his privileges and dignities. 

And these privileges and dignities were very dear to his heart; he consid- 
ered them the real reward of his services. In his will, he directs that his 
heir shall call himself, and sign himself, simply " The Admiral," no matter 
what other titles maybe bestowed upon him; for this was of all others the 
greatest, being the recognition of the services of Columbus in discovering the 
western route to India. lie hoped and expected that, since the sovereigns 
were fully convinced that he had suffered unjustly, they would at once rein- 
state him as viceroy, and send him back to govern the island. But this 
hope was doomed to be long deferred, until, indeed, he grew sick at heart. 

There is no doubt that Ferdinand repented having appointed Columbus to 
such high offices, as soon as it was discovered how great was the extent of the 
New World. Every succeeding proof of the greatness of these discoveries 
then only tended to make him more jealous of that foreign-born subject who 
had been made Admiral and Viceroy of them all. He never intended to keep 
the fair promises which he joined with the more sincere Isabella in making at 
this time, but deliberately planned to put off the fulfillment of them from 
time to time, by such excuses as might present themselves, until Columbus 
should succumb to the weight of the years which had long been pressing 
heavily upon him. 

Although Bobadilla was recalled, Ferdinand represented to Columbus that, 
such was the state of the island, it Avould be betterto have some disinterested 
person appointed to take his place for a certain time, although no one should 
ever acquire the rights which had been granted to Columbus. It is i)robablc 
that this promise deceived Isabella as well as Columbus; aiul that she died, 
thinking the great Admiral was again to govern the New "World which he had 
given to Castile. 

Bobadilla's successor was Don Nicholas de Ovando; but his departure was 
delayed for a considerable time after his appointment. In the mean time, 
Bobadilla's system of government was showing its results. He had changed 
the rule established by Columbus, that one-third of the gold obtained should 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 177 

belong to the Crown ; and exacted only one-eleventh ; yet the amount paid to 
the royal officials was more than under the old system. This enormous in- 
crease in the product was secured by exacting the labor of the natives. At 
first, the caciques had been compelled to set aside a certain portion of the 
ground for grain to be raised by the Spaniards; then the chiefs were obliged 
to furnish the labor required to cultivate it; then the produce of the earth 
was demanded as tribute; and now, the unfortunate Indians were compelled 
to labor at whatever task their self-constituted masters might choose to as- 
sign them. 

The result may be imagined. The natives of these islands had never been 
obliged to work before the coming of the strangers; the soil and climate are 
such that food in abundance for the sparse population was produced almost 
spontaneously. Nor were they used to the hardships which beset so many of 
the Indians of North America. For these gentle, peace-loving people, there 
Avere no dangers of the chase to be encountered ; there were no days spent on 
theAvar-path, no creeping through the forest upon the unwary enemy, no lying 
in ambush through night and storm. Every simple want supplied by nature, 
they seemed relieved from that burden of labor laid upon our common father 
Adam ; they were free to dream their lives away in sweet content. 

How was this now changed! Bobadilla caused a census of the Indians of 
Hispaniola to be taken, and distributed them among the colonists, to serve 
their pleasure; labor in the fields and in the mines Avas the least part of what 
they endured; the inhumanity with which they were treated may be inferred 
from a single example: Las Casas, who visited the island at the close of 
Bobadilla'sterm of office, says that he has seen Indians Avho were compelled 
to bear the litters or hammocks which their arrogant and upstart masters 
preferred to the saddle, and their shoulders were raw and bleeding from the 
task. 

The abuses of this government reached the ears of the sovereigns; and the 
increased amount of gold, Avhich could not but elicit the wonder and pleasure 
of Ferdinand, did not make Isabella insensible to the wrongs inflicted upon 
her distant subjects. In order to preserve the rights of the Indians, she al- 
loAved negro slaves to be taken to Hispaniola; and thus shifted the burden 
from the shoulders of one miserable set of creatures to those of another. 

Ovando was further ordered to consider the interests of Columbus. All 
the property which Bobadilla had confiscated was to be restored; and his 
brothers were to be indemnified for whatever losses they had sustained by 
reason of their imprisonment. An agent was appointed to look after the 
affairs of the Admiral, and it was ordered that he should receive the ar- 
rears of his revenue, and that it should be paid punctually for the future. 

Such was the bright side of the orders. On the other hand, as regards the 
condition of the natives under the new government, they were permitted to 



178 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



be employed in the royal service; it is true that according to instructions they 
were to be engaged as hired laborers, and regularly paid; but they might be 
compelled to do this ^vork, and this left room for nearly as many abuses as 
under the old system. 




OvANDO's Flekt Siiattkrkd i\ a Storji. 



Again, in a government so far removed from the mother country, and 
where there is no degree of representative rule, the character of the admin- 
istration depends entirely upon the character of the man at the head of it. 
Ovando was vested with an authority which was supreme over the island ; he 
was responsible only to the sovereigns of Spain, and in case there were any 
complaintsto make, it would require about four monthsto receive an answer. 

Thirty vessels formed the fleet which was to convey this potentate to his 
dominions; they set sail February 13, 1502. But it was not destined to 
reach port without difficulty; they were hardly out of sight of land when a 
terrible storm was encountered; and one of the ships went down with all on 
board. The others were compelled to throw overboard so many articles that 



TlIK LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 179 

the coast of Spain was literally strewed with them and with wreckage for 
many miles; and it was reported that all the vessels had foundered. The 
King and Queen shut themselves up for eight days, to grieve for the loss of 
their fleet. After the storm, however, the remaining vessels assembled at the 
Canaries, and again turned their prows westward, arriving at their destina- 
tion the middle of April. 

Meanwhile, Columbus was considering a project which had long been in his 
mind. It has already been recorded that he desired to tind a new route to 
Cathay, not in order to enrich himself, but that a sum sufficient for the pur- 
chase of the Holy Land from the Mohammedans might be realized from the 
commerce Avith these countries. At some time after the discovery, whether 
on his first or second return from the New "World to Spain cannot be told 
definitely, he had made a vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of 
his discovery, fifty thousand foot-soldiers and five thousand cavalry for a 
Crusade for the ^recovery of the Holy Sepulchre ; and to furnish a similar 
army, if this should not have been successful, within five years thereafter. 
That this vow had not been fulfilled, was his great trouble; and there is still 
in existence a letter written by him to Pope Alexander VI., about the time 
that Ovando sailed, which explains why the vow had not been fulfilled. 

To Columbus, ardent and devout as he was, and filled with the old crusad- 
ing idea that the Holy Land must, at any cost of blood or treasure, be recov- 
ered from the infidel, it must have been a great grief that this vow had not 
been fulfilled. Since he had first set eyes on San Salvador, almost ten years, 
freighted with cares and la])ors and anxieties, had passed away; and beseems 
now to have felt, at last, that his desire to recover the Holy Sepulchre by his 
own means was utterly hopeless. 

But he remembered that in laying his plans before Ferdinand and Isabella, 
he had proposed this as one of the objects of the enterprise; and he now 
proceeded to arrange the arguments by which he hoped to induce them to 
undertake this holy war. The Scriptures, the wa'itings of the Fathers, and 
all that class of literature which was held in high esteem by the Church, were 
all ransacked to show that there were three events destined to take place in 
rapid succession. Of these, the first was the discovery of the New World; 
the second was the conversion of the Gentiles; and the third was the recov- 
ery of the Holy Sepulchre. These arguments were embodied in a manuscript 
volume, and transmitted to the King and Queen, accompanied by a letter in 
which he eloquently urged this project which now seems so visionary upon 
the attention of the bigoted Ferdinand and the devout Isabella. 

But Columbus knew, by sad experience, how long the decision of the 
Spanish sovereigns was likely to be delayed when a new and important enter- 
prise was presented for their consideration; possildy he felt that should ho 
gain new laurels bvthe discovery of yet richer countries, his recommendations 
12 



180 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

would carry more •svcight with them. Perhaps, too, the wandering nature 
that was in the Genoese sailor impelled him over to be seeking new lands; 
and he was roused to emulation by the achievements of Vasco de Gama and 
Cabral, the former of whom had recently, for the first time in the history of 
the world, doubled the Cape of Good Hope and sailed from Portugal to 
India. 

His anxiety regarding the Holy Sepulchre was set at rest sooner than he 
had hoped. Ferdinand was a bigot, and valued highly the title of INIost 
Catholic King, which he had Avon by his wars against the Moors of Spain; 
but while he was quite ready to wage to its bitter end a Avar which Avas in a 
measure forced upon him, andAvhich, besides being a holy Avar, Avas necessary 
for the preservation of his kingdom, he Avas yet a hard bargainer, and not 
insensible to the advantages of a peaceful settlement of difficulties. Instead, 
therefore, of raising an army for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, he 
proceeded in Avhat, to us of the nineteenth century, seems a much more busi- 
ness-like and much more Christian Avay: he concluded a treaty Avith the 
Grand Soldan of Egypt, under whose rule Palestine then Avas, Avhich adjusted 
all the old difficulties betAveen the tAvo poAvers, and made arrangements for 
preserving the Sepulchre and protecting the pilgrims Avho Avished to visit it. 

The great discoverer, then, Avas entirely free to give all his attention to 
thoughts of new discoveries, Avhich would not only go far beyond those of 
Gama and Cabral, but Avould eclipse his own former achievements. It Avas his 
Avish to explore the coast of Cuba, Avhich, as Ave have frequently shown, he 
believed to be a portion of the main land of Asia, and find the channel Avhich 
lay between it and the islands, and Avhich Avould enable him to reach those 
coasts, trade Avith Avliich Avas so rapidly enriching Portugal. Many advisers 
of the CroAvn protested against his receiving the necessary grants of ships, 
men, money, and authority to do this; but Ferdinand, Avho did not trust the 
ability of Columbus as a governor, and Avho Avas besides jealous of the au- 
thority Avhich he himself had joined in giving to the Admiral, kncAv him to be 
a remarkably skillful navigator; and Avas entirely willing that his time and 
attention should be so occupied Avith rendering new services to the CroAvn 
thathcAvould have no time to insist upon the rcAvardforthe earlier serAaces; 
and Isabella felt that it Avould be ungrateful, after Ovando had been given so 
large a fleet merely to transport him in suitable state to his post of office, to 
refuse a few ships to Columbus, that he might continue his discoveries. 

Four caravels, ranging in size from fifty to seventy tons' burden, AveregiA^en 
him; and one hundred and fifty men enlisted in his service. His brother, 
Don BartholomcAv, and his second son, Fernando, a boy of thirteen, Avere to 
accompany him. His son Diego Avasto remain in Spain, and all the affairs of 
the father Avere to be left to his nuinagement. He had asked permission 
to touch at Ilispaniola for supplies as he sailed past it to the coast of 



TUK LAST AOVAGES OK COLUMBUS. 181 

tlio main land; but this permission was refused, on the ground that the 
island was still, probably, in great agitation, arising from the change of gov- 
ernors, and thatthe Admiral hadmany enemies in the island. The sovereigns, 
however, graciously allowed him to touch there briefly on his return voyage. 

The voyage across the Altantic occupied a little more than a month; the 
squadron sailing INIay 9, and arriving at one of the Caribbee Islands June 15. 
Sailing along by Dominica, the fleet passed along the south side of Porto 
Rico, and then steered for San Domingo. The Admiral was thus acting 
directly contrary to the expressed orders of the King and Queen; but one of 
his ships was such a poor sailer that it delayed the others, and he had deter- 
mined to ask in exchange for it one of Ovando's vessels, or else to buy one 
of the trading vessels which were now permitted to ply between the two 
coasts of the Atlantic. 

The fleet in which Ovando had reached the island was pi-epared for the re- 
turn voyage when, June 211, Columbus approached the mouth of the river, 
and dispatched the captain of one of his caravels to ask permission to enter 
the harbor, as a storm Avas approaching. The recpiest was refused by 
Ovando. 

It seems incredible that Columlnis should be refused permission to shelter 
his vessels in the chief harbor of that New World of which he was the dis- 
coverer; but the action of Ovando can be justified by many reasons. In the 
first place, the weather was not at all threatening; to the ordinary eye, there 
was no indication whatever that a storm was to be expected. To the Spanish 
Governor, then, who probably had received instructions not to permit Co- 
lumbus to enter the country under his rule, it probably seemed that the Gen- 
oese navigator was only seeking an excuse to disobey the commands of the 
sovereigns, and to interfere in the government of the island. Added to this 
there were many persons in San Domingo who Avcre bitterly adverse to Co- 
lumbus; had he lauded by permission of the Governor, and had these per- 
sons been able to wreak their vengeance upon him, the Governor would justly 
have been held responsible. 

The answer was returned to Columbus; but in the meantime, the indica- 
tions of an approaching storm had become, to his practiced eye, even more 
certain; although the pilots of the vessels could not see them. He again 
sent his messenger to Ovando, begging him not to allow the fleet to depart. 
The pilots and seamen of these vessels, as of his own, did not believe that 
any storm was threatened; they were anxious to put to sea; and laughing at 
the prophecy of the old Admiral, declared that he was a false prophet. 

But Columbus had been a sailor for more than fifty years, and had acquired 
such w^eather-wisdom as few, even of those who have served the ocean so 
long, have been able to learn. He sought shelter in a wild harbor, and finally 
cast anchor at a point near the shore, but sufficiently distant from San Do- 



182 THE LAST ^■OYA(!KS OF COLUMBUS. 

mingo to keep his ])rcscnco there from lieing discovered. The fleet of thirty 
vessels, bound for Spain, sailed out of the harbor of San Domingo. One of 
them, on board which was BobadiUa himself, bore the largest nugget of vir- 
gin gold that had yet beeii found in the New World, as well as that immense 
amount Avhich had been collected, during the administration of Bobadilla, as 
the revenue of the Crown. It was the hopes of the tyrant that this treasure 
Avould, in the eyes of the King, atone for much of his evil government; he 
does not seem to have taken the Queen into account. 

Within two days after it was uttered, the prophecy of Columbus regarding 
the storm was fulfilled. It swept over the ocean, and the thirty sail were 
exposed to its full fury. They had just reached the eastern end of Ilispaniola 
when the tempest burst upon them. That proud vessel which bore Bobadilla 
and his ill-gotten gains, with which he hoped to bribe the conscience of a 
king ; Roldan, the rebel against the authority of the great Admiral ; and many 
others of his most inveterate enemies, who were going to Spain for the good 
of Hispaniola, were swallowed up by the angry weaves ; and the treasure wrung 
from the oppressed natives sunk with those wdio had thus procured it to the 
bed of the ocean. Other vessels were lost, besides this principal one; others 
were so injured by the storm that they were obliged to put back to port; only 
one, the weakest and least sea-worthy of all when they had left San Domingo, 
was able to continue the voyage to Spain. The superstitious historian, in re- 
cording this fact, does not fail to call attention to the circumstance that the 
favored vessel had on board four thousand pieces of gold, the property of 
Columbus, which his agent, recently appointed, had recovered or collected, 
and was forwarding to Spain; and to emphasize the statement that the most 
inveterate enemies of Columbus Avere in the vessel which perished utterly, be- 
fore any others of the fleet were seriously injured. 

The vessel commanded by Columbus remained close in shore, and escaped 
injury. The others of his squadron were driven out to sea, and so seriously 
injured that the wdiole fleet w^as obliged to go to Port Hermosos for repairs. 

Repairing the vessels, allowing a little time to his sailors for necessary rest 
and recreation, and the avoidance of another storm, prevented Columbus 
from sailing for the mainland until July 14. Threading his "way among the 
islands to the south of Culpa, he landed on one of a group which he named 
Isla de Pinos, from the circumstances that it was covered with very lofty 
pine-trees; but which island has always retained its Indian name of Guanaja. 
While they were here, a canoe eight feet wide and as long as a galley, and 
rowed by twenty-five men, landed, having evidently come thither on a trading 
expedition. The appearance of the natives, the clothing which they wore, 
the articles v/hich they had brought with them, all showed a much higher de- 
gree of civilization than that which prevailed on the other islands. They told 
him, by signs, that they had come from a rich and populous country to the 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLL'MIiUS. 183 

west, and tried to induce him to visit it. Had he listened to their persuasions, 
he would have reached Yucatan, and thence Mexico, with the boundless stores 
of wealth of which Cortez became possessed a generation later. These treas- 
ures would have fulfilled the wildest dreams of the Spaniards, and Colum- 
bus, theirdiscoverer, would again have been the favorite of the nation. But 
he considered that this country might be visited at any time, while, for the 
present, he was bent on exploring the southern coast of Asia, which would 
yield far greater treasures than any to which these Indians were likely to show 
him the way. 

For sixty days after they had been refused shelter at San Domingo, the 
four little vessels constantly encountered storms, which only the best of sea- 
manship enabled them to weather. The Admiral's health had long been un- 
certain, and now he should have taken rest ; but the almost ceaseless succession 
of storms left him no choice; his skill and experience were constantly re- 
quired; and he had a small cabin constructed on the high stern of his vessel, 
whence, even though confined to his bed, he could keep an outlook and 
direct the course of the ships. If genius be, as some one has defined it, the 
capacity for taking infinite pains, surely no one ever better merited to be 
called a genius than did Columbus. 

He now steered along the coast of Honduras, and encountered, on Septem- 
ber 12, a cape which he named Gracios a Dios, in pious thankfulness because 
the land there took a southerly turn, so that the east winds which had hither- 
to delayed him were now favorable. In October he entered several bays on 
the southern coast of Central America and the isthmus, but, naturally enough, 
could get no information from the natives of the channel which he was 
seeking. 

The natives were generally inclined to be friendly; but in one case, being 
obliged to moor his vessels close by the shore, he w^as attacked. They fled, 
however, when the artillery was brought into use; like the Caribs, they could 
not contend with a people who were armed with the lightning. 

Nor was this the only dreadful thing about these strange wdiite people who 
came in the great winged canoes. At a conference held between Columbus 
and the natives at some point along the coast mentioned, a notary attended, 
to take notes of the conversation. The savages seem to have had no idea of 
writing; they considered its practice a kind of magic, and were not satisfied 
until they had burned some kind of fragrant powder between themselves and 
the Spaniards, to destroy the baleful influence of the spell. 

December 5, they encountered a tropical cyclone, which proved so terrible 
that it afterward seemed a miracle that their frail vessels had lived through 
it. At last, after tossing about on the waters for eight days, they gained the 
mouth of a river which the Admiral named the Bethlehem, because he 
entered it on the Church festival of the Epiphany. In this neighborhood 



184 THE LAST A'OVAGES OF COLU3IBUS. 

was a powerful cacique, whom they found to be the owner of rich gold mines. 
He offered to supply the Spaniards with guides to conduct them to these 
mines, but privately instructed these guides to convoy them to the mines 
owned by a neighboring cacique. Here, however, in spite of the trick which 
iiad been played them, they acquired, by barter and actual discovery, a large 
(|uantity of gold, more, said the Admiral, than he had seen in Hispaniola in 
four years. 

Columbus determined to found a settlement here, as a preliminary to 
Avorking these rich mines and sending the product to Spain. By the end of 
March, 1503, a village of huts had been built, sufficient to shelter eighty men; 
here the Adelantado was to remain, with this number; while his brother, the 
Admiral, returned for supplies and tools. 

Rumors reached the Adelantado, however, that the natives intended to 
attack the village; he marched promptly upon them, and seized the tricky 
chief, whom he held as a hostage. But the cacique, although bound hand 
and foot, managed to spring overboard and make his escape, swimming under 
water to the shore. Under his leadership, the angry natives attempted to 
burn down the village, by shooting flaming arrows upon the roofs of the huts ; 
and a boat's crew of eleven Spaniards, who had gone some distance up the 
river, were attacked ])y the natives in canoes. One out of the eleven escaped 
to tell the story. The boat, the only one that they had that was sea-worthy, 
was of course the prey of the victors. 

The weakest of the four vessels had been left Avith Don Bartholomew, as 
being scarcely fit for the homeward voyage; and the other three, with the 
Admiral in cojnmand, Avere in the offing, awaiting a favorable Avind. But the 
dry season had made the river so shallow that it was impossible for the 
remaining caravel to cross the bar at its mouth, and as they had no boat that 
could be trusted to encounter the surf, it seemed that they were doomed to 
perish. At last, Ledesma, a bold pilot of Seville, encouraged by the example 
of some Indians who had escaped, when captured, by swimming to shore, 
made up his mind that he could do what they had done. He swam from the 
caravels, reached the shore, three miles away, in safety, and communicated 
with the Adelantado; and then conveyed to the Admiral the news of how 
things stood on shore. 

In a few days the wind changed, and the Avould-be settlers embarking on 
the three vessels, the caravels stood out to sea. That one Avhich Avas inside 
the bar had to be abandoned; and at Porto Bello the Admiral was obliged to 
give up another caravel as no longer sea-worthy. Leaving the coast of the 
main land May 31, he steered toward Cuba; but Avhile on this part of the 
voyage, a collision betAveen his two remaining ships damaged them very 
seriously. The small vessels, "as full of holes as a honey-comb," so worm- 
eaten were they and injured by the storms and accidents which they had sus- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



185 



tained, reached the southern coast of Cuba about the middle of June. Shap- 
ing his course thence for Jamaica, Columbus, finding that his ships would no 
longer float, ran them on shore, side by side, and built huts on deck for 
housing the crews. 



^m^^^^^^ff^i-^^w ■ 



/^,i 





Coi.rMiu '^' Cm; WITS A(.i;(n'M>. 
Diego Mendez, the lieutenant of Columbus, and a Spaniard who had shown 
himself, during this voyage, the boldest of his officers, undertook and per- 
formed the difficult task of establishing a regular market in which the natives 
traded their fruit, cassava-bread, fish, and game for such articles of European 
manufacture as the Spaniards possessed. But how could they communicate 
with their countrymen on Hispaniola! A journey to the eastern end of 



186 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

Jamaica would be fraught with danger, for it woukl be through the midst of 
tribes which were not at peace with each other; so that the Spaniards woukl 
find the friendship of one a cause for dreading another. But even were that 
point reached in safety, they knew that there wore forty leagues of rough 
water between the two islands; and they had no vessel in which the European 
sailors would risk such a. voyage. 

It was a case of necessity, however; and with the truest kind of courage, 
Mendez, having carefully considered the case, and knowing very well the 
dangers, volunteered to undertake the voyage around Jamaica and across to 
Hispaniola in a native canoe. But one other Spaniard of like courage was 
found to accompany him; and with six Indians, the two white men set out. 

While they were detained by rough weather at the easternmost point of Ja- 
maica, they were attacked by a number of savages, and, by sheer force of 
numbers, overpowered and carried off as captives. But INIendez had taken 
with him some beads and other trinkets to use in barter with the natives; and 
while the captors were quarreling over this rich spoil, the captives escaped, 
and, managing to reach their canoe, returned in safety to their comrades at 
Santa Gloria. 

Mendez was ready to try it again; but he stipulated that a sufficient force 
to guard against such accidents must accom^iany him to the most eastern point 
of the island. His courage was not without result, for, because of the exam- 
ple which he had set, a dozen of his comrades volunteered to try the danger- 
ous voyage; and in two canoes, with an armed escort on shore commanded by 
the Adelantado, the intrepid lieutenant again set out. 

The two canoes reached the shore of Hispaniola in safety; and Mendez, 
leaving his companions, proceeded alone to San Domingo, to ask for the help 
which was needed. The Governor had left for Xaragua; and Mendez made 
his way alone, through a hundred and fifty miles of wild forest country, to de- 
liver the message of the Admiral. 

Ovando received him with great kindness. He could not find words to ex- 
press his trouble at hearing of the situation in which Columbus w^as placed. 
Certainly he would send the help which was asked, only at present it was im- 
possible, because there were no vessels of sufficient burden at San Domingo. 
And thus, for seven weary months, he put off, from day to day, and from 
week to week, the request of Mendez. At last, Mendez received permission 
to go to San Domingo and await the arrival of certain ships which were ex- 
pected, one of which he might perhaps purchase for the use of the Admiral. 
He at once set off, on foot, although the distance was more than two hundred 
miles — for he had followed Ovando from place to place — and the path was 
neither safe nor easy. 

While Ovando was thus temporizing, ashamed to refuse help, and afraid to 
give it, the castaways at Santa Gloria did not even know if their envoys had 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 187 

reached Hispaniola or not. It might have been supposed that they woukl not 
bhune Columbus with what had occurred; that they knew too well that their 
misfortunes were the work of the elements. Nothing of the kind; the Ad- 
miral was responsible for all that they had suffered; it was the business of 
the Admiral to take them back to Spain. The murmuring grew louder and 
louder, until it reached the ear of Columbus himself. 

Francesco Porras was chosen as the leader of the mutineers ; and one day in 
January he went to the Admiral, who was confined to his bed by the gout, 
and stated plainly the intentions of the people. The Admiral, said Porras, 
was evidently afraid to return to Spain; but the people had determined that 
they would not remain to perish; they intended to depart at once. The fol- 
low'ers of Porras had pressed close upon his heels, even into the sick-room of 
the commander; and as these words were spoken, they shouted, as with one 
voice: — 

" To Castile ! To Castile ! We follow ! " 

It was useless for the Admiral to tell them, as he tried to, that there was 
great danger in leaving the island in the canoes which were the only vessels 
which they had; and that they were blind indeed if they could not see that his 
interest was the same as theirs. They would not listen ; but seizing upon all the 
canoes, the mutineers set out; only such as -were sick remaining with Colum- 
bus and his brother. 

Porras and his followers made several attempts to cross to Hispaniola, but 
were prevented by storms. Thus foiled, they proceeded to roam over the 
islands, committing every excess that imagination could devise, and in every 
way making themselves objects of hatred and terror to the natives. 

Unable to distinguish between just and honorable men, such as the Span- 
iards under the rule of Columbus had seemed, and the ruffian horde of Porras, 
when both classes w^ere white and apparently of the same kindred, the In- 
dians showed contempt and hatred for the few remaining at Santa Gloria; 
food could no longer be obtained from them; famine stared the Admiral and 
his followers in the face. 

It was in this dilemma that he determined to pit his science against their 
superstition. He knew that an eclipse of the moon would take place on a 
certain night. Of course, the Indians, wdio lived in the open air, had fre- 
quently witnessed such phenomena; but eclipses appear at such irregular in- 
tervals that the unlearned natives could not know wnth wdiat certainty these 
obscurations can be foreseen. He accordingly assembled the caciques and 
their principal subjects, and assuming that Mendez had reached his destina- 
tion, thus addressed them through an interpreter: — 

" The God who protects me will punish you. You know what has hap- 
pened to those of my followers who have rebelled against me, and the dangers 
which they encountered in their attempt to cross to Hayti; while those who 



188 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



went at my command made the passage without difficulty. Soon, too, shall 
the divine vengeance fall on you; this very night shall the moon change her 
color and lose her light, in testimony of the evils which shall be sent upon 
you from the skies." 




COUMBUS AND THE ECMPSE. 

The natives listened, but little impressed by what was said. But as the 
shadow began to creep over the face of the moon, they became less scorn- 
ful; and as the dimness increased, they drew together in affright. Now one 
set up a cry; it was echoed again and again; and the most doleful howls filled 
the air. They crept to the very feet of Columbus, and begged him to inter- 
cede for them; he should want for nothing, only let the threatened danger 
be averted. As a proof of their sincerity, they hastily collected such food as 
they could readily lay their hands upon, and brought it to him. 

Columbus pretended to turn a deaf ear to their solicitations; but finally, at 
the time when he knew that the eclipse must soon begin to pass off, he re- 
lented, and promised to intercede for them. He retired to his cabin, where 
they supposed that he performed some kind of strange rite, which caused the 
shadow to pass from the face of the moon, in token that, their repentance 
and iDromise of better things were acceptable to the white man's God. Hence- 



THE LAST AOVAGES OF COLUMBUS. 189 

forward the castaways suffered no more hunger, but were most abundantly 
supplied with food. 

Since the mutiny of Porras and his companions, Columbus had gradually 
won back many of the rebels to his side; but there was constant dissatisfac- 
tion, and soon another mutiny was on the point of breaking out. Before it 
had quite come to a head, however, a ship was descried standing toward the 
harbor; how eagerly it was watched by tlfese poor shipwrecked creatures, who 
had almost lost hope of seeing home again, we can scarcely understand. 

The vessel was of small size, too small to have been sent to convey them to 
Hispaniola or to Spain; but there might be messages of cheer borne by it. 
They watched a boat lowered over the side, and rowed toward the land. As 
it approached, they saw, seated in the post of honor, Diego de Escobar, a 
man whom Columbus had condemned to death for participation in the Rol- 
dan mutiny, but who had been pardoned by Bobadilla. Coming alongside the 
ships, Escobar put aboard a letter from Ovando and a cask of wine and a 
side of bacon, which two last articles he said that Ovando intended as a token 
of his esteem and goodwill for Columbus; and withdrew to a distance, so 
that communication must be kept up by shouting aloud. Columbus was 
assured that Ovando greatly regretted the fact that he had no vessels of suf- 
ficient size to afford the relief desired; but that one would be sent as soon 
as possible. The messenger requested that any letter to the Governor might 
1)6 written as soon as possible, for he was in a hurry to be off. Columbus ac- 
cordingly prepared an answer to the letter which he had received, and Esco- 
bar immediately put to sea. 

The choice of a man well known as an enemy of Columbus to act as mes- 
senger in this instance shows that Ovando was not well disposed toward the 
Admiral; but Columbus made the best of it; and assured his followers, who 
were muchdisappointcvd that the vessel should sail off so quickly, that Esco- 
bar had been sent to convey to Hispaniola a portion of his command; bat 
that he, the Admiral, had refused to leave any of his followers behind him, 
on a wild and inhospitable coast like that of Jamaica. There is no evidence 
that they quite believed these assurances; butthey could not contradict them, 
since only the Admiral knew the contents of the letters; and Escobar had 
not permitted any communication between his men and the castaways. 

Columbus sent half the bacon and wine as a peace-offering to the mutineers, 
with whom he was anxious to make terms; but his overtures were scornfully 
rejected; and Porras persuaded his followers that Escobar's caravel, which 
they had all seen, was nothing but an apparition conjured up by the magic 
arts of Columbus; for a man who possessed such strange instruments, and 
was so learned about the stars, and could foretell storms when there were no 
signs that any one else could see, and could find his way about the waters like 
this man, must of course be a magician or a sorcerer. 



1!>0 TIIIO I>AST VOVA«ES OF COLl'MHUS. 

Tlioro Avas good reason wliy Porras should liavctlius persuaded his foHow- 
crs; for ho was even then phumiug a descent upon the ships, to seize the few 
remaining stores and capture the Admiral. The Adelantado received infor- 
mation of this ; and placing himself at the head of tifty men, all that the little 
force could furnish, marched against the nuitineers, attacked them, and ended 
by defeating them and carrying off their leader as a prisoner. 

The mutineers at once submitted unconditionally to the Admiral, who par- 
doned them for their revolt against his authority; reserving the ringleader 
for future punishment. Ilis offense was, according to the laws of every na- 
tion, then as now, a capital one; and Columbus, as Viceroy and Adnn'ral, was 
certainly empowered to try such oifenders and pronounce and execute sen- 
tence when they had been found guilty; but ho judged it best to defer this 
action until ho had other spectators than a handful of men who had either 
been lately brought back under his authority, or who had been on the point 
of rebelling against it, though they had not actually done so. 

June 24, loOS, the two weather-beaten vessels had found shelter at Santa 
Gloria; June 28, 1504, two caravels arrived to convey them to Ilispaniola. 
One of these had been sent by the tardy Ovando; the other by the faithful 
Mendez. 

The voyage was a long and stormy one; and the vessels did not reach San 
Domingo until the 13th of August. Much to the surprise of Columbus, 
Ovando received him in state, proceeding to the harbor, attended by a nu- 
merous suite, for that purpose. But this was only an empty show of respect ; 
he soon announced that he intended to institute a general inquiry as to the 
affairs which had taken place in Jamaica, in order to decide whether Poi-ras 
and his associates had been justified in their rebellion against the Admiral's 
authority; and be insisted upon releasing Porras. 

" My authority as Viceroy must have sunk low indeed," remarked Colum- 
bus, sadly, "if it does not enable me to punish those of my ollicers who 
mutiny against me." 

But Ovando possessed the actual power, and Porras was released. Colum- 
bus determined to return to Spain; and set sail, in the caravel which Mendez 
had sent to Jamaica for him, a month after his arrival at San Domingo. It 
seemed that storms pursued him wherever he went; for twice his little vessel 
nearly foundered ; twice, in successive tempests, her masts Avere sprung. Dis- 
ease laid her hand yet more heavily upon him than ever before; and it was a 
man who possessed neither means, nor health, nov favor with the sovereigns, 
nor hope of any better things to come, Avho landed from the frail and battered 
vessel at Seville, Nov. 7, 1504. 

Through all his troubles, since he had first found an advocate in the per- 
son of Juan Perez de Marchena, he had had one powerful friend; at times, 
her ear had been poisoned by the reports of his enemies; but always, when 



THE LAST V(JYA(JKS OF COLUMIUJS. 11)1 

she heard the truth, or even when, without hearing any other side of the story, 
she reflected upon the service wliich Columbus had rendered, and thought 
what manner of man he was, Isabella of Castile had shown her true greatness 
by her appreciation of the great Admiral. But now, even this friend failed 
liim. The death of her son, of her grandson and heir, of her favorite daugh- 
ter, and the insanity of her remaining daughter, combined to make the great 
Queen one of the mostuidiappy of women. A deep melancholy settled upon 
her; and when Columbus arrived at Seville, it Avas well known that she had 
not long to live. 

lie was too ill to go to court, even had he been certain that he would ])e 
well received; and he sent his son Diego to manage his affairs for him. But 
he heard no news from there; couriers are arriving every day, he saj's, but 
none for him, though he would desire to have news every hour. 

Nov. 26, the Queen died; and the noblest epitaph that has been written 
upon her is contained in a letter of her greatest servant, written to his son 
Diego, in haste and brevity, just as he received the news: — 

" The principal thing is to commend affectionately, and with great devo- 
tion, the soul of the Queen our sovereign to God. Her life was always 
catholic and holy, and prompt to all things in his Holy service; for this rea- 
son we may rest assured that she is received into His glory, and beyond the 
cares of this rough and weary world." 

During the remainder of the winter and s[)ring, Columbus remained at 
Seville, too ill to bear a journey; but, active in mind, directing the effoi'ts 
which were made to obtain a recognition of his services and a redress of his 
wrongs from Ferdinand. One of the persons employed by him in his missions 
to the court was Americus Vespucius, who is described by Colum])us as a 
worthy but unfortunate nuin, who had not protitedas nuich as he deservedby 
his undertakings, and who had always been disposed to render him — Colum- 
l)us — service. It was expected that Vespucius could prove the value of the 
latest discoveries of Columbus, since he had recently touched at the same 
coasts. 

Not until May was Columbus aljle to make the short journey that was re- 
quired. His applications nuule by proxy had been listened to coldly; and no 
sign had been given that those in authority thought that the Viceroy of the 
New World had any right or interest in its concerns. Columbus himself 
cared little for the revenues that he should have derived from mining and 
commerce; but he was exceedingly anxious that his dignities should be re- 
stored. He cared not to be a rich man, or to leave his heirs a vast accumula- 
tion of money; but he was, by solemn agreement with the sovereigns. Ad- 
miral of the Ocean and Viceroy of India; these titles, according to that same 
agreenuMit, Avere to descend to his children; and he desired that Ferdinand 
shoukl recognize his own action of previous years. 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 1J)3 

This the King was in no hurry to do, however; the causes of delay have 
already been given. He did not refuse absolutely; for the breach of faith 
would have been too flagrant; but he delayed as long as he could, and ended 
by referring the matter to the Board of Dischai-ges of the Royal Conscience. 

The title of this august body sounds like it might have originated in one of 
the novels of Dickens; but there was actually such a board in Spain at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century; it had been appointed since the death of 
the Queen, to superintend the fulfilling of her will. Two consultations were 
held regarding the affairs of Columbus; but the Board was placed in a deli- 
cate position; nominally appointed to carry out the will of Isabella, they 
knew very well what she would have wished ; but the King was a living power, 
and they Avere just as sure of his wishes as of hers. Nothing w^as settled in 
regard to this difficult question. 

Columbus endeavored to console himself w^ith the idea that the King w^as 
but waiting to consult his daughter Juana, who was her mother's heir, and 
who was daily expected to come from Flanders with her husband; but Juana's 
coming was rendered uncertain by her frequent attacks of insanity, which 
deranged all the plans made for her. In fact, however, Ferdinand had no 
intention of consulting any one; he knew that Columbus was fast sinking 
under the w^eight of years and infirmities, and he w^as determined to delay his 
decision until the great man should be placed beyond all reward. 

Still he was profuse in his compliments to Columbus, though showing him 
no signs of real favor. Finally, not having been able to exhaust the patience 
of Columbus entirely, he offered to compromise the case by giving him, in 
place of his New World dignities, titles and estates in Castile. The offer 
w^as rejected with indignation by the Admiral, who justly considered his 
proudest title to be that which linked his name with the history of his discov- 
eries. And at last he despaired. He wrote to his friend, Diego de Deza: — 

" It appears that his majesty does not think fit to fulfill that which he, Avith 
the Queen, who is now in glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to 
contend for the contrary would be to contend with the wind. I have done 
all that I could do. I leave the rest to God, whom I have ever found propi- 
tious to me in my necessities." 

Yet, even after writing thus, he felt one last gleam of hope; it might be 
that Queen Juana and her husband, when they came to take possession of the 
throne of Castile, w^ould hear him. They had arrived in Spain; but Colum- 
bus was again utterly prostrated, and could not go to Laredo to present his 
suit. His faithful brother, the Adelantado, undertook the mission. He was 
received with respect, and listened to graciously; the claims of the Admiral 
received due attention from the young sovereigns of Castile, and there was 
every reason to believe that there would be a speedy and prosperous termina- 
tion of his suit. 



194 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

But even while hope was thus dawning anew, darkness was approaching, 
like a storm at morning. The great discoverer had made many voyages; first 
to every part of the known world, and then to mark out a path to the New 
World; he Avas now about to set out on that last journey, to — 

" That undiscovered country from whose bourne 
No traveler returns." 

As the spring of 1506 progressed, it was seen that his malady was gradually 
assuming a worse form than ever. He set his house in order, making a mili- 
tary testament May 4, and supplementing this by a formal will drawn up about 
two weeks later. Providing for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family 
and dignities, he ordered his heir to build in Hispaniola a chapel where masses 
might be said daily for the repose of the souls of himself, his parents, his 
wife, and all who died in the faith. He provided that his heir was to call him- 
self always The Admiral, no matter what other titles might be given him; and 
directed that measures should be taken to insure his remembrance in Genoa, 
the city of his birth. Provision was also made for the payment of various 
debts and rewards for services. 

Having attended to every claim upon his loyalty, affection and justice, Co- 
lumbus turned his thoughts from earth forever, and received the last sacra- 
ments of that Church of which he had been so devout a member. As death 
drew near, he murmured the Avords, sanctified by so many associations: — 

In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum — "Into Thy hands, O 
Lord, I commend my spirit;" — and passed quietly away. 

His body Avas at first deposited in the convent of San Francisco, but in 
1513 Avas removed to the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas at Seville. 
TAventy-three years later, his remains, Avith those of his son Diego, Avho had 
been buried beside him, Avere removed to Hispaniola, and re-interred in the 
principal chapel of the cathedral at San Domingo. But, a Avanderer through- 
out life, even his dust Avas not permitted to rest in peace ; and toAvard the 
close of the eighteenth century, all the Spanish possessions in Hispaniola 
having been ceded to France, Spain retained possession of the ashes of her 
greatest servant, and removed them to the cathedral at Havana. The re- 
moval was performed Avith all the pomp and ceremony befitting the funeral 
services of the Admiral and the Viceroy of the Indies. 

" When Ave read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the port 
of San Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as sacred 
national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious ceremonial; 
the most dignified and illustrious men striving Avho most should pay them 
reverence, Ave cannot but reflect that it AA^as from this very porthe Avas carried 
off, loaded Avith ignominious chains, blasted apparently in fame and fortune, 
and followed by the revilings of the rabble. Such honors, it is true, are 
nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the heart, noAV dust and ashes, for 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



li)5 



all the wrongs and sorrows it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes of 
comfort to the illustrious, yet slandered and persecuted living, encouraging 
them bravely to bear with present injuries, by showing them how true merit 
outlives all calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of 
after ages." — Washington Irving. 




Statue of Columbus ox the Poiitico of the Capitol at Wasiiixgtox. 



AMERIOUS VESPUCIUS. 



^^HERE has been some effort made, of recent years, to show that the 
rQ name America is really derived from an Indian word ; and that the 
^^ man whose name heads the present chapter derived it, as a surname, 
from the fact that he journeyed to the new-found continent, and wrote 
much about it. It is possible that in some of the languages or dialects of the 
various tribes of Indians there is a word, resembling in sound the name of 
America, which was applied to their country, or even to land in general ; the 
western continent being the only large body of land with which they had any 
acquaintance; but Vespucius certainly did not derive his name from any cir- 
cumstance connected with his explorations or writings; for a letter written by 
him in 1478 is signed " Amerigo Vespucci." 

Dismissing this theory at the outset, then, we proceed to study the life of 
the man from whom the New World received its name. He belonged to a 
noble family which had originally lived a few miles from Florence, but under 
the government of that city. About the beginning of the thirteenth -century, 
however, the representatives of the Vespucci established themselves in the 
city itself; and from that time they have remained identified with it. 

Florence was in many respects a peculiar city. Rich and powerful, its nobles 
were proud of their long descent, of their stainless honor, of their patronage 
of the arts and sciences, of their high station and the estimation in which 
they were held by others. In these things they resembled the nobles of 
other nations. But unlike others, they saw no shame in engaging in commerce ; 
the city was a city of merchants, and her rulers were among the most success- 
ful of the great mercantile families. No false and foolish pride kept them 
in the poverty which a Spaniard would have endured uncomplainingly, when 
a successful business operation might have retrieved the fortunes of the fam- 
ily. So marked was this feeling among the Florentines, that it had come to 
be a custom for each noble family to set aside one son as a merchant, just as 
a high-born English family may destine one son to the army, one to the bar, 
and one to the church. This feeling had so marked an influence upon the 
life of Americus Vespucius, that we have thought best to notice it before 

enteriu"" upon the story of his life. 

(19<;) 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



197 



Aiiastatio Vespucci, Secretary of the Senate of Florence, was the head of 
the family in 1451, and lived in a stately mansion, now occupied as a hospital 
for the poor, near the gate of the city now known as Porta del Prato. The 
Vespucci coat of arms ajDpears over the doors of many houses in this quarter 




AjreRicrs Vespucius. 

of the city, indicating that the family was not without a share of this world's 
goods; their wealth seems to have been acquired by an ancestor, sometime 
before the date specified; and Auastatio had but little besides his palatial 
dwelling and the salary attaching to his high office. Yet the name vv^as a well- 
known one in Florence; for the wealthy ancestor had built more than one 



198 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

hospital for the suffering poor, and ti magnificent chapel, where his own and 
his Avife's remains still repose. 

March 9, 1451, the third son of this official was born, and duly christened 
Amerigo when three days old. The name had descended to him from an an- 
cestor who had filled a high office in 1336; how much older it was, or how 
many had borne it during that century, we do not know. 

Almost from his cradle, the boy was destined tobecome a merchant. This 
did not mean that he was early to be confined to the drudgery of the count- 
ing-house; he must first receive such education as Florence could give to the 
son of an old and distinguished family. His father's brother, a monk of the 
Order of San Marco, was a distinguished scholar; and before the birth of 
Americus had become famous as a teacher of the noble youths of the city. 
To this school went the future navigator. 

Mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the classics, seem to have com- 
prised his principal studies ; and he became especially interested in geography. 
It was his ambition to excel as a geographer; and with this aim, it is not . 
to be wondered at that he sought the society of the great Toscanelli, that 
cosmographer to whom Columbus submitted the first draught of his wonder- 
ful scheme, and who so warmly approved the idea of the Genoese adventurer. 

Americus seems to have remained a student under his uncle's direction for 
a number of years. His studies were interrupted in 1478, when the plague 
appeared at Florence and the Vespuccis sought safety in the country. He 
appears, however, to have resumed them on his return to the city, after the 
pestilence had run its course. 

Just when it was that he fulfilled the wishes of his father, and entered up- 
on mercantile pursuits, we have no record; but it is certain that he did so at 
some time between the year 1478 and 1490. But however busily engaged in 
commercial operations he may have been, he never lost his early interest in 
geography; all the best maps, charts and globes obtainable were bought by 
him, however high the price; and we have already noted that for one map he 
paid a sum equivalent to five hundred and fifty-five dollars of United States 
money. 

About the year 1480, his elder brother, Girolamo, had left home to seek 
his fortune in foreign climes, and had established himself in business in a 
city of Asia Minor. As time went on, the entire family contributed of their 
means to increase his capital ; for he was very prosperous, and needed only 
to increase his operations to become immensely wealthy in a short time. 
Things went Avell with him until one day, while he was at church, thieves 
broke into his house and robbed him of all that he possessed. 

The circumstances that made it possible for the thieves to secure so much 
booty are not clearly described ; we are interested only in the result of the 
robbery. The family was so impoverished that Americus determined to leave 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 199 

Florence, to retrieve his brother's losses by making greater gains elsewhere; 
and he selected Spain as the scene of his future labors. 

Many young nobles from other countries were then in Spain, under the 
banner of Ferdinand and Isabella; for the war which these sovereigns were 
waging against the Moorish kingdoms in the southern part of the peninsula 
was regarded as a holy war, a Christian crusade against the Infidel; and repu- 
tation and military experience were to be gained by engaging in it. Of course, 
this made many wants to be supplied by merchants and bankers; and Italian 
business men were quick to take advantage of the situation. Vespucius went 
as the agent of one of the Medici, the ruling family of Florence ; he was com- 
missioned to deal with Berardi, an Italian who had already established him- 
self in Spain ; and the esteem in wdiich he was held in his native city is shown 
by the fact that a number of young men accompanied him, to see the world 
of business under his supervision. 

At the beginning of 1492 he was associated in business with one Douato 
Nicollini; but he Avas also closely connected with Berardi, who, after the 
return of Columbus from his first voyage, was commissioned to furnish and 
equip four armaments, to be sent out to the New World at different times. 

Some writers have supposed that Vespucius accompanied Columbus on 
his second voyage; but the probabilities are against his having done so. The 
acquaintance of (yolumbus and Vespucius probably began after the great 
discoverer returned from his first voyage. The merchant was greatly excited 
by the reports of the discoveries of Columbus and had eagerly investigated 
them; but he arrived at very different conclusions from those supported by 
Columbus. He thought, for one thing, that Columbus, Toscanelli, and other 
geographers of the time were greatly mistaken in their estimate of the dis- 
tance from the western coast of Europe to the Eastern coast of Asia; and, 
while we cannot positively say when the idea was first formed, he shows, by 
liis letters, that he had a very clear notion that Cuba was not the main land, 
as Columbus supposed it to be, long before that great island was circum- 
navigated. 

Juan Berardi, the head of the mercantile house Avith which Vespucius had 
connected himself on first coming to Spain, died in December, 1495, and the 
management of affairs devolved upon the junior partner. But he wearied 
of seeking the favors of fortune; he determined to abandon mercantile 
affairs, and direct his attention "to something more laudable and stable." 
It is thus, in a letter directed to an old schoolmate, that he speaks of visiting 
the various parts of the world. 

Contrary to the agreement which had been made with Columbus, the 
sovereigns, after his second voyage, permitted private adventurers to pro- 
secute discoveries in the West Indies; and even assisted in fitting out fleets 
for other leaders than the Admiral. One of these leaders was that Ojeda 



200 AMERICUS VKSPUCIUS. 

who had douc so much to subdue the natives of Hispaniola; and his squad- 
ron consisted of four vessels. Aniericus Vespucius was one of those who 
accompanied him ; according to some accounts, as one of the principal pilots; 
according to the explanations of others, as a sort of agent of the sovereigns, 
having a voice in the direction of the ships, and thus classed as a pilot and 
captain. 

May 10, 1497, they left Cadiz; and after reaching the Canaries, sailed so 
rapidly that at the end of twenty-seven days they came in sight of land. This 
they judged to be a continent, although he does not tell us what were the 
grounds for supposing it to be so. They anchored, and attempted to hold 
some intercourse with the natives; but the Indians proved so shy that they 
sought a more secure anchorage. 

This (lifKculty in communicating wJth the natives lasted for some days; but 
finally they managed to get near enough to the inhabitants to display the 
articles which they had brought for the purpose of making presents or trad- 
ing; and won the good-will of the savages by gifts. The news of the 
strangers' generosity spread along the coast, and for some time, wherever 
they went, they were well received. 

Coasting along the shore of South America — for they were right in suppos- 
ing this to be a continent — they came upon a village, which, nuich to their 
surprise, w;as built after the Venetian fashion; the houses, upon piers in the 
water, had entrances by means of draw-bridges; so that the inhabitants, 
by leaving the bridges down, could traverse the whole town without 
difficulty. 

In allusion to the city which this village resembled, they called it Venez- 
uela; a name which has endured to the present day. At the first sign of the 
newcomers, the inhabitants had shut themselves up in their houses, and 
raised the draw-bridges; and as the ships came nearer, the savages embarked 
in their canoes and rowed out to sea. 

Twenty-two of these small vessels approached the larger ones from across the 
water; and the Spaniards made every sign of friendship that ingenuity could 
suggest, inviting the Indians to come nearer. As the invitation was disre- 
garded, they thought to go toward them; but at the first indication of this 
intention, the Indians turned their canoes toward the land, and hastened 
away; making signs for the Spaniards to wait where they were, for their 
return. 

They came back, bringing with them sixteen young girls, as if these would 
be the means of making peace. So impressed were the Europeans by the 
trust which the Indians evidently reposed in them, that their suspicions were 
not awakened by the sight of numbers swimming toward the ships. 

Suddenly, they noticed that some of the women, at the doors of the huts, 
were wailing and tearing their hair, as if in great distress. AVhile they were 



AMERICl'S VESPUCIUS. 201 

wondering what this meant, the girls, as if by one impulse, sprang from the 
boats which they had entered from the canoes, and the Spaniards discovered 
that every man in the canoes had a bow and arrows, and every man swimming 
around them in the sea had a lance. Hardly had they noted this, before they 
were furiously assailed. 

The Spaniards not only defended themselves, but took the offensive. 
They overturned several of the canoes, killed fifteen or twenty, and wounded 
many more; taking two girls and three men prisoners. "Conscientious 
scruples," a rare thing among these old navigators, prevented them from 
burning the town, and they returned to their ships, where the three men 
whom they had captured were put in irons. However, morning showed that 
this latter precaution had been ineffectual in one case; for, during the night, 
the two girls and one of the men " escaped in the most artful manner in the 
world." 

The next day, keeping their course continually along the coast, they came 
to anchor about eighty leagues from this New World Venice, and saw a 
throng of about four thousand persons gathered on the shore. These, how- 
ever, did not wait to receive them, but fled to the woods as the Spaniards let 
down their boats. 

The white men followed them, and found their camp, where two of them 
were engaged in cooking iguanas, an animal which the early discoverers and 
explorers were accustomed to describe as a serpent, and to regard with much 
horror as an article of food, until some one of them found himself virtually 
compelled by circumstances to taste it; and found the flesh so delicious that 
he never again hesitated to eat of it. The two cooks fled, of course; but the 
whites, in order to reassure the natives, disturbed nothing in the camp, but 
left many of their own articles in the rude tents. 

Efforts to make friends with them proved more successful the next day; 
and when the Indians saw the two prisoners that the Spaniards had taken, 
they Avere doubly friendly; for these men belonged to a tribe Avith which they 
were at war. They finally informed the whites that this was not their dwell- 
ing; that they had merely come here for the fishing; and invited the strangers 
to go with them to their villages, for they wished to receive them as friends. 

This invitation seems to have been received with no great satisfaction by 
the whites; for Vespucius says: — 

" They importuned us so much, that, having taken counsel, twenty-three 
of us Christians concluded to go with them, well prepared, and with firm 
resolution to die manfully, if such was to be our fate." 

After remaining for three days at the fishing-camp, they set out for the 
interior; where they visited so many villages that they were nine days on 
the journey, and their comrades on board the vessels grew very uneasy 
about them. 



202 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

They were escorted back by a great number of the savages, both men and 
women ; and their guides were so eager to serve them that they were not per- 
mitted to fatigue themselves at all. Did a white man seem tired of the walk? 
A hammock was ready, slung on the shoulders of strong and willing Indians. 
Did one of them find it impossible to carry the presents which had been given 
him? Another hammock was at hand, and the presents stowed in that ; while 
the bearers proved absolutely honest. Was there a river to be crossed? For 
every white man, there was a stout Indian back, ready to receive this burden. 

Arrived at the shore, their boats were almost swamped by the number of 
those who wished to accompany them; while swarms who could not get into 
the boats swam alongside to the ships. So many came aboard, that the 
mariners were quite troubled ; not being quite secure against sudden treachery. 
As the savages were naked and unarmed, however, they subdued their fears; 
contenting themselves with an effort to impress the natives with a sense of 
their power, by discharging a cannon. This so frightened them, says Vespu- 
cius, that many of them leaped into the seas as suddenly as frogs sitting on a 
bank plunge into the marsh at the first sound that alarms them. Those who 
remained were reassured by the mariners; and took leave of them with many 
demonstrations of affection. 

They had now been thirteen months at sea, and the ships and rigging were 
much worn. By common consent they agreed to careen their vessels on the 
beach, in order to calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, and then 
to return to Spain. They made a breastwork of their boats and casks, and 
placed their artillery so that it would play over them; then having unloaded 
and lightened their ships, hauled them to land, and repaired them wherever 
they needed it. 

Although they had made such elaborate preparations for repulsing any at- 
tack which the natives mighthave made upon them, the Indians gave no sign 
of hostility, but brought them such quantities of food that they consumed a 
very little of their own stores. This was a fortunate thing; for their pro- 
visions were so much reduced in quantity that the mariners feared they would 
not have enough to last them until they got back to Spain. Thirty-seven 
days were thus spent in repairing the vessels. 

Before they set sail, the natives complained to them that at certain times 
in the year there came from the sea to their country a very cruel tribe, who, 
either by treachery or force, killed many of them and ate them ; capturing 
others, and carrying them away as captives. Against these enemies, said the 
friendly natives,, they were not able to defend themselves; and, when the 
Spaniards promised to avenge their injuries, no words could express their 
gratitude. Many offered to go with them ; but the whites wisely rejected 
such offers, and permitted but seven to accompany them ; these going upon 
the express condition that they should return in their own canoes. 



AMKRKUIS VKSrdCHJS. 



2oa 



'l\'ikin<,^ :i iiorlhciislcrly coursis ut i\w, end of s<^V(mi days they fell in willi 
sonic islands, many of which were pcoplt'd. On ono of these, which they 
found was called by the natives Iti, they laiKh^l; but not without difficulty. 

As the l)oats were lowered, the Spaniards saw about four hundred men and 
women gatlnu- on the beach, the meu armed with bows and arrows and ]anc(\s, 
their naked IxmHcs painted with various colors, while feathers were libcsrally 
us(hI as ornaments. As the strangers approached within bowshot of tin; 
sliorc!, these savages sentallight of arrows at 1 hem, in dcicrniincd effort to 
prevent them from landing. 




Yisi 



I'lxi'l.OKT 



Nkw Countuy, 



So persistent were they intluiir efforts to prevent the Spaniards from land- 
ing, that the latter finally concluded to use their artillery. A round was fired ; 
and the astonished Indians, hearing the thunder, and seeing some of their 
number fall dead, hastily retreated. Forty of the whites resolved to leap 



204 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

ashore aud fight with the islanders. They fought for about two hours with- 
out any decisive victory on either side; some of the Indians were killed, and 
some of the whites were injured. It was only wdienthe newcomers succeeded 
in making it a hand-to-hand combat, where the temper of their swords counted 
for more than quickness or accuracy of aim, that they were enabled to beat 
off the Indians. 

Tired out, the whites were glad enough to return to their vessels. The 
next day, the natives again approached the shore, making many hostile dem- 
onstrations. A force of fifty-seven men was sent ashore, Americus being then, 
as on the previous day, one of the fighters; this body landed without resist- 
ance, for the natives feared the cannon. 

After a long battle, having killed many, the strangers put the islanders to 
flight, and pursued them to a village, taking about twenty-five — according to 
some authorities, two hundred and fi.fty — prisoners. They burned the village, 
and returned victorious to the ships with their prisoners, leaving many killed 
and wounded on the side of the enemy, while on their own not more than 
one died, and only twenty-two Avere wounded. They soon arranged for their 
departure; and the seven Indians from the continent, of whom five were 
wounded, took a canoe from the island, and with seven prisoners returned to 
their own country, with a most wonderful story to tell of the power of the 
white strangers. The mariners set sail for Spain, and arrived there Oct. 15, 
1498, after an absence of about nineteen months. 

There is some question about the first voyage of Vespucius. The belief 
that the expedition was commanded by Ojeda is not shared by all; some au- 
thorities stating that it was a private enterprise, in which Vespucius bore as 
great a part as any ; while he seems to have been altogether subordinate to 
Ojeda on the second voyage, when he himself states that that gallant cavalier 
was the commander. The truth is that one early historian sought to prove 
that Columbus had been the first European to visit the continent; the above 
account, drawn from the letter of Vespucius, shows that the voyage was 
completed only a few months after Columbus set sail on his third voyage, the 
first when he reached the main land. In this effort, the historian has not 
hesitated to twist things to his own purpose; and has succeeded in creating 
some doubt about the details. 

However this may be, Ojeda was certainly the leader in the second voyage 
which Vespucius made, if we are to trust the assertion of Americus himself. 
The cavalier had a strong friend at court, a relative of his being a close friend 
of Bishop Fonseca, to whom the management of all affairs connected with 
the Indies had been entrusted. Fonseca had been a bitter enemy of Colum- 
bus, ever since the great discoverer had insisted on having a larger household 
than Fonseca had thought necessary; and having appealed to the sovereigns, 
had received a decision against the Bishop. Fonseca was ready to do anything 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 205 

which might annoy or injure Columbus; and it is supposed that he actually 
gave to Ojeda the chart Avhich Columbus had submitted to the sovereigns, as 
showing the nature and extent of his discoveries, and the route which he had 
taken. This, of course, was a gross breach of faith ; for Columbus was espec- 
ially anxious to keep his course a secret as long as possible; and the chart 
had been committed to Fonseca's care in his official capacity, with the under- 
standing that he was not to show it unless formally required to do so. 

In the short interval between his first and second voyage, Yespucius found 
time, opportunity and inclination for somethingquite different from the study 
of geography. He embarked upon the sea of matrimony, with, as first and 
only mate, a lady of Seville, of an honorable though not wealthy family. 
They had been betrothed before the first voyage, but for some reason the 
wedding was postponed until after his return. 

Soon after his marriage, Yespucius visited the court, w^here he was received 
with much kindness by the King and by Bishop Fonscca. He was consulted 
respecting the expedition which was then being prepared, and the accounts 
of what he had himself seen were listened to with much interest. Ferdinand 
was gratified to find that others besides Columbus could succeed in discover- 
ing and exploring these new lands; and begrudged the Admiral the glory of 
having shown these others the way. Fonseca was equally pleased to find some 
one willing and capable to take up the work which he was only too anxious to 
wrest from the hand of Columbus. 

Ojeda had no experience as a mariner, and looked upon the proposed voy- 
age rather as a marauding expedition. He was therefore desirous of securing 
the assistance of experienced navigators; and in this wish he was fully sec- 
onded by the King and his minister. The reputation of Yespucius as a geo- 
grapher was such as to mark him as the man that was wanted; and he seems 
to have had some repute as a practical navigator. He was strongly urged to 
make one of the expedition, but was at first disinclined to leave home so soon 
after his return; but to his natural inclination for such a journey were added 
the urgings and entreaties of Ojeda and Fonseca, and the known wishes of 
the King; and Americus decided to visit the New World again. 

It was probably due to the influence of Yespucius that so many of the rich 
merchants of Seville joined in staking a portion of their fortunes on the suc- 
cess of this expedition. A fleet of four vessels was speedily equipped; and 
the latter part of the spring of 1499 saw them ready for sea; many of the 
adventurers who had sailed with Columbus and returned in disgust from His- 
paniola having been tempted to enlist in this new enterprise, in which they 
hoped to achieve the wealth they had vainly sought before. 

They set sail from Cadiz ]\Iay 18, 1499; and spent twenty days in the voy- 
age to the Canaries. Twenty-four da^'s later, having sailed but very little 
west of south, they saw land; and having given thanks to God, launched 



206 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



their boats, aad endeavored to lind a landing-place. The shore, however, was 
so low, and so densely covered with the evergreen aromatic trees, that they 
concluded to return to the ships and try some other spot. 




Natives ov the A^tAzox. 

One remarkable thing tiiat they observed in these seas Avas that at a dis- 
tance of fifteen leagues, or forty-five miles, from land, they came upon a cur- 
rent of fresh water, from which they filled their casks. The latitude, as 
stated by Vespucius in his account of this voyage, does not agree with the 
supposition that this was the Amazon; though the description of the coast 
and the volume and strength of the current so far out at sea would lead us to 
believe that this greatest of rivers must be the stream that he meant. He adds 
that, as they sailed along the coast, they saw two large rivers, one four leagues 
wide, running from west to east, the other three leagues wide, running from 
south to north: and concluded that these must be the cause of that current 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 207 

of fresh water; yet he says nothing of having entered an arm of the sea, or 
of having hind on cither side of the vessels. 

Having prepared their boats, and put in provision for four days, with 
twenty men well armed, they entered the river, and rowed nearly two days, 
ascending it something more than fifty miles. But the land was as low as at 
the mouth; and the roconnoiteringparty, concludingthat the ships could not 
land here, floated down the stream to the fleet again. They raised anchor 
and set sail, continuing in a southerly direction, and standing off to sea about 
forty leagues. 

They now encounted that great equatorial current which sweeps along the 
coast of Brazil, dividing into two great streams at Cape St. Roque. This Avas 
the northern half into which thejr vessels came; for he says that it " ran 
from southeast to northwest; so great was it, and ran so furiously, that we 
were put into great fear, and were exposed to great peril. The current was 
so strong, that the strait of Gibraltar and that of the Faro of Messina ap- 
peared to us like mere stagnant water in comparison with it. We could 
scarcely make any headway against it, though we had the Avind fresh and fair. 
Seeing that we made no progress, or but very little, and the danger to which 
we were exposed, we determined to turn our prows to the northwest." 

Before, however, they quit the waters south of the equator, Vespucius made 
many endeavors to fix upon that star in the southern heavens which corres- 
ponds to the North Star in the other hemisphere. Many a night's sleep he 
lost, he tells us; but the nights were so bad, and his instruments, quadrant 
and astrolabe, were so primitive, that he could not distinguish a star which 
had less than ten degrees of motion around the firmament; so that his ambi- 
tion to fix upon the South Pole Star was not gratified. 

They continued on their northwesterly course until they had passed ten de- 
grees north of the equator, when they again saw land. Arrived at this is- 
land — for such it proved to be — they anchored about a mile from the beach, 
fitted out the boats, and Avith twenty-two well-armed men, rowed to land. 
Many of the inhabitants Avere gathered upon the shore from the time that 
their ships first came in sight; but as the strangers landed, they took fright, 
and ran into the woods. It took much exertion to reassure them so that they 
Avere Avilling to return. Fortunately, two of them had been captured on the 
first landing, and one of these Avas employed as an envoy. These people, al- 
though he says they Avere of a gentle disposition, are described as cannibals; 
eating the bodies of those Avho are killed or taken in Avar; and Vespucius adds 
that the Spaniards saw the heads and bones of those Avho had been eaten, and 
that the savages did not attempt to deny this practice. 

Sailing along the coast of this island, they came to another village of the 
same tribe, Avhere they Avere h()spital)ly received and fed by the inhabitants. 
From this point they made sail to the Gulf of Paria, and anchored opposite 



208 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



one of the mouths of the Orinoco. Here there was a large vilUige close to 
the sea, the inhabitants of which regaled the mariners with three different 
kinds of wine, and presented them with eleven large pearls, more than a hun- 
dred smaller ones, and a small quantity of gold. 




On the Okixoco. 

They remained here seventeen days, feasting on the fruits and savory acorns 
with which the place abounded. They then continued their journey along 
the coast, stopping occasionally to hold intercourse with the natives. 

But they soon passed the part of the country where the natives were dis- 
posed to be friendly. Vespucius says these more hostile tribes " stood wait- 
ing for us with their arms, which were bows and arrows, and Avith some other 
arms which they use. When wg went to the shore in our boats, they disputed 
our landing in such a manner that we were obliged to fight w^th them. At 
the end of the battle they found that they had the worst of it, for as they were 
naked, we always made great slaughter. jNlany times not more than sixteen 



A.MERICUS VESPUCIUS. 20'J 

of US fought Avith two thousand of them, and in the end defeated them, kill- 
ing many, and robbing their houses. 

*' One day we saw a great number of people, all posted in battle array to 
prevent our landing, "We fitted out twenty-six men well armed, and covered 
the boats, on account of the arrows that were shot at us, and which ahvays 
wounded some of us before we landed. After they hindered us as long as they 
could, we leaped on shore, and fought a hard battle with them. The reason 
why they had so much courage and made such great exertion against us, was 
that they did not know what kind of a weapon the sword Avas, or how it cuts. 
"While thus engaged in combat, so great was the multitude of people who 
charged upon us, throwing at us such a cloud of arrows, that we could not 
withstand the assault, and nearly abandoning the hope of life, we turned our 
backs and ran to the boats. While thus disheartened and flying, one of our 
sailors, a Portuguese, a man of fifty-five years of age, who had remained to 
guard the boat, seeing the danger we were in, jumped on shore, and with a 
loud voice called out to us: — 

"Children! turn your faces to your enemies, and God Avill give you the 
victory! " 

*' ThroAving himself on his knees, he made a prayer, and then rushed furi- 
ously upon the Indians, and we all joined Avith him, Avounded as AA-e Avere. On 
that they turned their backs to us, and began to flee, and finally aa'c routed 
them, and killed a hundred and fifty. AYe burned their houses, also, at least 
one hundred and eighty in number. Then, as we Avere badly wounded and 
weary, we returned to the ships, and Avent into a harbor to recruit, Avhere Ave 
stayed tAventy days, solely that the physician might cure us. All escaped, ex- 
cept one Avho was wounded in the left breast." 

As they Aventon, they Avere obliged to fight Avith a great many people, he 
tells us, but ahvays had the victory. No other adventure is detailed until they 
landed at an island, some fifteen leagues from the land; but he docs not state 
its position more definitely than this. Tavo remarkable circumstances are 
stated in regard to the inhabitants of this island, one in each of the two long 
letters Avhich Vespucius Avrote, describing Avhat he had seen on his voyage. 
In one letter he says that, seeing no people near the shore, eleven of them 
landed and walked two leagues inland before they came upon a village. 
There Avere tAvelve houses here, but only seven persons, all of Avhom Avere 
Avomen. There Avas not one among them, he gravely assures us, Avho Avas not 
a span and a half taller than himself, although he Avas not beloAvthe average 
height of men. "While they Avere being entertained by these giantesses, and 
repaying the hospitality l)y planning to carry off tAvo young girls as a present 
to the King, thirty-six men entered the toAvn, and came to the house Avhere 
the strangers Avere drinking. So tall Avere they that each upon his knees 
tOAvered above the tallestof the Avhite men standing. The travelers Avere not 



210 AMERICUS VESrUCIUS. 

a little alarmed at the sight of so many giants, evidently strong in proportion 
to their height; but the huge Indians proved as kindly as their women, and 
after conversing with the strangers by signs, escorted them back to their 
ships. 

In another letter, he says that the people of this island were the most 
filthy and bestial that he had ever seen; but at the same time so peaceable 
that he was able to become acquainted with some of their customs. One of 
these, which particularly disgusted the fastidious Florentine, is thus de- 
scribed : — 

" They all had their cheeks stuffed full of a green herb, which they were 
continually chewing, as beasts chew the cud, so that they were scarcely able 
to speak. Each of them wore, hanging at the neck, two dried gourd-shells, 
one of which was filled with the same kind of herb which they had in their 
mouths, and the other with a white meal, which appeared to be chalk-dust. 
They also carried with them a small stick, which they wetted in their mouths 
from time to time, and then put into the meal, afterwards putting it into the 
herb, with which both cheeks were filled, and mixing the meal with it. "VVe 
were surprised at their conduct, and could not understand for what purpose 
they indulged in the filthy habit." 

Evidently, Yespucius was nothing of a prophet, or he would have foreseen 
that Europeans and their American descendants would learn to indulge freely 
in practices just as filthy as that which he so condemns. It is probable, how- 
ever, that the weed which they chewed was not tobacco, but a species of that 
plant so much esteemed in the East Indies, and there known as the betel. 
The dust was calcined oyster shells; and he discovered that the reason for 
indulging in this habit was found in the lack of fresh water on the island. 
There were no streams or springs; but the natives were accustomed to col- 
lect the dew which fell upon certain large-leaved plants, and allay their thirst 
Avith that. As this supply was of course very small, they were driven to 
chewing these substances to prevent thirst. 

They had now been at sea about a year. Their stock of provisions was nearly 
exhausted, and much of that which remained had been spoiled by the heat. 
Their ships were sea-worn and leaky, so that the pumps could scarcely keep 
them free from water. They decided to go to Hispaniola, from which they 
were, according to the pilots, about three hundred and sixty miles away; 
there to repair their ships, and allow the sailors some little recreation. 

Reaching the only New World settlement of Europeans after a voyage of a 
week, they remained there for two months, refitting their ships and provis- 
ioning them for the voyage of three hundred leagues of ocean which lay be- 
tween them and Castile. So Yespucius states the distance; but our modern 
maps show it to have been from two to three times as great. 

They were so refreshed by their stay in Hispaniola that they concluded to 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 211 

make their voyage longer; and cruised for some time among the numberless 
small ishinds north of Hayti, discovering more than a thousand. This por- 
tion of their voyage was fraught with dangers, on account of the numerous 
shoals; and more than once they came near being lost. But the provisions 
which they had procured in Hispaniola began to give out; they were reduced 
to six ounces of bread and three small measures of water per day for each 
man; and the ships showed the effects of the long voyage in the torrid zone, 
oven though they had so lately been repaired. The leaders of the expedition 
therefore concluded to take some slaves, and return to their home. 

In accordance with this resolution, two hundred and thirty-two unfortunate 
natives were torn from their island homes and their pleasant, indolent life, 
and taken aboard the ships. Sixty-seven days were required for the voyage 
to the Azores, where they stopped for supplies; and as the winds were con- 
trary when they left these islands, they were obliged to steer southward to 
the Canaries before they could reach Cadiz. 

They arrived at the starting-point June 8, 1500, after an absence of about 
thirteen months. Of the fift3'-seven men who had set out, two had been killed 
by the Indians; the others returned home. Thirty-two of the captives had 
(lied on the voyage; the others were sold. But the merchant-traveler notes 
that the profits of the voyage, after expenses were paid, were very small; 
only five hundred ducats being gained, which, divided into fifty-five shares, 
would give each man a sum equivalent, at the present day, to a little over 
fifty dollars of United States money. 

But this small result, in a pecuniary point of view, did not deter him from 
desiring to undertake another voyage as soon as preparations could be made ; 
nor did sickness, incurred while in the unhealthf ul climate of the West In- 
dies, lessen his taste for wandering. He set to work at once to make ready 
anew fleet, being assisted by some merchants of Seville; and had planned to 
sail in September of the year 1500,, or but three months after his return. 

The letters of Vespucius describing the countries which he visited had been 
widely published; indeed, there is a dispute about the address of one of them 
which one of his biographers explains by the assertion that copies of it were 
probably sent to many prominent men of the time, as if it were a special 
letter to each. His letters were meant to be circulated, and this intention of 
the writer was carried out by the recipient. He was virtually the fifteenth- 
century forerunner of the modern newspaper correspondent. 

By means of these letters he had gained a wide celebrity. Probably his 
name was, even at this early day, as closely connected with the idea of the 
New World as was that of its real discoverer. He had become as well known 
as Columbus, but had not received those sounding titles and wide-extended 
rights which Ferdinand and Isabella had granted to Columbus before his 
great discovery was made. 



212 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

Such being the reputation of the man, it was no Avouder that the attention 
of the King of Portugal had been directed to him. The Portuguese had 
never ceased to regret their treatment of CoUimbus; a nation proud above all 
things of its maritime discoveries and enterprise, they had seen their achieve- 
ments far eclipsed by those of a sailor who had first offered his services to 
their king, and had them rejected. It was useless to try to win him from the 
service of the King of Spain; for, disgusted at the duplicity of Portugal, he 
had refused to listen to her before Ferdinand and Isabella had accepted his 
proposition. But here was a navigator of almost equal renown; he had 
visited the very countries at which a Portuguese fleet had recently touched ; 
and which, by a new agreement between the two countries, now belonged to 
Portugal. We quote from another letter of Vespucius, written after the 
voyage was accomplished: — 

" I was reposing myself in Seville, after the many toils I had undergone in 
the two voyages made for his Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Castile, 
in the Indies, yet indulging a willingness to return to the land of pearls, when 
fortune, not seeming to be satisfied with my former labors, inspired the mind 
of his Serene Majesty, Don Emmanuel, King of Portugal — I know not through 
what circumstances — to attempt to avail himself of my services. There came 
to me a royal letter from his Majesty, containing a solicitation that I would 
come to Lisbon and speak with his Highness, he promising to show me many 
favors. I did not at once determine to go, and argued with the messenger, 
telling him I was ill, and indisposed for the undertaking, but that when I 
recovered, if his Highness wished me to serve him, I would do whatever he 
might command me. 

*' Seeing that he could not obtain me, he sent Juliano di Bartolomeo del 
Giacondo, wdio at that time resided in Lisbon, with commission to use every 
possible means to bring me back with him. Juliano came to Seville, and on 
his arrival, and induced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded to go, 
though my going was looked ui)on with ill-favor by all who knew me. It was 
thus regarded by my friends, because I abandoned Castile, where I had been 
honored, and because they thought that the King had rightful possession of 
me, and it was considered still worse that I departed without taking leave of 
my host. 

" Having presented myself at the court of King Emmanuel, he appeared to 
be highly pleased with my coming, and requested that I would accompany his 
three ships which were ready to set out for the discovery of new lands. 
Thus, esteeming a request from a king as equivalent to a command, I was 
■obliged to consent to whatever he asked of me." 

There must have been some reason why Vespucius was so ready to go to 
Portugal, and to accept the requests of the King as conmiands; but these 
cannot now be determined. It is probable, from hints that he gives through- 



amp:kicus AEsi'ucius. 213 

out his letters, that his prominence had made enemies for him in Spain; per- 
haps Fouseca, who seems to have been constitutionally jealous of all who 
succeeded, had indulged in some of his acts of petty tyranny. There was no 
open quarrel; and whatever hard feeling there may have been was dissipated 
by time. 

Sailing under the authority of the King of Portugal, it was possible for 
them to take a slightly different course from any that had been followed by 
Spanish expeditions. The three armed caravels left Lisbon May 13, 1501; 
and after touching at the Canaries, turned to the south, and ran along the 
coast of Africa as far as Cape Verde. Here they rested for a while, and then 
set sail, directing their course "toward the Antarctic Pole." 

The wind, however, Avas easterly, so that their course was not directly 
south. The voyage was a long and stormy one. From the time that they left 
Lisbon, they sailed " ninety-seven days, experiencing harsh and cruel fortune. 
During forty-four days, the heavens were in great commotion, and we had 
nothing but thunder and lightning and drenching rain. Dark clouds covered 
the sky, so that by day we could see but little better than we could in ordinary 
nights, without moonlight. Our nights were of the blackest darkness. The 
fear of death came over us, and the hope of life almost deserted us. After 
all these heavy afflictions, at last it pleased God, in his mercy, to have com- 
passion on us and to save our lives. On a sudden, the land appeared in view, 
and at the sight of it, our courage, which had fallen very low, and our 
strength, which had become weakness, immediately revived. Thus it usually 
happens to those who have passed through great affliction, and especially to 
those who have been preserved from the rage of evil fortune. 

" On the seventeenth day of August, in the year 1501, we anchored by the 
shore of that country, and rendered to the Supreme Being our most sincere 
thanks, according to the Christian custom, in a solemn celebration of mass. 
* * * * * * ]\Xany other things I would describe, but have studiously 
avoided mentioning, in order that my work might not become large beyond 
measure. One thing only I feel that I should not omit: it is that, aided by 
the goodness of God, in due time, and according to our need, we saw land; 
for we were not able to sustain ourselves any longer; all our provisions had 
failed us; our wood, water, biscuit, salt meat, cheese, wine, oil, and, what is 
more, our vigor of mind, all gone. By God's mercy, therefore, our lives 
were spared, and to him we ought to render thanks, honor, and glory."' 

They had reached South America at a point about a hundred and fifty 
miles south of where they had first touched on the preceding voyage, or about 
eight degrees south of the equator. Their coasting voyage was prolonged 
until they had reached a point on the coast of Patagonia, fifty degrees south. 
But they did not know that this was the same continent as that which they 
had previously explored; they had been so driven by the storms that, with- 



214 AMERICUS AEsrucius. 

out observations, it was impossible for thorn to be at all certain of their lati- 
tude or longitude; and the weather of course had prevented them from de- 
riving any aid from the heavenly bodies. But the storms were not the only 
source of danger, as Vespucius tells us: — 

" "We had arrived at a place which, if I had not possessed some knowledge 
of cosmography, by the negligence of the pilot would have finished thecourse 
of our lives. There was no pilot wdio knew our situation within fifty leagues, 
and we went rambling about, and should not have known whither we were 
going, if I had not provided in season for my own safety and that of my com- 
panions, with the astrolabe and quadrant, my astrological instruments. On 
this occasion I acquired no little glory for myself; so that, from that time 
forward, I was held in such estimation by my companions as the learned are 
held in by people of quality. I explained the sea-charts to them, and made 
them confess that the ordinary pilots were ignorant of cosmography, and 
knew nothing in comparison with myself."' 

The country %vas thickly inhabitedby tribes who proved tobe very friendly; 
and the mariners landed frequently as they journeyed along the coast. Their 
horror was excited when they learned that these savages went to war and 
fought with incredible fierceness, for no other reason than that their ances- 
tors were at war with the same tribes, and the death of those who had fallen 
in battle must be avenged. Most of them, too, were cannibals, he declares; 
eating not only the bodies of their enemies, but those of their own acquaint- 
ance and even kindred. 

Yet thenuignificence of the vegetation, the stories which the Indians told 
of gold and jewels, the gorgeous plumage of the birds, the fragrance of the 
woods, and the strange and varied fruits and grains brought forth in the 
greatest abundance by the untilled soil, so excited the wondering admiration 
of the navigator that he exclaims: " If there is a terrestial paradise in the 
world, it cannot be far from this region." 

We omit his descriptions of the stars of the southern hemisphere, which 
he gives, not only in this letter, but in an account Avliich he presented to the 
King; judging his astronomical discoveries of equal value, at least, with the 
geographical results of the expedition; nor have we space for his description 
of the rainbow which he saw at midnight, nor of the new moon seen at mid- 
day. 

Not all the natives, however, proved friendly. At a point five degrees 
south of the equator — for they had gone north a short distance — they found 
it impossible to attract the natives to a conference. They accordingly left a 
number of articles, such as bells, looking-glasses, and similar trifles, on the 
shore; hoping that the savage inhabitants would see by this that the strangers 
were well-disposed toward them. 

The next morning, they saw from the ships that the Indians Avere making 



A.AIEKICUS VESI'UCILS. 215 

bonfires along the coast, and thinking that this was an invitation for them to 
coine ashore, aparty of the white men landed. The natives kept at a distance, 
but made signs that they wished the strangers to go farther inland with 
them. 

This was a serious matter; and the leader was at first not inclined to per- 
mit any of them to go; but two of them persuaded him to give his permission 
for them to make the venture; and left, having strict orders not to be gone 
more than five days. 

Six days passed, while the men in the ships awaited the return of their 
comrades. Every day, some of the natives came down to the shore, but 
would hold no communication with the sailors. On the seventh day they 
lauded, resolved to investigate the fate of their comrades. There were many 
women among the natives gathered on the beach, and they could see that the 
men were urging them to speak wnth the newcomers; but all their arguments 
and commands seemed to be in vain. The Europeans, thinking that perhaps 
the naked natives were afraid, determined to send one of their own men into 
their midst; and a very courageous young man volunteered for the duty. In 
order to encourage the natives the Europeans entered the boats while this one 
of their number went forward to meet the women, who advanced toward 
him. When he drew near them, they formed themselves into a great circle 
about him, touching him and looking at him as with astonishment. While 
all this was going on, the watchers in the boats saw a woman coming down 
from the mountain, carrying a large club in her hand. AVhen she arrived 
where the young man stood, she came up behind him; and raising the blud- 
geon, struck him such a blow that she laid him dead on the spot. Immedi- 
ately the other women seized upon his body, and dragged him by the feet 
away to the mountain. 

The men then ran down to the shore, and assailed the mariners with their 
bows and arrows. The boats had grounded; and in the confusion of the 
moment, the frightened white men did not know where to turn. Terror and 
panic subsided, however, after a few moments; and they discharged four 
guns at the savages. The noise frightened them; although the aim was so 
uncertain that no one was hit; and they fled toward the mountain. 

They now had leisure to look toward the point where the women had 
dragged the body of their victim; and saw that they had cut him to pieces, 
and were roasting him in sight of his comrades. As each bit of the horrid 
feast was ready, one of the hags would hold it high up, that the men in the 
boat might see, and then they would fall to and devour it. The Indian men 
made signs from a safe distance, that the same fate had befallen the other 
two, who had accompanied them into the interior. 

Their inhuman conduct enraged the whites, and more than forty of them, 
among whom was Americus, determined to rush on shore and avenge their 



•iic 



AMIORICUS >'K8T'UCIUS. 



shuiuhtcrcd conirndes. But the cxpodilion was uiidor UuM-oiniuaiKl of a Por- 
tui>iK>so otHcial, whom Vespucius stylos the Superior Captain ; andht^ i'orljade 
this course, Burnini; with indignation agtiinst the canni])al shiyc>rs of llieir 
companions, lh(>y were ol)li<;ed to forego the satisfaeliou of revenge, and 
sailed away from lliis part of llie eoasl. 

When they had been ten months on the voyage, having found no minerals 
in the country, although there Avas an abundance of valiuiblo woods of various 
kinds, they concluded to take their leave of this coast and try some otlu-r 
part of the ocean. A council was held, composed of all whoso skill as navi- 
gators might entitle them to express an opinion; andVespucius was invested 
with full connnand of the fleet, to pursue whatever course appeared best to 
him. Ho ordered that all the vessels should bo provided with wood and 
water for six months; and being thus provided, gave the signal to sail 
February 15. 










I.ISHOX IX TllK SiXTKKNTH CkXTU1{Y. 



By April ii, they had sailed fifteen hundred miles from the port that they 
had left. On this day began a storm, which Avas so violent that they were 
obliged to take in all their sails and run under bare poles. The storm was so 
furious that all wore in great fear; nor did it abate before the seventh of the 
month. AVhile driven by this storm, they came in sight of new land, and ran 
within twenty leagues of it; tinding the whole coast wild, and seeing neitlu'r 
harl)or nor inhabilauts, Ycspucius attributed the lack of population to the 



AMEKICUS VKSPUCIUS. 217 

extreme cold, which was so great that the Europeans could scarcely endure 
it. 

Finding themselves in great danger, and the storm so violent that they 
could hardly distinguish one ship from on board another, on account of the 
high seas that were running and the misty darkness of the weather, they agreed 
that signals should be made to turn the fleet about, and that they should leave 
the country, and steer for Portugal. 

They took the wind aft, and during that night and the next day the storm 
increased so much that they were very apprehensive for their safety, and 
made many vows of pilgrimage and the performance of other ceremonies 
usual with Catholic mariners under such circumstances. 

They did not intend to sail straight for Portugal, but first to touch at some 
African port. Winds and currents brought them to Sierra Leone, where they 
stayed fifteen days, obtaining supplies of food and other necessaries, before 
they steered for the Azores. They arrived at these islands the latter part of 
eTuly, and remained another fortnight; when they left for Lisbon. One of 
their vessels had been burned as unseaworthy at Sierra Leone, so that it was 
only two ships which entered Portuguese waters September 7, 1502, after a 
voyage of about fifteen months. 

The adventurers were received with much joy in Lisbon; and Americus. 
especially, was singled out for distinction by the King. His ship had become 
unseaworthy, but it was broken up with much ceremony, and portions of it 
carried in solemn procession to a church, where they were suspended as sac- 
red relics. Nor were the rejoicings confined to Portugal. Florence received 
the accounts of the discoveries of her illustrious son with much pride, and 
honors were bestowed upon those membersof his family who still lived in the 
city on the Arno. 

The reputation of Americus rested not only on the account which he had 
given of new countries, but upon his astronomical discoveries as well. He 
was confessedly far in advance of most other learned men of the age in the 
sciences of astronomy and geometry ; and although his calculations are undoubt- 
edly defective in many points, yet they agree more nearly with those of the 
present clay than do those of any of his contemporaries. He was the discoverer 
of the method of obtaining longitude at sea, by observing the conjunction of 
the moon with one of the planets; his observation and enumeration of the 
stars in the southern heavens were of great value to mariners who came after 
him ; and thus his many sleepless nights were not without benefit to man- 
kind. 

Believing that Americus Avould have reached Indiabythe way of the south- 
west, had not his last voyage been interrupted by the severe storms which he 
had encountered, the King of Portugal lost no time in fitting out another ex- 
pedition. Six vessels were prepared, and Gonzalo Coelho appointed to the 




bmi'MJtKCKKD 



(218) 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 219 

chief comnuind of the fleet. Americas was placed in command of one of the 
vessels, and was recognized as the scientific authority of the squadron. 

Their destination was the " Island Malaca," which was thought to be " the 
warehouse of all the ships which come from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian 
Ocean, as Cadiz is the storehouse for all the ships that pass from east to west 
and from west to east by the way of Calcutta." This island is described as 
being situated farther east and much farther south than Calcutta, being about 
the third degree of north latitude; it is impossible to determine, from the ac- 
counts given by Vespucius, whether the peninsula of this name was then sup- 
posed to be an island, or whether the name which is now ai)plied to the main 
land was then given to the island of Sumatra; both answer the description, 
as to location, equally well. 

May 10, 1503, they set sail from Portugal ; making up their cargo at the Cape 
Verde Islands. But letVespucius tell the story of the voyage, in the letter 
which he addressed after his return to his old school-fellow, Piero Soderini : — 

" Our Superior Captain was a presumptuous and very obstinate man. He 
would insist upon going to reconnoiter Sierra Leone, a southern country of 
Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, unless to exhibit himself as 
the captain of six vessels. He acted contrary to the wish of all our other 
captains in pursuing this course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived 
off the coast of this country, we had such bad weather, that though we re- 
mained in sight of the coast four days, it did not permit us to attempt a land- 
ing. We were compelled at length to leave the country, sailing from there 
to the south, and bearing southwest. 

" When we had sailed three hundred leagues through the Great Sea, being 
then three degrees south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered, which 
might have been about twenty-two leagues distant from us, and which we 
found to be an island in the midst of the sea. We were filled with wonder at 
beholding it, considering "it a natural curiosity, as it was very high, and not 
more than two leagues in length and one in width. This island Avas not in- 
habited by any people, and was an evil island for the whole fleet; because, as 
yourExcellency will learn, by the evil counsel and bad management of the 
Superior Captain, he lost his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and she 
split open and went to the bottom, on the night of St. Lorenzo, which is the 
tenth of August, and nothing was saved from her except the crew. She was 
a ship of three hundred tons, and carried everything of most importance in 
the fleet. 

"As the whole fleet was compelled to labor for the common benefit, the 
Captain ordered me to go with my ship to the aforesaid island and look for a 
good harbor, where all the ships might anchor. As my boat, filled with nine 
of my mariners, was of service, and helped to keep up a communication be- 
tween the ships, he did not wish me to take it, telling me they would bring it 



220 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

to mc at the island. So I left the fleet, as he ordered me, without a boat, and 
with less than half my men, and went to the said isUmd, about four leagues 
distant. There I found a good harbor, where all the ships might have an- 
chored in perfect safety. I waited for the captain and fleet full eight days, 
but they never came; so that we were very much dissatisfied, and the people 
who remained with me in the ship were in great fear, so that I could not con- 
sole them. On the eighth day we saw a ship coming off at sea, and for fear 
those on board might not see us, we raised anchor and wenttoward it, think- 
ing they might bring me my boat and men. When we arrived alongside, af- 
ter the usual salutations, they told us that the Captain had gone to the bottom , 
that the crew had been saved, and that my boat and men remained with the 
fleet, which had gone further to sea. This was a very serious grievance to us, 
as your Excellency may well think. It was no trifle to find ourselves three 
hundredleagues distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, wnth so few men. 

" However, we bore up under adverse fortune, and returning to the island, 
supplied ourselves with wood and water with the boat of my consort. * * * 
Having taken in our supplies, w^e departed for the southwest, as we had an 
order from the King, that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should be 
lost, I should make for the land of my last voyage. We discovered a harbor 
which we called the Bay of All Saints [it still retains the name], and it pleased 
God to give us such good weather that in seventeen daj's we arrived at it. It 
was distant three hundred leagues from the island we had left, and w^e found 
neither our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in the course of the voyage. 
We waited full two months and four days in this harbor, and seeing that no 
orders came for us, we agreed, my consort and myself, to run along the 
coast. 

" We sailed two hundred and sixty leagues further, and arrived at a harbor 
where we determined to build a fortress. This we accomplished, and left in 
it the twenty-four men that my consort had received from the captain's ship 
that w^as lost. 

" In this port we stayed five months, building the fort and loading our ships 
with dye-wood. We could not proceed farther for lack of men, and besides, 
I was destitute of many equipments. Thus, having finished our labors, we 
determined to return to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men in the for- 
tress, with provisions for six months, with twelve pieces of cannon, and many 
other arms. We made peace with all the people of the country, who have not 
been mentioned in this voyage, but not because we did not see and treat with 
a great number of them. As many as thirty men of us went forty leagues 
inland. * * * AH this being performed, w^e bade farewell to the Chris- 
tians we left behind us, and to the country, and commenced our navigation 
on a north-north-east course, with the intention of sailing directly to the city 
of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after many toils and dangers, we entered 



AMEKICUS VESPUCIUS. 221 

this port on the eighteenth day of June, 1504, for which God be praised. We 
were well received, although altogether unexpected; as the whole city had 
given us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had been lost through 
the pride and folly of our commander, and thus it is that God rewards haugh- 
tiness and vanit}'." 

Thus ended the last voyage of Americus Vespucius. Wishing for repose, and 
perhaps disheartened by the unfortunate result of this cruise, he abandoned 
the idea of again going to sea, and devoted himself to writing the account of 
what he had already accomplished. This was to be the end of his active ser- 
vice, he thought at the time; although he was younger by four years than 
Columbus had been when the great Admiral set sail on his first voyage to the 
unknown west. 

He remained in Portugal but a few months after the return of his ship; 
perhaps he was not received with such distinction as when he had brought 
home glowing accounts of new lands; perhaps the King regretted the 
loss of his four mighty ships, and thought that the disasters might have been 
averted, had these survivors acted differently; perhaps he was only desirous 
of visiting again that country where he had lived for some years, and which 
was the home of his wife's family. Whatever may have been the cause, we 
find him in Seville again in the latter part of 1504; and in February, 1505, 
acting as messenger for Columbus, who was prostrated by illness at Seville 
and desirous of laying his case before the sovereigns at Segovia. 

The death of Isabella had taken place about the time that Americus re- 
turned to Spain. This was the greatest calamity which could have befallen 
Columbus; but historians suppose that it was of great advantage to Vespu- 
cius. The Italian biographers of the great astronomer and cosmographer 
suppose that he was more of a favorite with the King than with the Queen; 
and one Spanish historian inclines to the opinion that King Ferdinand sent 
for him, that he might be informed of the plans and projects of the Por- 
tuguese government, both in regard to their expeditions to the shores of the 
New World, and the progress which they were making in their voyages and es- 
tablishments in the East Indies. 

His sudden departure from Spain and entering into the service of a rival 
nation was not noticed ; or at least was not made the pretext for any coldness 
on the part of the King; for Ferdinand wished to use him. On April 11, 
1505, a royal grant of twelve thousand maravedis was made him ; and on the 
24th of the same month, letters of naturalization on his behalf were issued, 
in consideration of his fidelity and his many services to the Crown. 

Preparations were at once begun for a new expedition, of which Vespucius 
and Vicente Nanez Pinzon were to be the commanders. Vespucius had by 
this time reconsidered his determination of remaining on shore and writing 
the accounts of his former voj'ages ; the old spirit of adventure and discovery 



222 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

was again aroused in him; and ho busied himself at Pak)s, consulting with his 
colleague and making every possible preparation for the voyage. 

But since he was under royal patronage, and the ships were provided and 
equipped out of the royal treasury, he was dependent, to a considerable ex- 
tent, upon official activity; and the state of the country at that time made 
the officials very anxious to act as little as possible, lest they might offend one 
of their two masters. 

The late Queen had willed her dominions to her daughter Juana and her 
husband Philip. Should Juana be absent or incapacitated — for she was sub- 
ject to fits of insanity — King Ferdinand was to act as regent for the little 
prince, Charles, the son of Juana, who afterward became the great Emperor, 
Charles V. 

Ferdinand was so unpopular in Castile that, as soon as Philip and Juana 
arrived from Flanders, where they had been at the death of the Queen, he 
was obliged to resign his authority to them, and retire to his own kingdom of 
Arragon. An entire change took place in nearly all the departments of the 
government; and those officers who remained in their old positions found it 
very difficult to do anything which would not displease either King Ferdinand 
or King Philip, or perhaps both. 

Such was the position in which the officers who had charge of the prepara- 
tions for this expedition were placed. Tlieir perplexities were suddenly ended 
by the death of Philip, barely two months afterthe arrival of the royal couple 
in Spain. Castile now seemed likely to suffer as much from the lack of rulers 
as she had lately suffered from having too many; for the Queen was insane, 
and her father, King Ferdinand, was in Naples, attending to the affairs of 
that kingdom. The country was on the verge of anarchy; and, naturally 
enough, the officials declined to take active steps to prepare for this expe- 
dition. 

King Ferdinand returned, and sent for Vespucius and Juan de la Cosa, an 
experienced navigator of high repute, to come to court. They were soon 
engaged in consultation with the King and his ministers regarding the nauti- 
cal affairs of the kingdom. The vessels which had been prepared for the 
voyage of discovery had been dispatched on other errands before the King's 
return; and the idea of the expedition seems to have been given up. The 
work which had been assigned to the two navigators above mentioned was of 
a different sort; Cosa was to take command of two caravels, which were to 
be fitted out and armed as convoys to vessels coming and going between Spain 
and the settlement in Ilispaniola; for Ferdinand was afraid of the neighbor- 
ing country of Portugal, and anticipated some effort to interfere with his 
commerce. Americus was charged with the provisioning and support of 
these vessels, andPinzon was to attend to providing arms and military stores. 

Shortly after this arrangement was made, Vespucius was formally appoint- 



AMERICUS VEsrucius. 223 

ed to the position of Chief Pilot, with a salary of seventy-five thousand mar- 
avedis a year, or about seven hundred dollars of United States money, ac- 
cording to 25resent values. This high and responsible post, with many duties 
attached, was held by Americus for the rest of his life, and shows clearly 
how highly he was esteemed by the cold and wary Ferdinand. 

This office did not require his unremitting attention, however; for shortly 
after his appointment he visited his native city. It was during this voyage 
thatBronzino painted the portrait from which all engravings are copied. 

When he returned to Spain we have no record; but in all probability the 
visit to Florence Avas a comparatively short one. The next four years are 
filled up with his oflScial duties, as showed by the entries in the Spanish 
archives; but of the life of the man during these years we know nothing — 
only the acts of the official. Whether the flame of life sank gradually, for 
lack of fuel, or was quenched suddenly, as by a flood of water, we know not; 
all that is told us is found in the warrant appointing his successor; and this 
states that Amerigo Vespucci had died February 22, 1512. 

His wife survived him for many years. They had no children, but Ameri- 
cus had long cared for one of his nephews as for a child of his own. From 
this nephew are descended the present representatives of the great explorer; 
for the Vespucci, though reduced from their former wealth to poverty, still 
live in Florence. 

The astronomical discoveries of Vespucius would never have made his name 
known except to scientists and seamen, and his explorations of the coast of 
the western continent would excite comparatively little interest, were it not 
for the fact that his name has become indissolubly connected with the Nev*^ 
World; for, valuable as Avas the information which he brought home, he was 
but one of the many who visited the continent discovered at the close of the 
fifteenth century; and the astronomical achievements Avere of far more 
moment than the geographical knowledge obtained. But from him the vast 
New World derived its name. 

It is often said that Vespucius robbed Columbus of his honors, and that the 
New World should have been called Columbia. Had the discoverer thought 
so, it would have been easy enough for him to have bestowed his own name 
upon the island which he called Hispaniola, or upon that larger island which 
he always thought was a portion of the continent, and which has retained its 
native name, Cuba. Columbus himself appears to have felt no jealousy of 
Vespucius, on this or any other account; but they were good friends after 
the voyagings of both had been completed. 

Americus, then, did not offensively claim the honor of having discovered 
this country; nor w^as he, in all probability, the first to give his name to it. 
It Avas a custom then, and has been the custom ever since, to call newly dis- 
covered bodies of land or water after the actual discoverer, or those who 



224 AMERICUS VEsrucius. 

made his journey possible, or the land from which he came. To ilhisli-ale by 
the continent which Ave know best, the map of Xorth America, from Hudson's 
Bay to Cape R()l)ert Lineoln, is dotted with names so "iven. 

There seems to have been no effort to give a eolleelive name to the Now 
World for many years after its discovery; indeed, it was so long supposed to 
be a part of Asia that it Avas unnecessary. A Latin book on cosmography, 
however, printed at Strasburg in 1509, the Avork of an Italian named Ilaco- 
milo, suggests that as this country Avas discovered by Americus, it should be 
called America. 

Vespucius has been accused of trying to show that he discovered the main 
land before Columbus saw it; and, fortius purpose, fabricating the account 
of the first voyage out of Avhat he learned on the second. That is, he took 
but three A'oyages, the first setting out in 1409; and after this Avas over, he 
proceeded to Avritethe account of four, pretending that he sailed first in 1497, 
and again in 1499. The points of similarity between the two give some color 
to this theory; but Ave cannot understand how, if this had been the case, he 
should still have been regarded as a friend by Columbus, Avho cared but little 
for the material advancement Avhich he had gained, but AA'as only solicitous 
for the honor and the glory Avhich Avere justly his. If Vespucius had thus 
falsified the history of his life, Avith a A'iew to depriving Columbus of some 
honor, the Admiral must have heard of it; and Avould not have employed him 
as a messenger in his suit, or have spoken of him Avith respect and affection. 

The name America, in accordance Avith the custom Avhich still obtains 
among geographers, Avas first applied, naturally enough, to the coast Avhich 
Americus explored and described. But a portion of this coast Avas the source 
from Avhich valuable dye-woods Avere derived, especially a kind Avhich Avas 
called brazil, from the Portuguese Avord braza, meaning a live coal, or glow- 
ing fire; and the names America and Brazil AA'cre both used to denote the 
same coast. After a Avliile, the second of these names Avas confined to a cer- 
tain part of the coast, Avhere the Avood Avas actually obtained; Avhile the other 
name Avas applied to the part north and that south of it. From this, it Avas 
but a short step to speaking of all that great southern peninsula as America; 
and gradually the name came to be applied to the whole Avestern continent. 

Not in the life-time of the great Vespucius, however, Avas it so used. As 
late as 1550, North America Avas called Terra Florida on the Spanish maps, 
Avhile America and Brazil Avere tAvo names given to the same coast. A Avriter 
in the yoHh American Bcvicic, more than seventy years ago, thus comments 
upon the changes Avhich the application of the name has undergone: — 

''The fortune of the name of America itself is not a little singular, as an 
instance of the mutations of human affairs; Avhich, having been first given to 
a single province, next spread over the Avhole southern continent, then passed 
on to the modern, and now, from being the appellation of the Avhole New 



A.MERICUS VEsrucius. 225 

World, it scctns about to bo confined, by foreign nations at least, to our own 
youthful and aspiring republic." 

Americus Vcspucius sleeps in an unknown grave; but his epitaph is the 
name of a double continent. It is worthy of note that both the man who 
first discovered America by landing upon one of its outlying islands, and the 
one who later had the honor to be the earliest white man to tread the main- 
land of South America, were alike noble in character and aims. 




JoTix Cabot. 



C2-2r,) 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER 
OF NORTH AMERICA. 



•^^HE conflict known in English History as the AYtirs of the Koses lasted, 
{^^ with considerable intermissions, for thirty years, or from 1455 to 1485. 
^T During one of these intermissions, probably early in the reign of Ed- 
ward IV., who came to the throne in 1461, a Venetian navigator, named 
John Cabot, settled at Bristol, England. It is probable that he was at- 
tracted to that country by the reports of the extravagance and luxury of the 
King; for the Venetians of that time were thrifty merchants, who dealt in 
those rich and costly articles of dress and ornament which seemed peculiarly 
fitting for princes. Certain it is, that John Cabot was a merchant as well 
as a sailor; probably one who had wealth sufficient tobuy and lade ships, and 
skill enough as a seaman to direct their course whither he would. 

At Bristol, in the year 1476 or 1477, a son was born to this foreign merchant, 
to whom the name of Sebastian was given. He was the second son, his elder 
brother being named Lewis; and another child, also a boy, was born to John 
Cabot and his wife, after this, who was called Santius. 

The boy Sebastian was about four years old when his father returned to 
Venice and remained there for a number of years. The reason for this move 
we do not know; certainly it was not the troubled condition of England, for 
he had lived there during years of civil war; and at that time things were 
comparatively settled. It may have been that he had established a sort of 
branch house, and was obliged to look after the details of his Venetian busi- 
ness in person. 

This removal did not interfere with the education of the three boys; for 
they received their instruction mainly from their father, who possessed con- 
siderable skill in mathematics. As soon as they were old enough, they re- 
ceived a thorough training in arithmetic, geography, and cosmography — the 
three branches of knowledge most essential to a seaman; and they acquired, 
while still very young, a considerable skill in practical navigation. 

This residence in Venice gave rise to the belief that Sebastian Cabot was a 
Venetian by birth, as his father undoubtedly was; but when he had acquired 
a sufficient degree of celebrity to make such particulars interesting, he was 
15 • (227) 



228 SEBASTIAN CABOT, TJIK DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

asked about it; and the answer is thus recorded by one of the earliest histor- 
ians of America, Richard Eden : — 

*' Sebastian Cabotetould me that he was borne in Bristowe, and that atfoure 
yeare OLdd he was carried with his father to Venice, and so returned agayne 
into England with his father, after certain yeares, whereby he was thought 
to have been borne in Venice." 

While he was still a boy, his return to England took place ; but we have no 
record of the year. He was certainly in England when Columbus returned 
from his first voyage, and set all Europe afire with interest in his discoveries. 
At that time the Wars of the Roses had ended; the King recognized by one 
faction w^as on the throne, and his wife was the heiress of the rival line. 
Eighty princes of the blood had fallen in battle during this dreadful war, and 
a proportionate number of nobles; so that there were but few to resist the rule 
of Henry VH., had they been so inclined. This prudent ruler had declined 
to engage in any wars with his neighbors, probably feeling that the country 
had had enough of that kind of thing; and he was anxious to extend his do- 
minions, and increase his revenue, by any other means which might present 
themselves. 

To the people of England, who were as sick of war as their King, but who, 
like him, were anxious to "hear some new" thing," the tidings of the success 
of Columbus brought great excitement. Particularly, we may suppose, were 
the three Cabot boys interested. Columbus was, like theirfather, a seaman; 
like their father, an Italian; and if he had only succeeded in making his ap- 
peal, by his brother Bartholomew, to the court of England before his offers 
were accepted by the sovereigns of Spain, w^ho knows but what their father 
might have been captain of one of his vessels? Who knows but what he 
might have taken his three sons, skilled sailors as the boys were, with him? 

Such were the thoughts that doubtless kindled the enthusiasm of the young 
Cabots, and such questions they doubtless asked each other, as they talked 
over the most astonishing news of the year. Of the year, we say; for there 
were no nine days' wonders then; apiece of news was worn threadbare by 
discussion in all possible lights and circumstances, before another came to 
replace it. 

Nor was John Cabot less enthusiastic than his sons; but his thoughts turned 
rather to what might be than to what might have been. Where one daring 
Italian had ventured, another might go; and a western route to the Indies 
from England might be found as readily as the same thing from Spain. 
Doubtless, this native of the City of the Sea loved the salt water; for he tells 
us: "By this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great flame of 
desire to attempt some notable thing;" and he seems to have turned natu- 
rally to the ocean as the avenue to success. 

Henry VII., learned that Columbus had once had anideaof applyingto him 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 229 

for patronage, had endeavored to secure his services after his success had 
been demonstrated. But Columbus was faithful to the spirit of the contract 
which he had made with Ferdinand and Isabella; he had accepted their aid, 
he had been loaded with honors by them, and he would enter into the service 
of no other prince. But Henry VII., who loved money very well, desired to 
have a share in the riches of the Indies, and was not content to give it up in 
this way. He looked about for anothernavigator less eminent, but still capa- 
ble of conducting such an enterprise. Wliile he w^as searching for such a 
man, he learned that a certain merchant of Bristol was an enthusiast on the 
subject of the Columbian discoveries. This was John Cabot, who was ex- 
ceedingly anxious to follow the example of the great discoverer, and find a 
northwest passage to India. The King sent for him; he found that, like Co- 
lumbus, he wasnot willingto embark in such an enterprise without being under 
the special patronage of some government, as the results would be so great 
that no private individual could successfully manage the affairs without ex- 
citing jealousy of governments. Unlike Columbus, Cabot was amply supplied 
with this world's goods, and was well able, if the patronage of the King could 
be secured, to fit out his own armament. This suited the King exactly; for 
while he lost no opportunity of getting money, and even went to the verge of 
tyranny by reviving forgotten laws regarding the collection of taxes, he hated 
to pay any of it out, especially for an uncertainty, such as this enterprise 
must be. 

March 5, 1496, a patent was granted to John Cabot and his three sons, 
Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, authorizing them, their heirs, or deputies, 
" to sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the 
North, under our banners and ensigns, with five ships, of what burden or 
quantity soever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with 
them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs or charges, to seek out, 
discover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the 
heathen and infidels, whatsoever they may be, and in what part of the world 
soever they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians." 

Under this charter, Cabot was empowered to set up the royal banner, and 
take possession of the territories discovered by them, as the King's vassals. 
They were required, on their return, to land at Bristol, no other port being 
permitted to them; and while they were to have the exclusive right to resort 
to the lands discovered, and trade there, the Crown was to receive a fifth 
part of the proceeds of such commerce. 

But John Cabot was not the principal person concerned in this charter. 
Late researches have made it appear that he was only chosen as the one whose 
name came first in the grant, because he was a well-known and responsible 
man. He was anxious that a shorter route to the Indies should be discovered, 
for he was a merchant, and much of his business was connected with the In- 



230 



SEBASTIAN CAHOT, THE IMSCOVEKEK OF NORTH AMERICA. 



dian trade; but as far as discovery was concerned, he cared far less than his 
second son; and ho naturally felt little or no interest in extending the domin- 
ions of the King of England; for although he had lived there so many years, 
he is described in the charter as a " citizen of Venice." 




Sebastian Cabot. 

Sebastian Cabot was at this time but twenty or twenty-one*; but it was at 
his instance that his father had gone to court and accepted the proposition 
of the King. He it was who was most, of all the family, cnflamed with the 
desire of discovery; and he is the one who is justly dignified with the title of 
Discoverer of North America. 

The world moved more slowly in the fifteenth century than it does in the 
last years of the nineteenth; and it was thought a wonderfully expeditious 
piece of work, when the five ships were ready to sail about a year after the 
patent had been granted. In the spring of 1497 they sailed from Bristol, 
their first landing-place intended being on the coast of Iceland. 

A flourishing trade had already been established between Bristol and Ice- 
land, so that this part of the voyage was through well-known waters. In 
this Cabot had nmch the advantage of Columbus; for tdthough the Azores 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 231 

lay farther west than Iceland, these islands were regarded by the navigators 
of Southern Europe as the extreme western land; while the daring Scandi- 
navian sailors who had settled in Iceland knew of settlements which men of 
their race had established in Greenland, five hundred years before; and with 
these two stepping-stones, Iceland and Greenland, the Atlantic does not seem 
such a boundless extent of water. 

It was supposed by Cabot that the land discovered by Columbus was — as 
indeed he and all other persons believed — islands fringing the coast of Asia. 
They thought that whatever land there might be to the south, there must be 
an open channel to the south of Greenland, by which the coast of Asia could 
be reached ; and this was the passage which they sought. 

Sometime was spent in Iceland before they steered to the southwest; they 
were not intending to visit Greenland, for terrible pestilences had swept over 
that cold and barren land and carried off all but a few miserable remnants of 
the inhabitants, who had been glad to escape to a milder country. 

Through the long summer days they sailed across the ocean, not meeting 
with any adventure worthy of note; for the sea was as calm as the most timid 
sailor could wish. At five o'clock on the morning of June 24, the sailors 
were startled by the cry of " Land I " They had not expected it so soon ; for, 
according to Cabot's calculations, they were still at a considerable distance 
from the coast of Asia, and did not suppose that there were any islands so 
far north. At first, he supposed it only a small island, and sought to ascer- 
tain its extent by coasting around it. 

As he approached it, he found himself in a passage between two bodies of 
land, both ^f which were evidently of considerable extent. One of these he 
named Terra Primum Visa, "Land First Seen;" the other, an island of 
smaller extent — for he still clung to the belief that the first was an island — 
he named after St. John, because it was on the feast of that saint that it had 
been discovered. 

His efforts to circumnavigate this supposed island proved unsuccessful ; for 
it was nothing more or less than a portion of the American Continent, the 
peninsula now known as Nova Scotia. The island which he called St. John's 
was that now named Prince Edward's. He thus writes of his disappoint- 
ment : " After certayne dayes, I found that the land ranne towards the north, 
which was to mee a greate displeasure." Such were the feelings of the man 
who first discovered North America, when he found that it was not a small 
island at which he had touched. 

Cabot's followers were full of wonder at the result which had been attained, 
and were all for chasing the white bears and the great stags, greater than 
those of England, with which the country seemed to abound; but the navi- 
gator, young as he was, was too determined and persistent in his disposition 
to be thus allured from what he had undertaken. He steadily followed the 



i^^ 




j 






Cabot at Labrador. 



(232) 



SEBASTIAN" CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH A:MERICA. 233 

coast northward, hoping to find that passage of which he was in search. How 
far he went, is uncertain ; in the map which he published nearly fifty years 
afterward, there is nothing laid down above the sixtieth parallel; but it is 
possible that he reached a point three or four degrees north of this. 

Some of Cabot's biographers have supposed that he entered Hudson's 
Bay; but of this there is no certain proof. It is true that he came to a point 
where the direction of the coast, for some distance, was generally westward, 
and that he sailed with much exultation into the extensive sheet of water, 
which he believed to be the ocean that skirted the newly discovered continent 
on the north, and the passage to India wdiich he wished to find. Ungava Bay 
would answer the description given, and would fall within the limits of the 
mai3 drawn by him so many years afterward. 

The early navigator was at the mercy of his sailors; when they chose to 
assert themselves, wdiat leader could hold out against them? Columbus did 
so, but probably only for a few days after they were really determined to take 
things in their own hands; but Columbus was a mariner of tried ability; and 
had demonstrated to his crews that he was skilled above all the pilots on 
board. Sebastian Cabot was but a youth; and his father, to whose experi- 
ence more deference might have been paid, had he been actually in command, 
seems to have gone with his son only to give occasional advice, and to super- 
intend any arrangements that might have to be made about trading with the 
countries of the East, when they should be reached. 

The sailors were tired of the long voyage; they w^ere fearful that new and 
unsurmountable dangers awaited them if they went farther; they knew that 
their provisions were nearly exhausted, and they saw no prospect of obtaining 
anymore on these cold and inhospitable shores; they urged an immediate 
return. Cabot had lost no enthusiasm, and was as eager in his desire to press 
forward as when he left Bristol; but the sailors had lost confidence, and in- 
sisted on returning. He argued, coaxed, and commanded; but with the same 
result. He was compelled to put his ships about, return to the point wdiere 
they had first seen land, and, nearly in the track by which they had come, 
make his way to Bristol again. 

Cabot's discovery w^as not received with anything like the warmth which 
its importance warranted. Almost the only indication which we have of the 
time of his return is found in an entry in the Privy Purse expenditures of 
King Henry VII. : " 10th August, 1497. To him that found the New Isle, 
£10." Thus the discoverer of North America an^ the author of " Paradise 
Lost" were rewarded by exactly the same amount of money for that which 
rendered them famous. 

But Cabot w^as not content to rest upon his laurels; perhaps they were as 
yet too few to afford a soft bed. Perhaps, too, his expenditures in the first 
voyage had been such that he was anxious to get some return for them; and 



234 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 



this could only be done by a trading venture with the inhabitants of the New 
Isle, as we have seen that it was then called. Accordingly, he applied for per- 
mission to undertake another voyage; and a second patent was issued, in his 
father's name as before. This patent, which was dated Feb. 3, 1498, allowed 
the Cabot's " six English shippes, so that and if the said shippes be of the 
bourdeyn of two hundred tonnes or under, with their appareil requisite and 
necessarie for the safe conduct of the said shippes," The Cabots were au- 
thorized to " them convey and lede to the lande and isles of late found by 
the said John in oure name and by oure commandment." The use of the 
expression " land and isles " shows that the King w^as fully aware that the 
continent had been discovered; so that we cannot excuse the meagerness of 
Sebastian Cabot's rewardby supposing the thrifty Tudor to be ignorant of the 
extent of his services. 




Cvfot's Rfturx to ]>n(,i \xd. 

Yet the King, in the fitting out of this second expedition, showed himself 
more liberal than he had been on the previous occasion. He could well 
afford to venture something now, for the results were, to some degree, 
assured; land was known to exist at a certain distance, reached w^ithout great 
difficulty or danger, by English ships; and returns of some sort might be 
confidently expected. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 235 

"What the King really contributed to fitting out this expedition, does 
not appear; probably one, or at the most, two ships, and a considerable 
amount of money. " Divers merchants of London also adventured small 
stocks," reasonably assured that some gain might be expected; and some 
mercantile adventurers exerted themselves to freight several small vessels, 
which were to accompany the fleet under the command of the Cabots. 

Before this was ready to sail, however, John Cabot died. It shows that he 
was but the figurehead, when we learn that preparations w^ere in no way in- 
terrupted or delayed by his death ; but that his son Sebastian stepped calmly 
to the front, and became the acknowledged, as he had always been the actual, 
head of the expedition. 

Had we such a record of the voyages of Cabot as we have of those made 
by Vespucius, the discoverer of South America, the story would doubtless be 
full of interest. But Cabot lacked that enterprise which led Vespucius to 
put himself forward as the learned cosmographer who, by voyages to un- 
known lands, had vastly advanced the knowledge of the world; the Floren- 
tine wrote descriptions of his voyages and the strange countries which he 
reached, and addressed copies of these so-called letters to all the prominent 
men whom ho thought likely to be interested; the Venetian merchant's son 
sharing something of the cold pride of the island people among whom he 
was born, entrusted to the keeping of a few hastily written pages the results 
of his adventures; these were left by him at his death, nearly ready for pub- 
lication; but by some carelessness they were lost. 

It is only the bare outlines, then, of his adventures upon this voyage which 
can be given. Besides the hands required to man the vessels, he took with 
him three hundred men, with a view of establishing a colony on the coast 
which he had discovered. It will be remembered that his knowledge of the 
coast between Nova Scotia and the entrance of Hudson's Strait was acquired in 
a very few weeks beginning with the 24th of June ; probably not more than 
two or three weeks. At this season of the year there would be few indica- 
tions of the severity of the winter, and knowing that this territory corre- 
sponded, in distance from the equator, with that part of Europe which is in- 
cluded between the parallels just north of Spain and of Scotlnad, he would 
not expect any great difficulties from the climate. He landed his three hun- 
dred colonists on the coast of Labrador, and having instructed them to ex- 
plore the country so as to find the best possible location for a colony, he 
sailed on in search of the Northwest Passage. 

He followed the coast as far as sixty-seven and one-half degrees north, 
probably passing into Hudson's Bay; although this, as in the first voyage, is 
by no means certain. He might have crossed, from island to island, at the 
inner end of the strait; having no idea of the vast inland sea on the verge of 
which he was sailing. It is not reasonable to suppose that, had he actually 



23(5 SKl'.ASTIAN (;A150T, TIIK ])lS(-OVERKIl OK NOlfTIL A^IKIUCA. 

reached the bay, lie would have returned without thorougii investigation; 
since the great extent of this body of water would naturally lead him to sup- 
pose that he had found an open sea north of fhc continent. 

Meanwhile, the proposed colony on the coast of Labrador was not pro- 
gressing. Although it was the midst of summer, and " the dayes were very 
longe, and in manner without nyght," the settlers found it too cold for com- 
fort; they had no shelter but their tents, and only the provisions which had 
been left them from the ship's stores. They missed the comforts of civilizetl 
life — such as Englishmen of the latter part of the fifteenth century knew 
anything about — and longed only to return to their own country. They were 
very far from being such stuff as heroes are made of. 

They made a few spasmodic efforts to explore the country, as the young 
commander had directed; but nothing of any consequence in this way was 
achieved. The number was lessened by daily deaths; so that when Cabot re- 
turned, disappointed at not having found any open passage to the west, he 
received new set-backs to his enthusiasm from the colonists. They had taken 
no steps to form a settlement, and they boldly told him that they did not in- 
tend to remain any longer on that coast. 

This being the case, Cabot had no discretion but to take them all on board 
again. But he was not ready to return to England. He decided that as long 
as nothing could be accomplished by sailing to the northward, he would try 
the other end of the coast; and put his ships to explore south of where he 
had landed. 

He explored the coast as far south as the thirty-eighth parallel; and then 
set sail for England. What had he accomplished? No passage had been 
found, for his sailors had compelled him to turn back when they reached the 
Arctic Circle; no colony had been established, for those who had undertaken 
to found the settlement had refused to remain. The one thing which gives 
distinction to this voyage is the fact that, during its course, Cabot explored 
the eastern coast of North America for one thousand eight hundred miles, 
measured as the crow flies. 

But this achievement, then unparalleled, did not satisf}' the King. Good 
money had been paid out of the royal purse, to assist in fitting out this ex- 
pedition; and nothing had been brought back. There was not even a settle- 
ment established, as a promise of future trade. Could this be reckoned as 
service to the Crown? Did a man Avho did no more than spend the King's 
money expect to be received with honors? Certainly not. Besides, the sec- 
ond patent had not been worded like the first. The first, as we have above 
quoted it, named John Cabot, his three sons, and their heirs or deputies, to 
enter on this work of discovery; the second had named simply John Cabot 
and his deputies. Clearly, reasoned the King and those who wished to stand 
well with him, since John Cabot had died before the expedition set out, Se- 



SEBASTIAN CAIJOT, TIIK DISCOVKdKK OF NORTH AMERICA. 287 

bastiaii had undertaken more than he was entitled to attempt, when he took 
command in his father's phice, without being formally appointed by the King. 

Of such a quibble the King of England availed himself, to avoidrewarding 
Cabot for what he had done, and to rescind the privileges of the first patent, 
in which the names of John Cabot's three sons appeared Avith that of the 
father. This was a more flagrant injustice than any with which Columbus 
ever met; for Ferdinand of Arragon, while he might intend to cheat the dis- 
coverer of his rewards, never openly acknowledged such an intention ; he 
contented himself with putting oif the Admiral's claims from time to time, 
always promising justice for the future; Henry VII., less deceitful, but fidly 
as unjust, bluntly refused to reward Cabot for his discoveries. 

Yet in 1499 we find him again asking royal assistance in fitting out a fleet. 
Perhaps he could not realize the depth of meanness of which the King could 
be capable. He met, however, with " noe great or favourable entertain- 
ment," and is supposed to have fitted out the vessels from his own means, 
lessened as they were by the expenses of the previous expeditions. 

On this voyage, we are told, he made great discoveries; but what they were 
worthy Master Eden does not think it worth while to say; perhaps he was 
not altogether sure himself, but put in one general assertion what was usually 
believed. Beyond this mention of a third voyage, we know nothing more of 
him untd 1512. 

We then find him at Seville, in the employment of the Spanish Govern- 
ment. What position he occupied is uncertain; he was probably high in the 
naval service, under the general direction of Vespucius, who, however, was 
drawing near the close of his life. The abilities of Cabot were not recognized 
by the Spanish monarch until there seemed danger of his enriching some other 
country with the results of his daring and his labors. 

Henry VIL, had died in 1509, leaving a treasure of two millions sterling to 
his son and successor, Henry VIII., a boy of eighteen. This sum, which is 
now far exceeded by the fortune of several railway magnates of the United 
States, was then regarded as an unparalleled amount of money; and to the 
young King it seemed inexhaustible. For a time he seemed bent on no 
discovery but one; he desired to find if his father's long purse had any bot- 
tom. Gradually, however, as the various excitements palled upon him, he 
began to awaken to the fact that other nations had pushed their geographical 
discoveries and were reaping the reward in added territory and prospects of 
greatly increased revenues; while England had suifered these rewards of en- 
terprise, fairly earned by a navigator in her employ, to slip through her 
fingers. Cabot once more became a person of importance; perhaps of more 
importance than he had ever been thought before; and a messenger was dis- 
patched to Spain to summon him to England, with a view to sending him on 
some new voyage of exploration and discovery. 



238 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

But, by the time that Cabot arrived in his native country, the King was 
busily engaged with some other project; and the discussion of the exploration 
of the New World was postponed to suit his Majesty's convenience. Mean- 
time Ferdinand had discovered that Cabot was a man of much ability; he was 
assisted to that conclusion by the danger of Cabot's taking service under 
Henry and adding glory to the English Crown which might just as well be- 
long to the Spanish sovereign. He accordingly wrote to Lord Willoughby, 
Captain-General of England, requesting him to send Cabot back to Spain; 
and, as Henry VHI. was not yet ready to use his services, this was done. The 
discoverer returned to Spain, arriving there September 13, 1512. 

This was shortly after the death of Vespucius; and King Ferdinand gave 
Cabot nearly the same position. He was given a liberal allowance, and for a 
time at least his position seems to have been a sinecure, for no duties were 
assigned to him. In 1515, however, he was engaged in making, under royal 
patronage, a general revision of maps and charts — a work requiring much 
skill and accurate knowledge. His assistants included the best cosmogra- 
phers of the age. 

The same year he was chosen a member of the Council for the Indies — an 
unusually high honor for a foreigner not yet forty years of age„ But this 
was not all; Ferdinand seemed to delight in heaping honors upon the man 
whose services had been disregarded by England; and, having determined on 
an expedition to sail the next year in seai'ch of the Indian Passage — for it 
was fully known by this time that Columbus had not discovered the eastern 
coast of Asia — he placed Cabot at the head of it. 

Preparations went rapidly forward, and at the beginning of the year 1516 
Cabot's lucky star seemed to be in the ascendant. In the very prime of life 
and strength, the favorite of a great monarch whose chief ambition was one 
that a man of Cabot's abilities and training could advance better than any 
one else could, taken from a post of great honor to be placed in one that 
satisfied every dream of his boyhood and manhood, what more could any one 
hope for, or wish for? It was literally too good to be true; for before the 
end of January, Ferdinand died, and, with him, the expedition for seeking 
the Northwest Passage to China. 

His successor was the Emperor Charles V., who was then in Brussels; and 
it was sometime before the new King came to Spain. In the meantime all 
was confusion there, every one seeking to do what he imagined would best 
recommend him to the favor of the young sovereign; for Charles was but 
sixteen years old. The Spaniards, by means of one of his ministers, could 
get some access to him, and many of them emploj-ed this opportunity in black- 
ening the characters and talking against the projects of their enemies. Cabot 
was one of those who were thus intrigued against. The favorite of a mon- 
arch is always an object of jealousy; and it would seem that Cabot had 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 239 

suddenly been raised to this much envied, but really unenviable, position, 
from one of comparative obscurity. Added to this was all the national 
hatred of a foreigner. The Spaniards who endeavored to influence Charles 
V. against Cabot called him a foreign impostor, denied that his early voyages 
had accomplished anything, and even insinuated that he had not really 
reached land, as he claimed. All this was not without effect upon the boy- 
ruler; and Cabot, who seems to have foreseen this state of affairs, returned 
to England almost as soon as Charles reached Spain. 

He was well received here, for Henry saw the mistake that he had made in 
allowing him to depart; fortunately for England, the death of Ferdinand had 
prevented Cabot from accomplishing any great service to Spain, and had sent 
him back ready to serve his native country. The explorer at once set about 
preparing a number of vessels for a new voyage, being determined to under- 
take on his own account that which Ferdinand had been about to do for 
Spain. The King of England took an active interest in the fitting out of the 
expedition, and furnished not only " certen shippes," but some money, and 
appointed Sir Thomas Perte as Cabot's second in command. 

This expedition sailed from England in 1517; bound, according to some 
authorities, on a trading voyage to the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. 
It is more probable, however, that these writers have confused this with a 
later voyage, and that Cabot was now once again in search of the Northwest 
Passage. 

Accounts of the course pursued are considerably confused, and in the 
absence of any record from Cabot's hand will never be exactly determined. 
We find them at one time off the coast of Labrador; at another, off the coast 
of Florida. Most likely they sailed up and down the coasts of what are now 
Canada and the United States, seeking for some opening which would permit 
them to pass to the Pacific. This was no wild project, according to the be- 
lief of the times; and, at a later day, the settlers on the Atlantic seaboard 
thought they had but to cross the Alleghanies to view the Pacific. 

They penetrated to the sixty-seventh degree of north latitude, and on this 
third voyage to the coast of North America certainly entered Hudson's Bay, 
giving English names to many a prominent point. But again the crew, 
wearied by the long voyage, suffering from privations and from the severity 
of the climate, insisted upon returning to England. They asserted that there 
Avas no Northwest Passage to be found; or at least that Cabot did not know 
where to look for it; and open mutiny was imminent. 

In such a case as this Cabot should have been able to rely upon his officers; 
the one who stood next to him should have been particularly trustworthy; 
but this was the very one who failed him. Obedient to the leader, the pilots 
tried to convince the crews that the passage certainly existed, and that it 
must be found near where they then were ; the sailors refused to listen to 



210 SKMASTlAIsr (AlUVr, 'IIIK DISCOVF.UKK OK NOlfTIL AMKHK'A. 

tluMV arjiiiiuonts; niul Sir Tlioinns P(>rlo jusliHod thotii openly for so acting. 
On a modern vessel, Perle would lia\-e l)een punished aloni? Avith the other 
nuitineers; but not so at the time of which we write. Discipline, as wo under- 
stand it, was then a tiling uidieard of; slandini;' armies and organized naval 
forces wer(^ unknown; chiss distinclions there! were, of t ho broadest kind; 
but of ollicial authority thei'e ^vas very little, especially in a wihhn'ness three 
thousand miles away fi'om the cent t>r of govei-nment . Cabot, could not pro- 
ceed against his licnitcnant , for l\>rte was ap[)ointed by ro.val authority; and 
l)robably j)ossi>ssed intluence enough to have ruined Cabot, had he been 
humiliated by him. The commander, then, whose or(h>rs were thus (h'tied, 
made the best of it, and put his shii)s about for home. 

On their return, Cabot was generally connnended for the resolution which 
he had shown; while a contemporary writer says of Perte: " His faint heart 
was the cause that the voyage took none effect/' Hut although the blame 
for the failure was thus justly })laced, it, did not alter the fact that it was a 
failure. The King was busy with other things, and did not choose to turn 
his attention to the projects of a man Avho had made three voyages and not 
found the Northwest Passage yet. Besides this indilTcrcnce of the (Jovern- 
ment, the iH>ople had no heart for such enler{M-is(>s. A tcrril)le plague had 
desolated tln^ country while Cabot had been away, and they had not yet 
recovered their (Miergy and resoluticm. 

Fortunately for him, howt>v(M% the alTairs of S|)ain wer(> in a more })i-omis- 
ing condition; and there was a i)rospi>ct of hi-ttcr things thcrt>. \\'hen 
Charles V. came to examine into matters, lu> was surprised to lind that Cabot 
had disai)peared. He knew something of the estimation in which his grand- 
father had held this Englishman; he knew the jealous and intriguing charac- 
ter of the Spaniards, and he saw that the state records bore w'itness to his 
faithfulness and services. Anxious to atone for past injustice, Charles st>ems 
to have sent for Cabot as soon as he returned from the New World. He was 
well received at court, and in 1518 appointtnl to the high otHce of Pilot-lNIajor 
of Si)ain. His duties were now numer(nis and responsible; and for some 
tinu' we llnd no more expeditions to the AVest; he had enough to occupy him 
at home. 

Ibit the f(>v(M- of discovery could not long be re[)ressed, when it had reacdied 
such heights as it. h;id in tlu^ annals of Spain. A vast treasure-house of tlu' 
nativ(\s had been opened in AnuMica by an intrepid Spaniard; it was in a 
ti'opieal «'limate; all soiithei-n lands might yield just sui-h riches; and Si>ain 
nnist prosecute her discoA crii's in t he soutlu>rn luMnisphci-c. ** 'I'o t he South, 
to the South 1" »>xclaims one of the historians of Spanish Amerii-a; "they 
that seek for riches nuist not go to the cold and frozen North I" 

The INIolueea. Islands had long been regarded as thesource of nuuh wealth; 
chielly, jierhaps, because of the spice which was there produced. Cabot, 



SKHASTIAN CAMOT, TIIK DISCOVKKIOK OF NOKTIf AMERICA. 241 

following? the lead of popular opinion, or porliaps directing it, advised that 
an expedition should be fitted out to visit the Moluccas, the route chosen be- 
ing by way of the Straits of MageUan, then but recently discovered. But as 
soon as this proposition got wind, the Portuguese Government was up in 
arms. The Molucca Islands belonged to Portugal, being included in that 
portion of the earth which had been assigned to that country by the Pope, 
when the undiscovered countries of the globe Avere virtually divided by papal 
authority between Spain and Portugal. 

Of course, S[)ain was not ready to allow this claim, and it was finally agreed 
to submit the question to a council of learned navigators and cosmographers, 
to meet at Badajos in 1524. Cabot's name heads the list of those who were 
summoned to this conference, showing in what high esteem he was held. 
The council met in April, and deliberated for more than a month. The de- 
cision, which was rendered the last of May, was to the effect that the islands 
in dis[)ute lay twenty degrees within the line which bounded the Spanish 
dominions. 

The Portuguese envoys were furious at this reversal of their claims, and 
retired, uttering many a threat of maintaining their rights by force of arms. 
These threats we leave unheeded for the [)resent, following more closely the 
actions and fortunes of Cabot. 

A company was at once formed for the prosecution of trade with the Mo- 
luccas, and of this Cabot, with the permission of the Council of the Indies, 
accepted the chief office. He received the title of Cai)tain-General. Three 
shi})s and one hundred and fifty men were to bo provided by the P]m[)eror, 
who was to receive, out of the profits, a certain share, not less than four 
thousand (hicats. The company was to supply all funds necessary for trading, 
and C^abot was obliged to give bond for the faithful performance of his duty. 

Tlie Portuguese found that their threats produced no effect whatever upon 
the young Emperor, so they resorted to other tactics. A remonstrance was 
made in due form, whereby they showed that an invasion of the Portuguese 
monopoly in trade with the East Indies would bo the ruin of the country; and 
1 hat the relationship between them, and the ties of marriage — for the King 
of Portugal had married the Emperor's sister — ought to prevent Charles 
from undertaking anything which would ruin his cousin and bi'other-in-law. 
The Emperor replied that he could not relinquish, for any such considerations, 
an (Hiterprise which it was his right to pursue. 

Threats and remonstrances being alike useless, t\u) King of Portugal re- 
solved to try still other means, and fitted out a s<iuadron of thre<i vessels, 
which he placed under the command of Diego Garcia, and intended especially 
to harass the Spaniards under Cabot. 

Meantime, there was considerable delay in ])r('i)aring the; fleet, which the 
articles of agreement had arranged should sail in August, 1525. Naturally 



243 ISF.UASllAN lAKOr, TllK IMSCXH KUKU CM' >OKlll AMKKUA, 

ououizhA^ibot Josirod lo apjuMtu his own clxlci' lioutouant . ami iiominatod 
a tni>t\vonhy fiioiul o( his to that high ollioo. The other otUcoi-s o( l\\c 
(.\Mn[nin.\ , uho ooiistitutod the board of nuvnagors, objoetod to this, aiul in- 
sisiod u[ion tho ai^pointimMit of ^Martin Mondoz, who had saihultrndor >hii:cl- 
lan. li is.iuiio po--ihlo that Cabot was unjustly prejudiood against this man. 
and thai his i^pposit ion to his appointniottt was titifoasonabK^ ; hut in an o\- 
podilion liko this thoro >hinihl ha\ o boon iH>ft\\'t oonoord hoiwoon tho ohiot" 
otUoors; Caliot had soon ono oxpodition, o( \vhioh ho was tho loador, fail, ho- 
oausehe had not boon nphohl by tho sooond in ooniniand: and uow tho most 
that ho ooidd hv^po fi-om a liouionant appoiniod aLvain-^i his protest was tl\at 
his ordors wouKl not bi> op^ndv opj^osod. I'horo oouUl bo no roal agroomont 
bolwoon thorn. 

As if to strongthon. tho party of Mondo/ — for i>artios thoro nnist bo undor 
such ciroiimstanoos — two broihors. Miguol and Kranoisoo do Kolas, th'\iUi>d 
folhnvors of "Momhv.. w<>ro attaohod to tho <.>\[H\litiini ; ono o( thorn boing 
oonunandor oi' ono o( ihc ships. 

Finally, as if to niako C'ahot's position as dangorous as possible, without 
oiumly sottiui:- a inioo upiMi his heail. sealed orders were furnished to the 
ea[Maiit of eaeh ship, with instrnetions that they should not be t^pened until 
they N\ ere fairly at sea. In these ordof^. ele\ en per-mis were named, upon 
whom, in order of sueeession, tho ovunmand should devolve in ease i>f Cabot's 
death. If all thoseshould die, tho loader nuist bo ehosou bytho goneral vote ; 
providing, that if there slundil bo a tie. the eandiviates reeeiving the highest 
number of votes should east lots. 

It is doubtful whether Cabot knew what iustruetions wm-e given until the 
ordors wore opened at sea. If he did. there is <mly one eousiderat ion t hat 
can excuse hini for sailing under such conditions; he had ci>ntended in so 
nuiny instances with tho agents of the C\unpany — for his judgment was almost 
invariably ditforont from theirs — that he was unwilling- to attempt to resist 
this last assertion of their authority, and trusted to his own resolution to jn-e- 
vail over their arts. 

Outwardly, tho course of the expedition soouuhI to bo favored by fortune 
for a b)ng time after setting out. They touched at the Canaries and the Cape 
Verde Islands, both belonging to rortugal; but their intereourso with the 
islanders was as friendly as if [Hn-f<\i otmeord had e\i>it>d between the rulers 
of tho two natiims. Their objeet was probably to complete the\ ietualling of 
tho ships: and from the Cape \'erdi> l>huuU. ^vhen this had been aeoiunplished, 
they struck boldly aeross the Atlantie. Caju^ St. Augustine being their next 
stopping-i>laee. 

But beneath this show of peace rebellion was constantly seething. Dis- 
putes had arisen between some of tho sailors befine leaving Seville, and 
Mondez and the Kojas began to eomplain that Cabot did nothing tv^ allay 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 243 

them. It was said by tliem that the commander had laid in no sufficient 
stock of provisions for so long a voyage, and that they were bound to starve 
before they reached their destination; when this was doubted by some who 
were too well-informed to accept it, the conspirators acknowledged that there 
might be enough provided, but that the greater part of the stores had been 
placed on Cabot's own ship, where it could not be reached by those on the 
other vessels. The men were urged to depose a tyrant, and put true men in 
his place. 

There never was a man who had been accustomed to command who was less 
a tyrant than Sebastian Cabot. Those of his companions whose testimony 
has come down to us have spoken of him with sincere affection ; many things 
show the gentleness of his character; and there are but few instances re- 
corded where he exercised any severity. 

But those who are determined to find fault with the proceedings of any one 
can generally find something on which to base their complaints; and in all 
considerable bodies of men there will be discovered some who are not satis- 
fied with the rule of those in authority. Mendez and his confederates worked 
upon the dislike of those who had been justly punished by Cabot, or who had 
failed to receive from him what they considered was their due. These, 
in turn, influenced others, and at length the plans of revolt were fully 
matured. 

All this was underhand work: it was not until they had sighted Cape St. 
Augustine, and were coasting southwardly along the shores of Brazil, that 
their criticisms of every order issued by Cabot became openly insolent. 
Should it come to formal rebellion, Cabot did not know on whom he could 
rely; for there were but two Englishmen in all the crews, and every Spaniard 
might be an enemy. 

At every turn he saw lowering countenances, and heard hints of the unde- 
served favor which had raised him, a mere foreign adventurer, to a place 
which rightfully belonged to a Spaniard. He paid no attention to all this, 
until he was ready to act. Then, with that sharp decision which sometimes 
marks the mildest and gentlest character, making no attempt to argue the 
case or to effect a compromise, he ordered ]\Iendez and the two Eojas brothers 
to be seized. The sudden and unexpected orders were obeyed, Francisco de 
Rojas being taken without ceremony from the vessel which he commanded. 
When they had been brought before the commander, he ordered two seamen, 
of whose faithfulness he was well assured — probably those two countrymen 
of his— to enter an open boat with the culprits, and put them ashore at the 
nearest island. He was obeyed without question, and the ships sailed on 
without the three men who were next in command to Cabot. 

The subordinates in the plot, awed by this severe treatment of the ring- 
leaders, cleared the sullen frowns from their faces, and paid such respect as 
16 



244 SEBASTIAN" CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

they knew how to give to the energetic leader. But the loss of these officers, 
Cabot considered, made such a change in the personnel of the expedition as 
to defeat any plans which the Company mighthave entertained, of directing 
the course in accordance with the views of all the high officers ; he was un- 
willing to take the sole responsibility of prosecuting the original enterprise. 
He accordingly decided to put into the mouth of the Rio de la Plata for a 
time, and there consider what course should be taken. Perhaps he had some 
idea of sending back for the mutinous officers, or at least of affording them 
ah opportunity of rejoining the vessels. 

Just before reaching this point, however, he lost one of his vessels, it 
being wrecked in a storm which the others barely escaped. This left but 
two; and he decided that it would not be well, without more ships, to attempt 
the crossing of the great South Sea. 

He therefore turned his attention to the exploration of the country about 
La Plata. He had been preceded in the office of Pilot-Major by Don Diego> 
de Solis, who had come on a voyage of discovery and exploration to this very 
spot. Landing at the mouth of La Plata with a body of fifty men, Solis had 
been attacked by a large band of savages; many of his men were slain f the" 
others were captured; and the cannibal victors feasted on the bodies of 
those whom they had slain in battle and of the prisoners whom they had put' 
to death afterward. 

The vessel under the command of Solis, from the deck of Avhich the rem- 
nant of his force witnessed these horrible proceedings, without the power of 
avenging their comrades, returned to Spain with the account of that tragedy. 
The same man who had acted as pilot to Solis held a similar position on board 
the vessel of Cabot; and thus to these newcomers the scenes of their prede- 
cessors' melancholy fate was pointed out by one who had been an eye- 
witness. 

Just off that point Avhere the city of Buenos Ayres is now situated, lies a 
small island, called San Gabriel; and here Cabot decided to land. Their 
purpose was stubbornly resisted by a. considerable body of natives; but the 
Spaniards were equally determined, and finally drove off the savages. A 
suitable place being found for anchoring the ships, Cabot, with most of his 
crew, proceeded in open boats on a voyage of discovery up the river. 

They journeyed something over twenty miles in this manner, before they 
decided to land. They were then at the head of that wide estuary which we 
are accustomed to call the Rio de la Phita, at the mouth of the Parana, and 
nearly opposite the mouth of the Uruguay. They were near an island which 
Cabot called San Salvador, and it was on this that they proposed to land. 

But their progress up the river had been jealously watched by savages, 
half hidden among the trees that clothed the shores of the stream ; and when 
these enemies saw that the newcomers were preparing to land, they concen- 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THIO D1SGX)VEUEU OF NORTH AMERICA. 



245 



trated their forces iii.stanU}-, and sent a storm of arrows, from every direction 
upon them. Two of the Spaniards were killed, and the others were glad to 
retreat to their boats. The natives obtained possession of the bodies of the 
slain, but declared to the Spaniards that they did not mean to eat them; the 
flesh of Solis and his tou^h soldier followers had been enough. 




Voyaging up the River. 

Finding that the island of San Salvador was furnished with an excellent 
harbor, Cabot dropped down stream to his ships, and caused them to ascend 
to the safer and more retired anchorage which he had just found. Leaving 
them there, under the command of Antonio de Grajeda, with a small guard, 
he prepared a caravel and several smaller boats for an ascent of the Parana. 

He found the people living on the banks of this river much less hostile 
than those on the sea-coast, and made friends with many of them. Notwith- 
standing this, he built a fort, some miles above the mouth of the Parana, 
which he named Sanctus Spiritus. Continuing the ascent from this point, his 
little force, considerably lessened by the frequent deaths which had occurred, 
became discontented; and it was all that he could do to hold them to his 
purpose. It was his idea that if this river were ascended far enough, it 
would lead him either to the rich silver mines of Potosi or by a new passage 
to the Pacific. Tiie country through which they traveled is described as " very 
fayre and inhabited with infinite people." 



246 SEBASTIAN CABOT, TIllO DISCOVEUKR OF MOKTH AMERICA. 

When they reached the point at which the Parana receives the waters of 
the Paraguay, the expk)rers did not continue to follow the main stream, 
Avhich here changes its course entirely, but kept straight on up the Paraguay. 
They found the inhabitants more highly civilized than any they had yet met; 
they were industrious tillers of the soil, which they cultivated to advantage; 
and they seemed to have a clear idea of each other's rights; but they were 
bitterly opposed to the invasion of their country by any foreigners; and 
seemed to entertain a particular hatred to the Spaniards and Portuguese. 

Seeing that this was the condition of affairs, Cabot exercised great care to 
prevent a conflict between his followers and the natives; but care was to be 
rendered ineffectual. Three of the Spaniards left the boats one day, to gather 
the fruit of the palm-trees Avhich hung in tempting profusion almost over 
the water. They were set upon by a considerable party of the nativ^es; and 
being taken by surprise, and greatly outnumbered, were easily captured. 

The fiery Spaniards were determined to revenge themselves on the Indians 
for having thus captured their comrades; and Cabot at once became a mili- 
tary commander. What disposition was made of his small force we do not 
know; but he was ably seconded in his efforts by the hardy courage of his 
men, who were burning to fight with the captors of their friends; and who 
were so accustomed by theirprofcssion to hardships that they scarcely regarded 
the dangers which they must now face. Ignorant of the country and mode 
of warfare practiced by their enemies, they fought with desperation. 

The conflict lasted for the greater part of a day; and the slaughter was 
something terrible. Twenty-five white men and more than three hundred 
Indians fell before the dusky foe could be driven from the banks of the 
river. At last, however, as night fell, the whites saw that their valor had 
won the day; the enemy had retreated, leaving them in possession of the 
river which had been the field of battle. 

Cabot at once dispatched a messenger to the conmiandcr of Fort Sanctus 
Spiritus, giving an account of the battle and a record of the men whom he 
had lost, together with an estimate of the enemy's loss. It was a severe blow 
to him; for not only w^as his force materially weakened by the death of so 
numy men, but the spirits of the survivors were unfavorably affected. lie 
had had considerable difficulty in keeping them to his purpose thus far; he 
had been obliged to holdout before them, constantly, the prospects of enor- 
mous wealth, to be acquired when they should reach the silver mines of 
Potosi; but now, when they had come so many miles, and had seen so many 
of their comrades slain before their eyes, and had no assurance that other 
hostile hordes of natives did not await their coming along the whole route to 
the mines, they felt their courage and desire for w^ealth vanishing together. 
Such was the condition of affairs wdien the sailors received a support, unex- 
pected equally by themselves and by their commander. 



SEHASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEREK OF NORTH AMERICA. 247 

In order to understand what this support was, we must return for a little 
while to the fort at Sanctus Spiritus, where the messenger with the news of 
the battle had just arrived. Scarcely had Cabot's letter been delivered to 
Grajeda, when a party was seen coming up La Plata. With his mind full of 
the misfortune which had already happened, and dreading worse things to 
come, Grajeda hastily concluded that the mutinous officers had escaped from 
their lonely island by the aid of some passing vessel, and had, by their false 
representations, secured the sympathy and assistance of its commander and 
crew. But it was another enemy than jNIendez. 

We have seen, some pages back, that the Portuguese envoys to the con- 
ference atBadajoswerefurious when that convocation of learned geographers 
and map-drawers decided that the Molucca Islands were within the meridian 
that bounded Spanish possessions. They uttered many a savage threat, which 
Avere all disregarded by the triumphant Spaniards. Even if any danger had 
been anticipated from them, all fears were allayed when the King of Portu- 
gal sought to obtain, by remonstrance with the Emperor, that which it had 
been decided did not belong to him of right. But when this had failed, then 
the threats, considered as empty and idle by the Spaniards, were put into ex- 
ecution; and three ships were secretly prepared to embarrass Cabot's move- 
ments. The command of this squadron Avas placed in the hands of Diego 
Garcia. 

Garcia sailed in 1526, following Cabot's track very closely, to the Canaries, 
the Cape Verde Islands, and the coast of Brazil. Along this coast he seems 
confidently to have expected to come up with the Spanish expedition, and 
entered all the considerable indentations in search of the vessels. Entering 
La Plata, he ascended the river; and it was he whom Grajeda supposed to be 
Mendez. 

The new-comer was somewhat surprised to be met by several armed boats, 
led by Grajeda in person. At first, he was inclined to allow Grajeda to believe 
that he was a commander who had taken up the cause of Mendez and the 
Kojas; but finding that Grajeda was determined to do battle with such a per- 
son, acknowledged that he was the leader of a Portuguese fleet; and peace 
was established between the two. 

Garcia had allowed one of his vessels to engage in the slave trade; and this, 
laden heavily wuth its human chattels, he ordered to return home; while the 
others, manned by desperate, resolute men, he caused to anchor in the harbor 
of San Salvador. 

Leaving his ships and a part of the crews there, Garcia manned two brigan- 
tines with sixty men, and ascended the river, still on Cabot's track. He landed 
at the fort called Sanctus Spiritus, where Gregorio Caro had been placed in 
command of the snuill garrison; and summoned him to surrender. 

" Although ready to serve my guest in every possible way," was the very 



248 SEBASTIAN OABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

polite answer, " I shall continue to hold coniniand of the Fort Sanctus Spir- 
itus in the name of Senor Cabota and his master and mine, the most gracious 
Emperor." 

Whether Caro fully understood that Garcia was indeed demanding a sur- 
render, he kept possession of the fort, as he said that he would, and managed 
to be on good terms with the Portuguese. Perhaps they admired his courtesy 
in unfavorable circumstances too much to use any impolite methods, such as 
would have been necessary in attacking the fort; more probably, Garcia 
smiled contemptuously at the answer, and decided that it was not worth while 
to assault a fort commanded by such a man. 

Caro seems to have been wholly in the dark as to the character and inten- 
tions of the newcomers; for he asked, as a favor, that Garcia would liberate 
any of Cabot's party who might have fallen into the hands of the natives; 
binding himself to repay faithfully whatever Garcia might have to pay as ran- 
som for such persons; and finally begged that he would befriend the follow- 
ers of Cabot, should they, in any battle occurring after that of which he had 
received news, have lost their commander. 

Arrived at the point where the city of Corrientes is now situated, Garcia 
seems to have been in doubt what course to pursue. According to what he 
had learned from Caro, Cabot had followed the river which came from a 
northerly direction; but the Parana was so evidently the main stream, that 
for some distance he followed that, believing that Caro must have mistaken 
the course pursued, or perhaps been misled by Cabot. But he soon learned 
that Caro's information was correct, and, returning to the junction of the 
rivers, ascended the Paraguay. 

Cabot's force was still stationed at the point where the battle had taken 
place; for there were some who had been wounded in the fight whom it was 
judged best not to move until their injuries should be partly cured. We can- 
not suppose that the meeting Avas marked with very much friendliness on 
either side; but there were no open hostilities. Garcia, however, remarked 
the weakness of Cabot's force, lessened as it was by death, and rendered un- 
available by wounds and fatigue. He demanded that Cabot should surrender 
at once to him ; basing his demands on the fact that Brazil, having been dis- 
covered by a subject of Portugal, belonged to that country; and at that time, 
the name of Brazil was applied to almost the whole coast of South America. 

Cabot steadily resisted this demand; but knew that he had not force suf- 
ficient to defy the arrogant subject of Portugal. He therefore put him off 
as best he could; probably with a promise to refer the whole matter to Europe 
for decision, and the united force returned to Sanctus Spiritus. 

Garcia, having stationed a considerable body of his followers here and at 
San Salvador, set sail at once. Cabot, convinced that he had gone to Europe 
to make as much mischief as possible, and fearing that he would circulate, 



SEBASTIAN CA^SOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 249 

■even in Spain, reiDorts which would l3e injurious to him, resolved to send 
messengers at once, to lay the true state of affairs before the Emperor. They 
were to inform the sovereign of the treatment which had been accorded to 
the mutinous officers, of the.changes of destination and the reasons for mak- 
ing such a change, and of the particulars of the ascent of the river. Francis 
Calderon and George Barlow were chosen as the messengers; their report is 
still in existence among the archives of Spain. 

Cabot defended his change of destination, not only by the necessity of the 
case, but by the claim that he expected from this route fully as much gain 
as if he had pursued that originally marked out. He had found, on the banks 
of La Plata, many natives wearing ornaments of gold and silver; and, makr- 
iiig friends with them, "he came to learn many secrets of the country," 
One of these secrets was the intelligence of the route to the rich silver mines 
of the interior; and he hoped to secure enough treasure there to repay the 
generosity of the Emperor, and enrich all those who had taken part in the 
expedition. 

He remained at the fort, awaiting the result of his application for provis- 
ion, ammunition, goods for trading with the natives, and a larger force of 
soldiers and seamen, all of which would be necessary for the prosecution of 
the enterprise. 

Whatever Garcia might have done, or tried to do, he had certainly not suc- 
ceeded in poisoning the mind of the Emperor toward Oabot; for the envoys 
of the Pilot-Major found the monarch most favorably disposed when they laid 
their leader's requests before him. The Company, on the other hand, thought 
Cabot demanded too much, and decided to allow their rights in the matter to 
pass to the Crown. Charles V. willingly accepted the surrender, and prom- 
ised to be personally responsible for the enterprise. 

But he was carrying on a war with his neighbor, the King of France; and 
wars are expensive luxuries. His soldiers were clamoring for their pay, and, 
being mercenaries, threatened to desert his standard if they did not receive 
it; the Moluccas had been mortgaged, and the Cortes, the Spanish parliament, 
refused to raise any more money by taxes. Under such circumstances, 
Charles, however willing he might be to assist Cabot, was unable to do so. 

Besides, just at this time, a more flattering offer than that of Cabot's had 
been made to the Emperor. Pizarro had offered to equip an expedition, at 
his own expense, for the reduction of Peru, and promised to resign all con- 
quests to the Crown. The entire and exclusive range of the coasts of Peru 
was granted to him; and the promises which the Emperor had made when 
Cabot's messengers first applied to him were set aside, never to be fulfilled. 

Meanwhile, Cabot was awaiting their return very anxiously, at his lonely 
post in the New AVorld. But he was not idle; that would have been a certain 
means of inviting mutiny and dissatisfaction among his men. He employed 



250 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEREK OF NORTH AMERICA. 



his time and theirs in making short excursions about the forts, until the 
Avholc neighborhood of the river had been thoroughly explored. He employed 
them in close observations of the products of the country; so that when they 
were thrown upon their own resources for the means of obtaining food — for 
no supplies came from Spain — they were not altogether helpless. Often but 
one or two were left in charge of the ship, while the others penetrated far 
into the interior, depending upon their tents or the huts of some friendly 
natives for shelter by night. 




Great Ship of Henry the Eighth. 



Cabot's men seem by this time to have given up the idea of returning to 
their own country, which is always the first wish of dissatisfied wanderers; 
and were only anxious to penetrate to that rich country which was to afford 
such an ample rcAvard for all the labors and dangers which had beset them 
since they left Spain. It was with no small difiiculty that he held them in 
check until he should learn the pleasure of the Emperor ; and the delay was 
as distasteful to him as it was to them. 



SKBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEKER OF NOIiTlI AMERICA. 251 

While they were thus engaged in exploring, observing, and cementing 
friendly treaties with the natives, the men whom Garcia had left vfore bring- 
ing misfortune upon themselves and the Spaniards on whom they were quar- 
tered. They had many disputes with the natives, until the patience of the 
Indians was quite worn out. At last the crisis came. A more bitter dis- 
agreement than usual so enraged the savages that they swore to take vengeance 
for what they had suffered at the hands of Garcia's men; and, in order that 
not one guilty man should escape, they vowed to destroy every one of the 
whites. They had entered into a treaty of peace with Cabot; but they did 
not understand the difference of nationality; and they considered that he 
must be, after all, responsible for the actions of all white men at the forts. 
They considered him a traitor to the treaty, and resolved to act accordingly. 

Theirplans were carefully laid, and warriors from a number of different 
tribes were secretly assembled. One morning before day-break they stormed 
Fort Sanctus Spiritus. The surprise was complete; the inmates were hardly 
awake before the savages were in possession of the stronghold; and the vic- 
tors marched against the fort at San Salvador. 

Here, however, the garrison was more on the alert, warned by the fate of 
their comrades farther up the river. They held the enemy at bay until the 
commander could have his one large ship prepared to receive the remnant of 
his forces; the others, caravel and brigantincs, must be left behind. All the 
available stores w^ere put on board, and the reduced force embarked, driven 
from America by a tribe of enraged natives. They arrived in Spain, 1531, 
after an absence of five years. 

Authorities differ as to the reception with which Cabot met; some declaring 
that it was entirely satisfactory, others saying that he met with coldness and 
ill-nature. Perhaps both are, in some degree, true ; he was probably received 
with reproaches by the merchants whose hopes he had disappointed, and with 
kindness by the P]mperor who had always entertained resj)ect for him, and 
who never lost that feeling. 

There was some inclination, among the Spaniards in general, to blame 
Cabot for the treatment which Mendez and his two confederates had received 
at his hands; but Cabot had so united the sailors and soldiers to him by his 
course at La Plata, and had shown his admirable character so clearly there, 
that there was uothing to be said against him in their presence; while his 
large-minded admiration of Columbus, and perfect freedom from jealousy of 
that great navigator, made him many friends; for the Spaniards had out- 
grown, in the years since the death of the Admiral of the Indies, all narrow 
jealousies, and had exalted him to the place of a national hero. Cabot did not 
hesitate to declare the exploits of Columbus to have been " more divine than 
human," and was respected accordingly. 

Cabot resumed the office of Pilot-Major, which he continued to fill for some 



252 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

years, giving general satisfaction, and respected as the first navigator of the 
age. In Ilakluyfs voyages is quoted the opinion of a gentleman who had 
asked for some information on matters rehiting to the sea, and was referred 
to the Pik)t-^Iajor; and this quotation we here reproduce: — ■ 

"It was tokle nice that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian 
born, named Sebastian Cabot, who had charge of the navigations of the 
Spaniards, being an expert man in that science, and one that could make 
cardes [charts] for the sea with hisowne hand, and by this report, seeking his 
acquaintance, I found him a very gentle and courteous person, who enter- 
tained mee friendly, and shewed mee many things, and among other a large 
mappe of the world, with certaine particuler navigations, as well of the> 
Portugals as of the Spaniards, and he spake further unto me to this effect." 

Another contemporary s^ays of him : — ■ 

"He is so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to 
navigations, and the science of cosmograiDhie, that at this present he hath not 
his like in all Spaine." 

While holding this office, he frequently went as chief of small naval expe- 
ditions of com^^aratively short extent; but nothing new, of sufficient magni- 
tude to be here set down, was undertaken. These voyages served only to 
keep public interest alive; they cannot be reckoned as promoters of discovery. 
Cabot thus wrote of them, in a letter dated several years after: — 

"After this I made many other voyages, which I now pretermit, and, wax- 
ing old, I give myself to rest from such travels, because there are now many 
young and lusty pilots and mariners of good experience, by whose forward- 
ness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labors, and rest with the charge of this 
.office, as you see." 

For seventeen years did he " rest with the charge of this office," content, 
to all appearance, so to spend the remainder of his days. But, as he passed 
the limit of three-score and ten, there came upon him a longing for his 
native land. Perhaps the fact that Henry VIII. was no longer King had 
something to do with it; for Cabot's patience must have been tried by the 
manner in which the King took up the subject of maritime enterprise, and 
then cast it entirely aside. This was in the youth of " bluff King Hal," and 
his later years did not show even so much interest in the subject, absorbed as 
he was in maintaining himself and the English Church against the Pope and 
Luther, and given to sensual self-indulgence. He died in 1547, and was suc- 
ceeded by his son, Edward VI., a mere child. From the nobles in charge of 
the Government Cabot expected recognition. Young as he was, the royal 
child had shown signs of interest in naval affairs, and knew all the ports and 
harbors of his own dominions, as well as those of France and Scotland. To 
the country ruled by such a King, the greatest of living navigators, himself a 
native of that country, was naturally attracted. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 253 

Kesigiiing his high office, he returned to England iu 1548. But scarcely 
had he left Spain before the Emperor discovered that it had been a mistake 
to allow him to go. A formal demand was accordingly made, that " Sebastian 
Cabote, Grand Pilot of the Emperor's Indies, then in England, might be sent 
over to Spain, as a very necessary man for the Emperor, whose servant he 
was, and had a pension of him." This wording would seem to imply that 
Cabot had tendered no formal resignation, and taken no formal leave of his 
patron and friends. It is not improbable, however, that the resignation was 
ignored on this occasion, and that permission had been given him to journey 
to England, before the Emperor concluded that the Grand Pilot of the Indies 
was " a necessary man" to him. 

Although he was seventy-three or seventy-four years old at the time of his 
return to England, Cabot does not seem to have gone there simply to end his 
days in his native land; there was much good work in the old man yet; it 
seemed that he had found that fountain of youth which Ponce de Leon had 
vainly sought in the New World; and whether it was from any definite un- 
derstanding that he would accept a commission under Edward VI., or whether 
it was merely from a general expectation that he, an Englishman, would 
serve the King of England when his services were required, certain it is that 
the ministers of the young King refused the demand of the Emperor; and 
Cabot received, shortly after his arrival, the appointment to an office, then 
first created, of Grand Pilot of England. The similarity of this title to that 
which he had borne in Spain gives rise to the suspicion that the office was 
created especially to win him from the Emperor's service, by showing him 
that England was ready to give him honors as great as Spain had offered him. 
At the same time, a patent was issued, granting "our beloved servant,, 
Sebastian Cabota," an annual pension of one hundred and sixty-six pounds,, 
thirteen shillings and four pence, to be paid quarterly. If we accept the 
calculation of Irving, that money was then worth about three times as much 
as at the present day, this was equivalent to two thousand five hundred dollars, 
per year of United States money. 

The title being given, and the salary attaching to the office fixed, it remains 
to ascertain the duties. But this is a matter of more difficulty. On one 
occasion, according to the records, a French pilot, who had made eighteen 
voyages to the coast of Brazil, relating his experiences to Sir John Yorke, 
"before Sebastian Cabote," which seems to imply that it was his business to 
ascertain all that had been accomplished by the discoverers and explorers of 
the different nations, and perhaps to combine the information so obtained in 
the form of charts, for the guidance of future expeditions. 

It was during this period of honored repose — for his duties could not have 
been very exacting — that Cabot, for the first time in his long and busy life, 
found time to elaborate a theory which had occurred to him while still a very 



254 



SEBASTIAN CAIiOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 



young man. During bis first voyage to the west, he had noticed, as Columbus 
and all following navigators have noticed, the variation of the magnetic 
needle. We know now that the magnetic pole, to which the needle points, is 
at some distance from the astronomical pole of the earth, and, consequently, 
that the compass nuiy sometimes point in a different direction from due 




Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmograpiiers. 
north. But this was not dreamed of in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; 
and many of the most eminent navigators of the day puzzled their brains in 
vain to find a solution of the difficulty. Cabot had noted the fact as a youth 
of twenty ; and after the lapse of more than fifty years he had not found an 
explanation. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 255 

But ill the court of Spain or the wilds of La Plata, while there had been no 
consecutive days and hours of meditation, there had doubtless been many a 
moment when his mind would recur to the great problem. An explanation 
would suggest itself to him, and be turned over in his mind ; then some press- 
ing duty w^ould call him away from his quiet thought, and the subject must 
be laid aside. The next time that he had such a short period of leisure, he 
would perhaps see the flaw in the preceding day's argument, which had not 
been seen then ; and yet another theory would be thought out. Thus year 
after year went by, and still the variation of the magnetic needle was not 
explained. 

When the young King learned that Cabot had studied long on this subject, 
and believed that He had found the reason of the variation, he insisted that 
there should be a convocation of the learned men of the kingdom, before 
whom the Grand Pilot might lay the result of his studies; thus giving ofiicial 
recognition to the fact that he had first explained it. He showed the extent 
of the variation by a carefully prepared chart, where the results of his many 
observations were carefully noted; and showed that in the same longitude it 
was different in different latitudes. His theory was not that which has since 
been generally accepted, but it attracted the attention of learned men all 
over England, and the fame which he acquired by this means spread to the 
continent. 

From a variety of causes, English commerce had become almost extinct; 
and in 1551 the merchants of that country resolved to find the causes of the 
stagnation of trade, and remove them if possible. "Certaine grave citizens 
of London, and men of great wisedome and carefulle for the good of their 
countrey, began to thinke with themselves how this mischief might bee 
remedied. * « * * And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, 
a man in those days very renowned, happened to bee in London, they began 
first of all to deale and consult diligently with him." 

It might seem, to the casual observer, that the man of seventy-seven years 
was better fitted to explain his theories to a gathering of learned men that to 
propose remedies for business stagnation, particularly when he was expected 
to take an active part in applying those remedies; but in fact, Cabot was so 
active and energetic in his age that we might suppose he was a much younger 
man than he was then thought to be, if there were no record of his having 
been in command of an expedition which sailed from England fifty-five years 
before these "grave citizens of London" bade him bestir himself to revive 
English commerce. 

To Cabot, it seemed that the English, who had failed to find a market 
among neighboring nations for their wares, might find one in the far North, 
if it were only better known. But at the very outset, the merchants were 
opposed by a powerful foreign corporation, having an establishment in Lon- 



256 SKBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISC0VP:RKR of north AMERICA. 

don, and claim iiii? a monopoly of tlie trade with the northern nations. 

This corporation was composed of the agents of certain large commercial 
houses, chieily in Antwerp and Hamburg; obtaining first the privilege of 
trading with Englishmen — for all business was conducted by royal permission 
then — they had gone on, step by step, until each of the principal nations of 
Europe, including England, had granted them a monopoly of the trade with 
the far North, It was against this corporation, known as The Stilyard, that 
the efforts of the merchants must be first directed. 

When an individual or a corporation has had a monopoly of any branch of 
business for any length of time, it is not difficult to find abuses and infringe- 
ments of the laws, committed because they consider themselves characters 
privileged above ordinary citizens. It was thus with the Stilyard; the cor- 
poration, by its agents, was found to be guilty of certain fraudulent acts; and 
a complaint was entered by the new" company before the King's Privy Council. 
In ascertaining the nature of their offenses Cabot had taken a prominent 
part ; and his name lent much w^eight to this })etition. We find this paragraph 
in the diary of the young King: — 

" .February 23, 1551 . A decree was made by the Board, that, upon know- 
ledge and infornuition of their charters, they had found: first, that they — the 
Stilyard — w^ere no sufficient corporation ; secondly, that their number, names, 
and nature, were unknown; thirdly, that, when they had forfeited their 
liberties, King Edward the Fourth did restore them on this condition, that 
they should color no strangers' goods, which they had done. For these con- 
siderations, sentence was given that they had forfeited their liberties [privi' 
leges] and were in like case with other strangers." 

But the great corporation was not willing to yield so readily; and the case 
was again brought before the Council. The former judgment was confirmed; 
and probably because of his exertions in this matter, and exposure of frauds 
which had been practised on the people, Cabot received a considerable sum 
of money from the royal treasury, which is thus entered on the ac- 
counts: — 

"To Sebastian Cabota, the great seaman, two hundred i)()unds, by way of 
the King's Majesty's reward, dated in March, 1551." 

Thus for discovering flaws in mercantile transactions he had received just 
twenty times the sum that was considered sufficient recompense for having 
discovered the "New Isle," although that was the continent of North 
America. 

Three ships w^ere prepared for the expedition; great care being taken in 
their construction, from the choice of the plank, " very strong and well sea- 
soned," to the minutest detail of the rigging. For the first time in the his- 
tory of English shipping, copper w^as employed to sheathe the bottoms of the 
vessels. The best seamen obtainable were secured; and the venerable Grand 




AVlNTElUNG IN HW, AkCTIC KeGIOX, 



(257) 



258 SKIIASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVKKKU OF NOIITII AMERICA. 

Pilot of Kiiiilniul wrolo 'willi his own hand a vohime of instructions in (hity, 
which were orikucd to be iciul before the shii)s' crews every week. 

May 20, 1558, the t luce vessels, under the chief captaincy of tall and hand- 
some Sir Ilngh Willoughby — he was chosen as leader because " of his goodly 
I)ersonage, as also for his singular skill in the services of warre " — dropped 
down the Tluunes to Greenwich. The court was waiting; and "presently 
the courtiers came running out, and the common people tlockt together, 
standing very thick upon the shoare; the Privie Council, they lookt out of the 
windows of the court, and the rest ranno up to the toppesof the towers; the 
ships hereupon discharge their ordnance, and shoot off their pieces after the 
manner of warre, and of the sea, insonuich that the to})i)es of the hills 
sounded therewith, the valley and the waters gave an echo, and the nuiriuers 
they shouted in such sort that the skie rang again with the noise thereof." 

The venerable seaman w ho had planned and directed the expedition, the 
stalwart young soldiers and sailors Avho were to conduct it, the " grave and 
reverend seigniors" by whose advice the authority to do so was given, the 
children who looked eagerly on at an enterprise such as their young ambition 
might now only dri-am of, were all there; only the boy of sixteen, in whose 
nanu^ all those things were done, the high and mighty Prince, King Edward 
the Sixth, was absent ; for he lay sick of that disease which soon afterward 
caused his death, 

A rendezvous was api)ointed for the vessels in case they should be sepa- 
rated by storms; and they sailed gaily away from the coast of England. The 
precaution proved only too necessary, alt hough the ships did not all reach the 
point which had been agreed upon. Chancellor, who was second in com- 
maiul, became separated from the others by a storm off the coast of Korway; 
and having cruised ior some time, in the hope of rejoining his companions, 
put by chance into the Pay of St. Nicholas, on the coast of llussia. Here 
ho found the Grand Duke, as the ruler of that country was then called in 
Europe, at war with the Livonians. However, he was enabled to obtain an 
audience of him, and succeeded in making a commercial treaty and estab- 
lishing a trade whit-h was long pursued, with great success, by the English. 

The accounts of the adventures of the other tw^o vessels are draw^i from the 
journal of Sir Hugh AVilloughby himself. It must hero bo very brieily sum- 
marized. Having wandered about the unknown northern seas for some time 
after parting with his consort, the two ships nuule land in the seventy-second 
degree of north latitude; the place being called, on many old maps, Sir Hugh 
Willoughby's Country. He followed the coast for some distance, and finally 
was forced, by the atlvance of winter, into a harbor on the coast of Lapland. 
The journal gives a pathetic picture of their attempts to reach the rendezvous, 
their resolution to pass the winter on this unknown coast, and their extreme 
destitution after the huuling was effected. The inhabitants of that part of 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 259 

the country, we are told, leave the coast during the winter, finding it warmer 
inland; they probably migrate southwardly; thus Willoughby and his men 
built their rude huts upon an uninhabited coast. 

Before the winter was fairly upon them, however, they made many efforts 
to find some trace of inhabitants. We find this entry in the journal, written 
in September: — 

" We sent out three men south-south-west, to search if they could find 
people, who went three days' journey, but could find none; after that, we 
sent other three men westward four days' journey which also returned with- 
out finding any people. Then sent we three men southeast three days jour- 
ney, who, in like sort, returned without finding of people, or any similitude 
of habitation." 

For three months, probably, they lingered on in this far northern land, 
suffering untold agonies by reason of want and cold. The next year, two 
fishers, chancing to pass that way, found the huts which they had built; in 
them were the seventy-two persons who had constituted the crews of the ships 
which lay deserted and decayed, driven by the winds upon the shore. Near 
the body of one of the men, all of whom had evidently starved or frozen to 
death, lay a volume of manuscript; he was the tall and goodly Sir Hugh 
Willoughby, the commander of the expedition; and this was his journal. It 
ended with the passage above quoted. 

Willoughby had fallen a victim to the frozen North, which has destroyed 
so many other brave men; we have seen that his companion was more suc- 
cessful. In consequence of the treaty which Chancellor succeeded in nego- 
tiating with the Russian Government, a charter Avas granted to an English 
comjjany in 1554 or 1555, in which Sebastian Cabot, in consideration of his 
having originated the enterprise, was named Governor for life. 

The privileges which the Grand Duke shortly afterward granted to this 
company show that it was an extensive concern, with a high reputation in the 
mercantile world. The trade with Russia increased in value and extent, and 
gave a fresh impulse to the productive industries of England; laying the 
foundations of that manufacturing activity which distinguishes her to-day. 

It must have delighted the old man to watch the growth of the trade which 
he had first thought of establishing. After the venture of Sir Hugh Wil- 
loughby, four ships were prepared for the purpose; and the number was in- 
creased every year. The Grand Duke, or Czar, continued to favor the traders, 
and a large branch was established at Moscow, then the capital of Russia. 
Cabot was no mere figure-head; betook an active interest in these affairs, 
and superintended them with untiring energy. It was he who improved, if 
not established, the whale fisheries of Spitzbcrgen, and the famous fisheries 
off Newfoundland. Campbell says of him: — 

" With strict justice, it may be said of Sebastian Cabot that he wa« the 



260 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 



author of our maritime strength, and opened the way to those improvements 
which have rendered us so great, so eminent, so flourishing a people." 

But the death of Edward VI. had cast a gloom over his fortunes in one re- 
spect. Without taking into account the difference in religious belief, there 
were many points in which the policy of his reign was reversed by his suc- 
cessor, and the favorites of the young King and his ministers were far from 
being the favorites of the new Queen. 




Chancellor before the C/.ai:. 
Cabot was regarded with less disfavor than some others; perhaps his age 
commanded a respect which was shown to nothing else. But he was made to 
feel, very often, his dependence upon the Crown; and he constantly saw 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 261 

others advanced to positions to which he was justly entitled. It might be 
said that these were but natural actions on the part of Queen Mary and her 
counselors, they supposing that a man of Cabot's advanced age would wish 
rather for rest than for any new occupation ; and assigning these duties to 
younger men, as possessing more of the energy proper to youth, and as those 
upon w^honi such tasks must devolve at some time, even were Cabot to per- 
form them now\ But the fact that his pension remained unpaid after the 
death of Edward, shows that this action was not based on any consideration 
for Cabot's infirmities. 

Within a year after her accession, Mary married Philip II. of Spain, the son 
of that great Emperor, Charles V., who had so long been a patron of Cabot. 
Philip, who was narrow-minded and very jealous, bitterly resented Cabot's 
having left Spain and refusal to return. Probably some rumors of this feel- 
ing had reached the ears of the venerable seaman ; for seven days after the 
King arrived in England, Cabot formally resigned the pension granted him 
by King Edward. 

But these adverse circumstances do not seem to have affected his spirits. 
An extract from the journal of one Stephen Burroughs shows that he was, at 
eighty, light of heart and foot. We modernize the spelling: — 

"The 27th, being Monday, the right worshipful Sebastian Cabot came 
aboard our pinnace at Gravesend, accompanied with divers gentlemen and 
gentlewomen, who, after that they had viewed our pinnace, and tasted of 
such cheer as we could make them aboard, they went ashore, giving to our 
mariners right liberal rewards; and the good old gentleman. Master Cabot, 
gave to the poor most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune 
and prosperous success of the Searchilirift^ our pinnace. And then, at the 
Sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banqueted, and made me, and 
them that were in the company, great cheer; and so for very joy that he had 
to see the towardncss of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance 
himself, among the rest of the young and lusty company; which being ended, 
he and his friends departed, most gently commending us to the governance 
of Almighty God." 

Two years after her accession, Mary renewed the pension which the ex- 
plorer had resigned a year before; but he could hardly have been in need 
during the time that he was deprived of it. His inherited fortune must have 
amounted to a considerable sum; and although much had been spent in fitting 
out those expeditions which had proved unsuccessful, something remained, 
and was added to, during the long years that he held well-rewarded posts of 
honor. This renewed pension, however, was not granted to Cabot alone; 
half of it was granted to William Worthington, who was commissioned to 
prepare an account of Cabot's discoveries. The explorer's manuscripts were 
turned over to him for this purpose; but he not only failed to perform the 



2G2 ISKHASTIAN ('.\1U)T, 'I'lIK J)KS('0\ KUKK OK NOUTII AMKHU'A. 

duty ;issiii;iHMl to him, but mudo away with these precious documents so com- 
|)K>ti>ly th;it th(>y liave never been recovered. This was probably (hme at the 
inslaiice of KiiiiilMiih'p, who w:is naturally anxious to })revent Kny;land from 
proN iuii; any riuht to thci N(>\v A\'orl(l; and his inllueiuH! would Inive beensnf- 
licicnt to secure AVorlhinuton against any })unishment that niiyht otherwise 
liave overtaken him. 

This is all that there is to tell, save that his friend :ind historian, Richard 
KdiMi, stood by his death-bed and watclunl the passage of the weary soul. 
'I'he })owers that had shoiu' so long- in brilliancy gave way at the last. " The 
good old nnui had not even in the article of death shaken off all Avorldlie 
vanitie," for ho recurred to the scenes of his youth; he spoke much of his 
early voyages; and even " spake tlightilie "' of a divine revelation with regard 
to an infallible method of ascertaining longitude^, which he was not permitted 
to revival; and then the — 

"ll.-roic snilor-soiil 
AVas passing on Us liappiiT voyago." 

Tie is suppos(>d to havt> dii'd in London about 15,^)7; buttluMc is no delinite 
record of the time or place. Nor has his last resting-place l)ccn marked by 
anv stone, to tell us wlu-re lies the dust of Sebastian Cabot. 



I^AT.T^OA, TUK 7)IS(X)VKRKK OF THE PAOIFId OCEAX. 



'I' N tlu; year 117"), al llio Sl)iiiii,sli town of Xcrcs dc los Cuballcros, 1 luu-(i was 
born a sou to the family of Nunez i\v. Balboa, w lio was fjjiven the C'hris- 
tian name of Yasco. The child grew lo manhood, and the meager records 
of his youth say that the young man was ral her wild. I lo docs not Ixvome a 
distinct figure in history — though even then he is fai- from piomiiient — uiilii 
1501, when the young nobleman, whoso family had long been in icduced cir- 
cumstancres, made one of ii company of adventurers who followed Kodrigo de 
Bastidas in a voyage of discovery to the western seas. 

Balboa H(;ttle(l in IIis[)aniola, near San Domingo, and began to cultivate 
the soil. But this slow process of getting rich did not satisfy the im[)atient 
young Spaniard, and his nuxlestgains were not enough to answer (he demands 
of his extravagant habits. He accordingly laid his [)Ians to evade his creditors 
by .secretly leaving the country. 

Bastidas had continued his voyage to the main land, and had founded a, sel- 
tlement, called Santa iMaria d(d Antigua, near llie monlh of a small river on 
the isthnnis; all hough it was not then kiu)\\ u how narrow a neci; of laud sep- 
arated the Atlantic from auolher ocean ; iu)r had the eye of w hl((^ man evtu' 
yet beheld the vast expanse of waler which separates Amei-ica from Asia. 

Some years after this adviiuture, Ojeda led an expedition lothe new colony 
of Daricn, and founded the town of San Sel)astian. This was in 1500; and 
ho left orders with Francisco de Enciso, an adventurous lawyer of San Do- 
mingo, to fit out an expedition the foil owing year to convey provisions and other 
supplies to tho new settlement. Balboa heard of this, and recognized his 
oi)l)()rl unity. He caused a large cask to be conveyed to his fai'in, and stow(Ml 
himself away in this; and by arrangxuneiit wilh Enciso, it was taken on board 
the ship as if it contained jjrovisions. liy such means did tho young Spanish 
nobleman, the future governor and discovcicr, evade his credilors. 

Tho expedition arrived at San Sebastian, only to find tin; oncc^ nourishing 
colony a deserted ruin. Enciso was at a loss what to do ncxl ; aiidlinally de- 
cided to adopt tho advicc! of Balboa — who had soon come out, of his cask — 
and sail for Darien and the town of Santa Maria dv\ Antigua, which was also 

(2(j;{) 



264 



IJAIJJOA, TIIK DISCOVKUIOK OK TIIK I'A(MFK! OCKAN. 



lU'Mrlydcscilcd. His |)i-()|)(»s:il \v:is acccplcd ; :iii<l llic ships sailed for 1 lir 
pliico Hiuncd. 

Enciso :di(Mni)l('d (o prohibit tliojidvculiii-ors from trading- wit li the natives 
for gold on th(ur own account; considering that ull such conuncrcc Avas the 
right of tlio Crown, of whi(di lio was the representative. This effort, natur- 
ally enough, was far from suc(H3ssf ul ; it provoked the adventurous, gold-seek- 
ing followers beyond endurance; and they refused to recognize Euciso's au- 
thority. 




Ojeda determined to form a settlement at C'umana, as a part of the South 
American coast was called by the natives; but, anxious to secure the friend- 
ship of his dusky neighbors, he concluded that it would be better to respect 
their property, and rob those at a distance of the hammocks, cotton, and so 
forth, which he might need. The schcuie, however, was not an entire suc- 
cess, as no provisions were found; and a vessel had to be sent back to Ja- 
maica for necessary food. 

Arriving at Ccxpiibacao, aud lauding at l.ahia Honda, r>ay, he determined 
to form his settlement there. The natives, howeviT, did not approve of this 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 265 

determination, and the moment that a party tried to land, a shower of arrows 
drove them back to their ships. Ojeda at once landed with his whole force, 
and so frightened the Indians that they allowed the construction of the for- 
tress to proceed in peace. 

But the vessel sent to Jamaica for supplies had not reached the infant col- 
ony, and food became very scarce. Ojeda led many foraging parties to the 
neighboring Indian villages, and collected some provisions; but, determined 
that they should not be wasted, he locked them up and gave them out only at 
stated intervals in certain quantities. The treasure, too, which was procured 
from the same source, was kept under lock and key by him. This did not 
suit the careless, rollicking Spaniards at all; and by the time that the caravel 
came from Jamaica they were ripe for rebellion. The captain of this vessel 
was taken into the confidence of the conspirators, and Ojeda thrown into 
irons on board of it. It was at first agreed that such as were tired of the en- 
terprise should return to Spain, leaving Ojeda the smallest of the vessels, 
with such as preferred to remain; but they finally changed their minds, and 
sailed to Plispaniola with the cavalier on board the caravel, heavily ironed. 

But before the vessel reached its destination, Ojeda determined to escape. 
His arms were free, and it was therefore with comparatively little difficulty 
that he managed to let himself down over the side of the vessel, having eluded 
the watch of guards wdio had grown somewhat careless. But while his arms 
were free, he had about his feet enough iron to have drawn him to the bottom, 
strong man and good swimmer as he was. After vainly endeavoring to get 
to the shore, he was compelled to cry for help; and Avas taken back on board 
the caravel and delivered as a prisoner into the hands of the authorities. 

Tried at St. Domingo for his misgovernment of the colony, he was deprived 
of all his effects and made a debtor to the Crown; but an appeal to the Royal 
Council brought about a reversal of this verdict, and an order that his prop- 
erty should be restored to him. 

It was necessary, however, to have a governor. Nicuesa, the governor of 
the province, was proposed by some ; and he was actually brought to Darien 
by the advocates of this rule. But the others flatly refused to receive him, 
and there was nothing for him to do but to go back again. Fearful that he 
would not do this, the inhabitants of Darien seized him and seventeen of his 
companions, and placing them in a crazy bark, bade them hasten back to 
Hispaniola. 

What part Balboa had in these summary proceedings we do not know ; but 
it is certain that a considerable number of the turbulent settlers looked upon 
him as their chief, and his party grew stronger and stronger. Enciso was 
thrown into prison, and finally sent back to Spain, along with the alcalde, 
who had been an ally of Balboa, but had turned from him. This seems to 
have been the end of the party which favored some other ruler than NuneZo 




The AxTKMnKD Escape. 



(2GC) 



I 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 267 

It was thus that he became the governor of the colony ; and he strengthened 
his authority by increasing the safety and convenience of those under him. 
He made many journeys into the surrounding country, securing the friendship 
of the neighboring caciques, and making a sort of treaty now with this tribe, 
and now with that, by which his followers could trade to advantage with the 
natives. 

But he was anxious to obtain the royal favor; and he knew that there was 
no surer path to it than the discovery of great mineral w^ealth in this New 
World. He learned that the province of Coyba was particularly rich; and 
dispatched seven of his men on a journey thither to spy out the land. The 
leader of this expedition was no other than Francisco Pizarro, afterwards 
famous as the conqueror of Peru. 

The situation of the colony is not laid down on any modern map, but it may 
easily be placed by means of the river Atrato, which empties into the Gulf of 
Darien, after flowing northward through the United States of Columbia. 
A short distance to the northwest is the Darien River, and at the mouth of 
this smaller stream was the town. The province of Coyba, which probably 
took its name from the cacique, is supposed to have been between the Atrato 
and the Darien, and might be reached by sea, or by ascending either river. 

Pizarro and his companions chose to ascend the smaller stream, following 
its course very closely, although they traveled by land. They had not gono 
far, however, when a host of savages rushed upon them from the thickets, 
uttering the savage yells which formed their war-cry, and assailing the white 
men with showers of arrows and stones. Pizarro ordered his men to draw 
closer together; and at the word of command the seven mail-clad Spaniards 
rushed into the midst of the host of naked, yelling savages, and slashed right 
and left with their well-tempered swords. The Indians, unused to such 
weapons — for they had no iron — shrank before the assault, and such as were 
not slain or severely wounded fled. But although the victory had been thus 
won, the Spaniards were not sure of being able to hold their own another time ; 
this might be but the advance guard of a great army; and six of them pru 
dently retreated. 

" Where is your comrade?" demanded Balboa, sternly, when they reported 
themselves; " there were six men under your command, Pizarro," 

They were obliged to confess that they had retreated in such haste that 
they had left their wounded comrade on the field of battle; and the governor, 
shocked at the peril of one of their own race among the savages who had 
proved themselves so hostile, instantly ordered them to return and bring the 
wounded man to the settlement. It was done; and the Spaniards learned 
anew the lesson that the governor whom they had chosen would guard their 
interests and protect them, even against each other. 

But he was not thus to be deterred from reaching Coyba, where wealth was 



268 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACiriO OCEAN. 

to bo foiiiul in such abundanco. lie led an (>xi)i>(li(i()ii liiinself after that 
small one luulcr Pizarro's coiimiand had failed, and the journey Avas nuide by 
sea. The territories of the cacique Ponca lay between the sea and those of 
Coyba; him Balboa attacked, and defeated disastrously ; so that the Spaniards 
were enabled to carry away much booty with them. He then paid a friendly 
visit to Comagrc, the chief of the adjoining province. 

Comagre came out in state to receive him, escorted by seven of his sons, 
and followed by his principal warriors and a multitude of his people. The 
Spaniards Avere conducted to the village with much ceremony; dwellings were 
a!>signed them; provisions in plenty were brought to them; and men and 
women were appointed to attend upon them. 

The province, as they called it, which formed the country over which this 
cacique ruled, was about twelve miles in area, and extended, as a beautiful 
plain, from the foot of a lofty mountain almost to the sea. The huts of the 
people were of the same general character as those with which they had pre- 
viously been familiar; but the dwelling of the cacique himself was larger and 
better finished than any othei* native building that they had seen. 

The eldest son of the cacique, in common with his father, brothers, and 
others of the tribe, brought various presents to the strangers; the remarkable 
thing about the gifts that he brought was that they were largely of gold — 
about four thousand ounces in all. Besides the ornaments of the precious 
metals which he bestowed upon his father's guests, he offered sixty slaves 
which he had taken in war. But the Spaniards evidently preferred the yellow 
ornaments to all other things brought to them. 

The young Indian watched them in wonder; for to him, there were many 
things more valuable; he would readily have given much more gold than this 
for one of the keen-edged swords which the Spaniards carried at their side; 
or for one of those wonderful tubes which spoke in thunder and lightning, 
and enemies died at the sight of the lightning; or even for a couple of those 
axes which cut wood so much more readily than the sharpest-edged piece of 
stone or copper which he possessed. And this strange desire for the yellow 
metal made even the governor forget his dignity, for he quarreled o})enly with 
his followers about the division of it. 

The Spaniards had brought scales with them, and were weighing out the 
gold for division when the quarrel took place. The young ])arbarian struck 
the scales with his fist, so that the glittering ornaments were scattered around 
the rude apartment; and exclaimed: — 

'' If this is what you prize so much that you leave your far-off houu\^, and 
even risk your lives for it, I can tell you of a land Avhere they eat and drink 
out of golden vessels, and gold is as common as iron is with you." 

Did a Spaniard of the time need more, to inflame his mind with the wildest 
dreams of riches untold? Balboa instantly turned from the treasure that 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVKKKR OF TIIK rACIFIC OCKAN. 269 

HOW .seemed so triflitig, and listened eagerly to all that the young chief had to 
say. All the infonnation which he had had been derived from captives taken in 
war; but it was most cheerfully rehearsed to the greedily listening white men. 
Balboa and his men at once returned to the settlement, and a messenger 
was dispatched to Don Diego Columbus, who Avas again high in authority on 
the island of Jlispaniola, apprising him of what had been 'learned. The 
members of the family of the great Admiral had now regained something of 
the influence which he ought to have possessed, but which had been lost to 
him in the last years of his life; and Balboa entreated Don Diego to use his 
influence with the King to obtain a force of a thousand men for the enterprise 
which promised so rich a reward. Fifteen thousand crowns in gold— equi- 
valent to about fifty thousand dollars of United States money at the present 
day— were sent as the share of the Crown of what had already been ob- 
tained. Having sent this appeal for assistance, with an earnest of what might 
be procured, Ball)oa prepanul for the expedition by making a minute examina- 
tion of the surrounding country; during the course of which he secured many 
captives and much booty. 

But he does not seem to have retained the allegiance of his followers; few 
of the Spanish-American governors ever did. The adventurers who came to 
this continent, especially at the first, wv.re men who were both poor and 
proud; they could brook no authority but that of the King, and they had left 
their own country partly to be free from the direct exercise of the royal 
power. Added to this, they were too proud and lazy to work, but expected 
to be made immensely wealthy in an exceedingly short time. They resented, 
then, any interference of the governor in their dealings with the natives; 
they looked upon the Indians as created especially to serve them; and these 
savages certainly had no rights which a white man, particularly a Castilian 
hidalgo, was bound to respect. Added to all these qualities and opinions, 
they were fierce and quarrelsome among themselves. It is difficult to inuigine 
men whom it would be harder to govern, were the governor endowed with 
the wisdom of Solomon and the patience of Job. 

Balboa had neither; there is nothing to show that he was one whit better 
than his conn-adcs, who had become his subordinates. He regarded the 
natives as heathen savages, whom a Christian soldier might rob with impunity, 
if only he were sure of getting off safely with his booty. When he made 
treaties with the various tribes near his town, it was because the Indians were 
too numerous and too widely allied to be extinguished; and friendly inter- 
course was more convenient than constant war. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, in 
spite of his sounding titles, his glittering armor, his romantic history, was 
simply an unprincipled adventurer who did not pay his debts, who robbed all 
whom he safely could, and who did not hesitate to enslave the natives of the 
province which he was chosen, by the voice of his companions, to govern. 



270 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE TACIFIC OCEAN. 

Such is his character, when divested of the hah) which the hi})sc of nearly 
four centuries has hung about it. 

With a governor of this kind, and people of this kind, it is small wonder 
that there were dissensions. Into the details of these dissensions we need 
not enter; it is enough that his followers all but rebelled against his authority. 
In the very midst of the discontent, the vessels from San Domingo arrived. 
There w^as a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty men, provisions for all, 
and a conmiission for the governor, signed by the royal treasurer of the island, 
appointing Don Vasco Nunez dc Balboa Captain-General of the colony. This 
seems to have been the first official recognition of thedignity to which Balboa 
had, by the suffrages of his companions, obtained, and from which, to judge 
by the accounts of their rebellious proceedings just before the arrival of the 
ships, he had been very nearly deposed. 

The number of men sent was of course nuich less than the num])er that he 
had asked for; but these came promptly from among those who were on the 
island, while it would require three or four months to communicate his request 
to the King and receive an answer. Balboa determined to make the best of 
it, and while he was waiting for the larger force, to employ the smaller body 
of men in the proposed enterprise. Collecting all the followers that he could, 
he manned a brigantine and nine canoes, and set out. 

Reaching that part of the coast known as Coyba, he left half his force to 
guard these vessels, and with the other half proceeded to the mountains. 
We can scarcely realize the difficulty which they exi^erienced in climbing 
these heights, under the burning heat of the tropical sun, with the vapors 
from the teeming soil rising thick around them, weighed down by their heavy 
armor and w^eapons, and scarcely able to force their way through the dense 
growth of the forests. But the Spaniards were in search of a gold-producing 
country, and could endure much; so they pressed the Indians into service, to 
carry their l)ur<lens, and to guide them through the wilderness. 

On arriving at the village of that chief whom they had attacked and defeated 
at the time of the previous expedition, they found that the Indians of this 
tribe had fled to the mountains. Their retreat was soon discovered, however ; 
and Balboa made friends with the cacique to such an extent that the Indian 
told him all that he knew of the riches of the surrounding country. He con- 
fidently assured him that there was a great sea beyond the mountains, and 
gave him many golden ornaments brought from the countries on its borders. 
He assured the stranger that when he had reached the sumnn't of a lofty 
ridge, wdiich he pointed out, he would see this great body of water far 
below him. 

jNIany of the Indians who had served as guides and bearers were completely 
worn out by the fatigues which they had endured, and it was necessary to find 
others to take their places. These were furnished by the cacique, Avho seems 



I 



BALBOA, THE DISC0VP:RER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 271 

to have been anxious to got the white men away from his people at any cost. 
The country was rocky, the forests matted with heavy vines; and there were 
many streams which they could cross only by means of rafts. 

At the end of four days' journey, they reached the territory of a cacique 
named Quaraqua, who was at war with the iirst who had proved so friendly. 
With a large force of warriors, he attacked the Spaniard with great fury, ex- 
pecting to turn them back from his dominions by this single battle. He had 
reckoned without his host, however; he knew nothing of the effect of fire- 
arms; and the discharge of their few guns produced the usual effect upon the 
savages. As they scattered and fled in terror, the Spaniards pursued them, 
unloosing the huge blood-hounds that accompanied them, and cheering these 
dreadful beasts on after their human game. Quaraqua and six hundred of 
his warriors were slain, and very many taken prisoners. 

But, although the ascent of the mountain, from the summit of which they 
were to behold this wonderful sea, was right before then), the Spaniards were 
too exhausted by the battle to push on that mght. One who has read any- 
thing of their countrymen in the New World cannot but suspect, however, 
that they would not have been so tired out had they not found a considerable 
quantity of gold and jewels in the village of the dead cacique. To divide this 
booty so that each would get his due share, was a work of some difficulty, re- 
quiring time; and each one was afraid to start off before the division had been 
made, lest he should not receive all that was his due. 

The morning dawned. It was the 25th of September, 1513. They began 
their wearisome march up the side of the mountain early, though with dimin- 
ished numbers; for but sixty-seven of the original force had seemed equal 
to the exertion that would be required. By ten o'clock, only the last stretch 
in the ascent remained; and bidding his men remain where they were, Balboa 
pressed forward and upward, alone. 

Never did a grander prospect meet the eye of man ; from the rocky coast, 
where the mountains stretched to either side far as the eye could see, extended 
that vast sweep of ocean, bounded only by the sky. To what distant shore it 
reached, who could say? Did the discoverer dream that between him and 
the nearest point of the continent to be reached by sailing across that ocean, 
there lay nearly one-half the circumference of the globe? 

In accordance with that beautiful custom of these ancient discoverers — 
beautiful, no matter how their other actions may have taught us to question 
the worth of their devotion — Balboa fell upon his knees, and returned thanks 
to God for having permitted him to make a discovery so beneficial to his 
country and so honorable to himself. His followers, eagerly watching his 
actions from below, could no longer restrain themselves, but rushed upward 
to the summit of the mountain, and joined in his thanksgivings. 

Thus encouraged by the sight of the sea across which they were to sail to 



272 liALHOA, TIIK DlSCOVF<:UKR OF TIIIO I'ACIFIC OCKAN. 

tlu; laiul of l)(>uii{lless wcaltli, Iho udventurcrs, r);ill)();i lit tlio hciul, hastened 
<lo\vii Iho, wfistoi'ii sh)po of the nioiintnin, mid reached th(^ eoastof the Pacific. 
AVitli the guMtest enthusiasm Balboa picssod foiwaid into the water; 
and hohliug ah>ft his snoid, wlidc his h'ft h.md l)()ic the btandard, as 




Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean. 

if he were all ready for the combat, claimed the ocean, and all that it contained, 
for the sovereign of Castile; and declared that he would make good that claim 
against any that should dare to dispute it, be ho Christian or Intidel. It was 
a splendid vaunt; but Balboa, though he didnotknowtheextentof this ocean, 
though he did not dream of the vast area he was claiming, doubtless meant 
every word that he said; he would, indeed, have defended this claim with his 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 273 

life, for those old Spaniards, whatever their faults, were not lacking in cour- 

The point from which he beheld the Pacific for the first time is a little cast 
of Panama; the trend of the coast there is from east to west, so that the 
ocean seemed to stretch far away to the south. Because of this, and because 
he did not realize that he stood on a narrow neckof land connecting two con- 
tinents, he named this the South Sea — a name which it long retained, partic- 
ularly in connection with the islands of Australasia. 

He explored the coast for some distance, being well received by the caciques 
of various tribes, who had probably heard, from other Indians, of the wdiite 
men who had come from across the eastern ocean. He extorted provisions 
and gold from some of these by force; others brought their tribute voluntar- 
ily; and he learned from the reports of all, with much satisfaction, that the 
pearl oyster abounded in the ne\y]y-f ound sea. 

But this was not all. He questioned them regarding that wonderfully rich 
country of Avhich he had before heard, and in search of which he had found 
the Pacific Ocean. They all agreed in the information that such a country 
lay at aconsiderable distance toward the southeast; and some of them added 
that the inhal)itants used as a beast of burden a certain animal which they 
had tamed for the purpose. An Indian artist attempted to draw the figure of 
a llama, which the Peruvians had actually taught to perform such services as 
the horse and ox render us; but either his art was at fault, or the imagination 
of the Spaniards was too lively; they mistook it for a camel, and at once 
concluded that they were on the direct route to the most wealthy regions of 
India. 

But impatient as he was to find this long-sought country, which always lay 
just before the feet of Columbus, Balboa realized that it would be the height 
of folly for him to attempt the journey with his handful of men, worn out 
by fatigue and the diseases which are so apt to beset Europeans in that ener- 
vating climate. He determined to return to the settlement, and, the follow- 
ing season, to come here again with a fresher force, better prepared for the 
enterprise. In order to acquire a better knowledge of the isthmus, he chose 
for his return a route entirely different from that by which he had advanced; 
l)ut it was fully as ditficult and dangerous as the other. The adventurers, 
however, were elated with their success; and the homeward journey was per- 
formed in much less time than the outward one had required. They reached 
Santa JNIaria, after an absence of four months, " with much more honor and 
treasure," says the old chronicle, "than the Spaniards had previously ac- 
quired." 

Balboa's first duty was of course to report the consequences of his expedi- 
tion to the King. It may be imagined with what satisfaction he did this, 
when we read that, "the first account of the discovery of the New World 



274 BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

hardly occasioned greater joy than the unexpected tidings that a passage was 
at last found to the great Southern Ocean." The Spanish authorities imag- 
ined that they had now acquired every advantage for which they had hoped 
for so long; Portugal, as we have seen, had been given all the unsettled ter- 
ritories east of a certain longitude; Spain, all that lay to the west. But this 
barred Spain from using that path to the Indies, shorter and safer than any 
known of old, whichVasco da Gama discovered when he rounded the Cape of 
Good Hope. What Spain had been wishing for, ever since the first voyage of 
Columbus, was to find a passage to India across the western ocean, and thus 
be enabled to share in the trade of these opulent countries of the far east. 

What the Spaniards did not know, was that to the south and the north of 
the isthmus lay a continent; that the southern one could only be circumnavi- 
gated by a long and dangerous voyage, and that the northern one stretched so 
close to the pole that it was practically impossible to find a passage around it 
to the Pacific; that the crossing of the isthmus would be a matter of difficulty 
for more than two hundred and fifty years, and that the close of the nine- 
teenth century would scarcely see a ship-canal cut across it. 

Jubilant in his ignorance, Ferdinand of Arragon was willing to grant all 
that Balboa asked as preparation for an expedition to this golden land. It 
was reported that in that country men had only to throw their nets in the sea 
and they would draw up gold ; and it was necessary to restrain the numbers 
who would have flocked to the standard of the leader on such an enterprise; 
and to limit to fifteen hundred the force which, it had originally been de- 
termined, should consist of twelve hundred men. 

Who was to be the leader in this expedition? Who could it be but Balboa? 
In common justice, the man who had discovered the path should be allowed 
to follow it, at the head of those who would seek the golden country; but 
Ferdinand and Fonseca were not bound by common justice. Fonseca was 
bitterly opposed to any man who distinguished himself in the New World; 
Ferdinand was always ready to reduce too ambitious a subject to the common 
level by subjecting him to disappointment and mortification. No notice was 
taken of Balboa; but Don Pedro Arias de Avila was appointed Governor of 
the Colony of Darien, and leader of the expedition which had been fitted 
out. 

Fifteen vessels, fitted out with a liberality which Ferdinand had never be- 
fore displayed in equipping any armament for the Now World, conveyed the 
new governor to the scene of his authority. Immediately upon his arrival, 
Avila sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa of his 
arrival. 

They found the discoverer wearing a dress very different from that which 
they had expected to see; they had supposed that the Governor of Darien, 
who had discovered this rich country, would be habited as became a knight 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 275 

and noble of high station and great wealth. The meanest peasant could 
scarcely find a coarser garb than his canvas jacket and hempen sandals; and 
he was busily engaged in helping some Indians thatch his own hut with 
reeds. 

We may imagine that the officers were somewhat reluctant to deliver their 
message to a man so clothed and so employed; but when once it had been de- 
livered, they perceived from the bearing of Balboa that he was indeed the 
gentleman, in manners as well as in birth, and fitted to receive an envoy from 
the delegate of a king. 

So many adventurers had been attracted to his standard by the news of his 
success, that Balboa now found himself at the head of a body of four hundred 
and fifty men ; and when it is considered that these were all veterans in the 
service of theNevv World, while the newcomers were unused to its hardships 
and dangers, we may see the truth in the historian's statement that his force 
was fully a match for Avila's. 

These men murmured loudly at the injustice of the King in superseding 
their governor, and sending an untried man to lead the expedition which was 
so sure to confer honor and riches on its chief ; but Balboa repressed these 
complaints as far as possible, and received Avila wnth all the deference that 
was due to the office which he held. 

Avila repaid this generous moderation by ordering an immediate judicial 
inquiry into Balboa's conduct, as governor of the colony, and imposed a 
considerable fine upon him when this inquiry revealed that he was, according 
to Avila's ideas, guilty of some irregularities. Of course, Balboa was not 
now disposed to submit as unquestionably to Avila as he had been at first; 
he considered that the courtesy with which he had received the new governor 
should have met with some requital ; and he did not relish being tried as an 
offender where he had once been judge. Soon two parties were formed; one, 
of those who had come out with Avila; and the other, of the old inhabitants 
of the colony and those adventurers who had been attracted to it by the fame 
of Balljoa. ' 

The dissensions were not decreased by the common misfortunes which they 
were soon called upon to endure. A terrible plague, according to the old 
writers, raged among them; what was the nature of this epidemic, modern 
science cannot judge from the accounts that remain; provisions began to 
grow scarce; and, in the space of one month, six hundred persons perished 
from the pestilence and the famine. Many of those who had come out to 
find wealth, seeing that they were more likely to find a grave, asked to be 
allowed to return to Spain, and a deep despair seemed to brood over all. 

In order to avert a general collapse of the expedition which had been fitted 
out at such expense, Avila sent several small parties out to explore the sur- 
rounding country, and levy what gold thev could from the Indians. These 
18 



276 HALBOA, THE DISCOVEUER OF THE rAClFIC OCEAN. 

parties proved cruel and rapacious, as far as the natives were concerned ; and 
plundered without distinction wherever they marched. 

Balboa had made treaties with several of the neighboring caciques, in order 
to assure the safety of the colony; but these w^ere utterly ignored by the new- 
comers. Kegardless of every consideration, they ravaged the country from 
the Gulf of Darien to Lake Nicaragua; and, by this desolation of their terri- 
tory, made bitter enemies of the natives wdio were able to escape their 
swords. 

Balboa saw with nuich concern the violation of the treaties Avhich he had 
taken much pains to make, in the hope that they would make it much easier 
for him to explore the golden shores of the South Sea; and sent some very 
earnest remonstrances home to Spain. The same vessel which bore this ac- 
count of the ruin of a prosperous colony, bore also Avila's complaint that 
Balboa had deceived the King by magnifying his own exploits and by falsely 
representing the riches of the country. 

But Ferdinand preferred to believe Balboa, because Balboa promised more 
gold than Avila did; and by way of making some redress of the injury indicted 
by appointing a stranger to the command so well earned, appointed the for- 
mer Governor of Darien Adclantado oft he Countries on the South Sea ; grant- 
ing very extensive privileges with the title. At the same time that this 
commission was issued, he sent instructions to Avila to support Balboa in all 
his operations, and to consult with him regarding every measure which he 
himself proposed to undertake. 

But Avila was four thousand miles away from Spain, and the royal nuindate 
failed to make him any more friendly to Balboa. He did not do anything 
Avhich could be directly reported to the King; he simply let Balboa alone; 
and as the hitter had exhausted his stock of money in paying the line and 
other exactions of Avila, he could not make suitable preparations for taking 
possession of his new government. 

Finally, however, the Bishop of Darien — for by this time there were sev- 
eral bishops of the New World — nuide peace between the two; and a mar- 
riage was arranged between Balboa and one of the daughters of Avila. For 
a while, everything seemed to go on smoothly; Balboa made several expedi- 
tions into the surrounding country, wdiero he was able to undo much of the 
mischief that had been done by the recent raids. Many adventurers now 
flocked to his standard again, and with the aid of Avila he began to prepare 
for his expedition to the South Sea. 

For this purpose it was necessary to build the vessels which would be needed 
for the transportation of his men; and with almost infinite difficulty the ob- 
stacles in the way were surmounted, and four brigantines launched upon the 
Pacific. Three hundred men had been chosen from among those who were 
anxious to accompany him, and he was all ready to sail for Peru. 



BALBOA, THE DISCOVEKEK OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 277 

But, although Avihi hud seemed to yield so completely, and to ally himself so 
closely with Balboa, there was nothing that could efface his old hatred and 
jealousy of the man. Ho feared that if Ball)oa succeeded, evil would come 
to him; for lie knew that he had deci)ly injured his son-in-law, and he could 
not understand how any one should forgive or forget such injuries. 

He accordingly sent him a message, which sounded very friendly, asking 
him to postpone his voyage for a little while, and come to Atla, as he partic- 
ularly wished to see him about something of importance. Balboa, thinking 
no evil, went; but, as soon as he entered the place, was arrested by order of 
Avila. 

Judges were immediately appointed, and the trial began. Balboa was ac- 
cused of disloyalty to the King, and of an intention to revolt against the au- 
thority of Avila. There seems to have been no foundation for these charges, 
except Avila's jealous fears that, should Ball)oa succeed in establishing his 
governmenton the shores of the South Sea, he might aim at in(k»pendence of 
the Governor of Darien. 

When the judges were appointed by a nuin like Avila, who entertained 
such deep hatred for the accused, there could be snudl doubt as to the re- 
sult of the trial. Balboa was found guilty, and sentence of death was pro- 
nounced. Yet so strong was the evidence of his innocence that the very 
judges who found him guilty Avarmly interceded for his pardon; it is probable 
that his offense, whatever it was, consisted merely of some hasty, impatient 
expression, which was not really meant by him, and the judges who could not 
disregard it entirely saw that it had only been brought forward l)y personal 
hatred. 

But the petition for pardon was made to Avila, who had determined upon 
his death before the trial had begun ; and although the judges were seconded 
by the whole colony, ho was not to be moved from his j^urpose, and Balboa 
was publicly executed. With him died the expedition which he was to have 
led. 

Notwithstanding this flagrant violation of his office, Avila not only escaped 
punishment, but, through the inlluence of Fonseca, was continued in full 
power. He soon afterward obtained permission to remove the colony from 
Santa Maria to Panama on the opposite side of the isthmus; the reason al- 
leged being the superior healthfulness of the western coast. There was not 
much gained in this respect; but the fact that the settlement was located on 
the western shore gave the Spaniards some advantages in future expeditions. 

And thus ends the story of Don Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of 
the Pacific Ocean, and of his deadly enemy, Don Pedro Arias de Avila. 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 



^URING the latter half of the fifteenth century, there lived a noble 
family named INIagelhaes, at Villa de Sabroza, about the center of that 
part of Portugal which lies north of the Douro River. Here there 
was born, about the year 1470, a son who was christened Fernao; but whose 
name has been changed into that which is more familiar to our ears, Ferdinand 
Magellan. 

He seems to have spent his boyhood as a page in the train of Queen Leo- 
nora, the wife of that King John of Portugal, who served Columbus such a 
shabby trick. The position of page in those days was equivalent to going to 
boarding-school now; for the nobleman in whose household these boys of 
other nobles were placed, was expected to provide them with such instruction 
as was necessary for the education of a gentleman ; they were taught some- 
thing of the history of their own country, perhaps of others; they learned a 
little Latin, enough to enable them to understand the Church services; they 
may have been taught to read and write; probably at the time of young 
Magellan they did receive such instruction; and they had plenty of teaching 
and exercise in those manly arts which were practiced by all but the peasants 
whose labor left them no time for recreation. In the train of a queen, the 
youth would certainly be a companion of the sons of high-born nobles, and 
would receive instruction from the best teachers that could be found; and 
Avhile every noble who had pages in his household was expected to exert his 
influence to secure them preferment when they arrived at manhood, it would 
be very easy for the Queen to obtain whatever her proteges most desired. 

In this account of the life of pages in medieval times, it must be remem- 
bered that the educating of these youths was not undertaken from any disin- 
terested motive. There was quite a rivalry among those of similar rank as to 
the size of their respective households; and it was usual for the boy's father 
to pay a fee to the noble who took him under his protection. Thus, we see 
these great households of counts and barons were like the modern ])oarding- 
schools in more than one particular. 

There was but one direction in which Portuguese youths of the end of the 

(278) 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 



279 



fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries desired advancement; the 
whole nation was mad about the sea and the exploration of its coasts. The 
discovery of a route to the Indies, as it was thought, by a mariner in the 
service of Spain, had awakened national jealousy anew; and Portugal was 
more than ever determined to prosecute her explorations of the African 
coast, and to find a way to the Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. This had 
not yet been accomplished by the time that young Magellan was seeking to 
engage in active life; but we have no record of any part that he took in the 
various expeditions which preceded and followed thatded by Vasco da Gama. 




Ferdixaxd Magellan. 



In 1503, Alphonso de Albuquerque, afterward surnamed the Great, was 
commissioned Viceroy of the Indies ; and doubtless by the influence of his 
royal patroness, Magellan, now in the very prime of life, was named as or.e 



2«0 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACiriC. 



of those who wore to accompany him to his viceroyalty. Goa was conquered, 
and made the scat of government; and before long, the authority of the King 
of Portugal was enforced from the Suuda Islands to the Persian Gulf. It is 
related that the Shah of Persia, learning of the approach of the strangers, 
sent a messenger to demand tribute from their master, the King of Portugal. 




Albuquerqite Sexds Tributi': to 



SiiAii or Persia. 



Albuquerque returned answer that he would send the required tribute, of such 
nature as the King of Portugal was accustomed to pay; and he thereupon 
sent a quantity of cannon-balls, shells, and swords, as the only coin in which 
he would render such homage. 



MAGELLAN, THE DLSCOVERER OE THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 281 

Such was the man under whom Magellan served his apprenticeship; nor 
could he have found one who was better calculated to train him for what he 
was to do. While Albuquerque maintained a strict military discipline among 
his followers, he was wise, humane, and just in his dealings with them; he 
made his country's name profoundly respected in the east; and many poten- 
tates, when they saw how he reduced others to submission, voluntarily sought 
the protection and alliance of Portugal. Long after he was dead, the sub- 
jects of his successors were accustomed to resort to his grave, there to pray 
for his protection against the tyranny to which they were subjected. Only a 
truly great man could rule the turbulent adventurers of that time; but 
Albuquerque did his work thoroughly. 

But the great man did not reap the just reward of his services. The envy 
of courtiers caused him to be superseded by King John's successor, Emmanuel; 
and a personal enemy was appointed to his office of viceroy. It was in vain 
that the Persian ruler tempted him, by offers of high military position, to re- 
bel against the ingratitude of his sovereign; he accepted the decision calmly, 
and made ready to return to Portugal. But he was deeply affected by the 
disgrace which he had undeservedly suffered, and died at sea on the way 
home. 

This was in 1515. The King appeared heartily to regret what he had done, 
and heaped honors upon the son of the dead viceroy. Magellan had earned 
distinction in the Indies, and thought that, since the King was rewarding Al- 
buquerque's services thus tardily, his own mightmeet with some recompense. 
But he did not meet with the recognition which he expected ; and, in company 
with Ruy Falero, who had earned some reputation as a geographer and astrono- 
mer, he determined to follow the example of Columbus, and seek at the court 
of Spain that opportunity for enterprise which was denied him in Portugal. 

Charles v., the great Emperor, the grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
was then King of Spain, as well as monarch of Austria; one crown being his 
by right of his mother, w^iile he was ruler of Austria by inheritance from his 
father, and Emperor by election. Before him the two adventurers laid the 
project which had been ignored at the court of Portugal. 

This was nothing else than a scheme for reaching the Moluccas by sailing 
to the west; substantially the same as the original idea of Columbus, but now 
shown to be fraught with much more danger and difficulty than he, supposing 
the globe to be so much smaller and Asia to be so much larger than is actually 
the case, had thought must be dared in attempting to reach the east by way of 
the west. It was now clearly understood that Columbus had not reached India, 
but had discovered a new continent; and it was seen with equal clearness by 
these two adventurers, that his original intention might yet be carried out. 

The Pope had fixed a limit beyond which the Portuguese might not venture, 
and east of which the Spaniards dared not pause. The latter nation, then, 



282 MAGELLAN," THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

could not follow in the track of the Portuguese, but it could strike out yet 
farther in the path which Columbus had marked out; and, although reaching 
the east by this route, they might trespass on Portuguese territory, yet there 
was no fixed boundary on that side at which they must cease to explore, and 
thoy might assert their right as fully equal to that of Portugal. 

The Emperor heard the project with favor; and was easily convinced that 
whatever the Portuguese might have conquered and settled, they had no 
shadow of claim to the Molucca and Banda Islands, famous for their spices. 
lie granted their petition, and five ships were fitted out for the expedition. 
Their crews numbered two hundred and thirty-seven men, and Magellan was 
duly commissioned admiral of the squadron. 

August 10, 1519, they left Seville, arriving at Teneriffe Sept. 26. From this 
point they kept close to the shore of Africa, until they reached the northeas- 
tern i)art of the Gulf of Guinea: and here, for seventy days, the vessel lay, 
"As idle as a painted ship 
Upon a painted ocean ;" 

waiting for a favorable wind to break the dead calm and waft them across the 
line. Here, the old chronicler notes as if it were indeed a remarkable thing, 
instead of being a necessary accompaniment of their being south of the 
equator, they lost sight of the North Star. Guided by those stars which the 
voyages of recent travelers had made only partially known to them, they con- 
tinued to coast for some distance along the western shore of the Dark Conti- 
nent, until the direction of the wind and the apparent current in the ocean 
made it practicable for them to attempt the crossing of the Atlantic. 

The southeast trade-winds and the South Equatorial current combined to 
give them a safe and easy passage to the coast of Brazil; which they reached 
at a point near the site of the present city of Pernambuco; from there they 
continued in a southerly direction, along the coast, not landing until they 
reached a point a little south of Bio Janeiro. Tliis land was inhabited by 
cannibals, declared the accounts given of the voyage; but the Spaniards were 
not swift of foot enough to catch them. One of them, who was plainly de- 
scried from the ships, had "the stature of a giant and the voice of a bull," 
but even this Goliath dared not face the white strangers. 

In this country they found a large fresh water river, the mouth of which 
was seventeen leagues across, dotted with seven islands. It is difficult to say 
what stream is here described, as they were much too far north for the Rio 
de la Plata; but they asserted that on one of these islands they had found 
precious stones, and their statements were not questioned. 

We need not stop with them at another island where they discovered such 
plenty of seals and penguins, enough to have filled the five ships, had they 
have been minded to devote a day or so to the sport of killing them; jjer- 
haps, had the seal fisheries been then a subject for the negotiations of states- 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 



283 



men, they might have thought it worth their while to improve tliis opportu- 
nity of securing such a quantity of skins. 

They spent two months on the coast of Patagonia in hititude 49 1-2 degrees. 
Here, says the ancient account, they saw no human creature except a giant, 
who came to the haven dancing, singing, and throwing dust over his head. 
Magellan at once sent one of his men ashore to coax the giant to the island 
where he had landed. The sailor made signs of peace, which seemed to be 
understood and answered by the savage. The giant needed no persuasion to 
enterthe boat and go to the island, where he made gestures indicating his be- 
lief that the white strangers 
had come from heaven. Such 
was the belief among all the 
native tribes, regarding these 
first explorers and settlers of 
their continent; bitter experi- 
ence taught them that the ac- 
tions of the strangers were f ai 
from being directed by heaven. 

" He was so very tall, that 
the head of a middling-sized 
man reached only to his waist; 
he was corpulent and well-pro- 
portioned ; his visage was large, 
and painted with different col- 
ors, principally with yellow; 
there were red circles about his 
eyes, and somethinglike a heart 
was figured on each cheek ; h\>> 
hair was colored white, and hi> 
apparel was the skin of some 
beast hiced together, the head 
of which appeared to have 
been very large ; it had ears 
like a mule, a body like a camel, 
and the tail of a horse; the 
skin of it was wrapped about 
his f eetin the manner of shoes ; 
in his hand was a short thick 
bow, and a bundle of arrows, 
made of reeds and pointed Avith 
sharp stones, and feathered a 
ours generally are. 




Tin: ^A^•A< :i;.s' Fii;>r I.ook inio 

The Admiral made him eat and drink, after which he 



284 MAOKLLAN, TIIIO DISCOVEKKR OK TIFK SOI TIE TACIFIC. 

presented liiin with banks' Ix'lls, a conil), some glass beads, and other triHing 
things; but i)articuhirly a looking-glass, in which he had no sooner perceived 
his own horrid appearance, than he started back, as if affrighted, with such 
violence that he threw down a w^onian standing near him." 

Another account, equally to be believed, says that his start btickwai'd at 
beholding himself in the mirror was so violent and unexpected that he 
knocked down two men ; but such little differences as these are not to be re- 
garded in these old chronicles of voyages to strange lands. The passage just 
quoted is in a work which is entitled " A Compendium of Authentic and En- 
tertaining Voyages." The present writer suspects that some of these are 
authentic and some are entertaining; and that this account of the giant belongs 
to the second of these two classes. 

Not content with the account of one giant, the chroniclers go on to narrate 
that the next day a man of still greater stature came to visit the white men ; 
being, like most giants, good-natured and pleasant in disposition. He amused 
them much with his singing and dancing, and remained among them for some 
time. The sailors gave him the name of John; and some of the more de- 
vout among them taught him to pronounce the words Jesus and Ave Maria. 
The Admiral made him a present of various articles of clothing and some of 
thfe trifles which were always so pleasing to the savages; and he in return 
brought one of the skins which he and the former visitor wore in place of 
other clothing. 

This giant mysteriously disappeared, after bringing the skin ; and the sail- 
ors came to the conclusion that his countrymen had made way with him be- 
cause of the friendship which he had showed the new-comers. But if this 
were the case, his fate did not deter others from coming to visit the vessels; 
four others came some two weeks late", having hid their bows and arrows in 
the bushes. The sailors resolved to take them on board if possible, and for 
that purpose, after the savages had been presented with beads, bells, and 
similar trifles, iron shackles were put around their legs, as if for ornaments. 
As in the case of the island cacique whose story has already been told, the 
two Indians prof essed great delight with the shining bands of metal; and it 
was not until they were ready to leave the vessels that the trick was discov- 
ered by them. 

" The two others would have assisted them in their burdens, but were pre- 
vented; when they found their legs fast, they began to suspect some deceit, 
roared as loud as bulls, and implored the assistance of the great devil Sete- 
bos. They were put onboard of different ships; it w^as impossible to seize 
upon the other two; one of them was with muchdifKculty borne down by nine 
of the sailors, and his hands bound, but he soon burst the restriction, started 
up and fled; nor was his companion far ])ehindhim; they were pursued, and 
one of Magellan's men was wounded by one of their arrows." 



J\IA(iKIJ:AN, THK DISCOVEKER OF THE SOLTll PACIFIC. 



285 



The writer does not inteiul to inilitt any more giants, for the present at 
least, upon the patience of the reader. The above is merely given to show the 
foundation for the belief that prevailed for many years, that the Indians of 
the most southern part of South America were of gigantic size; and that the 
expression " Of Patagonian stature" meant far more than the average 
height. 




Magellan Punishes Mutiny. 
We have seen by the description of their costume that their feet were cov- 
ered with skins; this, of course, was clumsily done, so that the shapeliness 
of the foot was not apparent. Magellan called these people, then, Patagon- 
ians, from the Portuguese word pafa, which means a hoof or paw. 



286 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

During the two nioiiths that they spent here, the travelers made many ob- 
servations regarding tlie customs of these people; but we cannot be sure that 
these are not exaggerated, like their accounts of the size of the warriors. 
Among other things, they said that the Patagonian cure for headache is a cut 
across the forehead, causing an emission of blood; and pains in the other 
members are supposed to be cured by similar means. However prevalent 
disease may have been among them at times, there was nothing the matter 
with the ai)petites of those who visited Magellan ; for it is recorded that one 
of them would eat a basket of ship-biscuit at a meal, and drink a bucket 
of water at a draught. 

We now return to more serious things than the descriptions which thetrav- 
elers gave of the strange lands and peoples which they had seen. While the 
ships were thus laid up for the winter, the men became discontented and 
homesick. They petitioned the commander to return to Spain; but this he 
sternly refused to do. As the weeks went on, some of the most discon- 
tented neglected their duties; and, without any thought of what they had 
asked of him, the Admiral sentenced them to the punishments wdiich he con- 
sidered were fitting. Whether or not these punishments were excessive, it 
is impossible now to determine; probably they were not, according to the 
ideas of the time; but Magellan appeared the cruel tyrant to those who were 
so anxious to return to Spain, and who had suffered the result of their own 
neglect of duty. They talked the matter over with each other, and their sense 
of oppression grew stronger and stronger. Gradually, others were called up- 
on to sympathize w^ith them; and at last a plan was developed, to take posses- 
sion of the ships, put the Admiral to death, imprison or kill such of the 
superior officers as refused to acknowledge the authority of the mutineers, 
and return to Spain with some story of the loss of their leader at sea. 

Luis de Mendoza was the leader in this conspiracy, and the plotters Avere 
abetted by the counsels of Juan deCarthagena, a priest who had accompanied 
the expedition that they might not be without spiritual advantages in their 
roamings. 

Fortunately for the Admiral, the plot was disclosed in time to prevent its 
execution; a hasty trial of the mutineers was held, and Mendoza and some of 
his accomplices found guilty. According to the barbarous customs of the 
day, they were sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered ; and the revolt- 
ing sentence was fully carried out. The priest was beyond their power; for 
they were too good Catholics to harm one who had devoted his life to the 
Church; so they contented themselves M'ith putting him in the stocks, an in- 
strument made of two pieces of wood placed one upon the other and pierced 
with holes, in which were placed the legs of the sailor who was to be punished. 
The other captains remonstrated loudly with Magellan against a punishment 
which was too degrading for a superior officer, and Carthagena in con- 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 287 

sequence Avas simply put under arrest, and guarded by one of the captains. 
There Avere also some minor accomplices, who were less guilty than Mendoza, 
but still deserving of punishment; to have retained these on board after a 
period of imprisonment was to invite another mutiny; Magellan therefore 
determined that the remaining mutineers should be put on shore, and left to 
the mercy of the Patagonians. This was done ; and the ships sailed away from 
the coast, never again to return. 

Magellan, fully resolved to die, or to bring the enterprise he commanded to 
a successful issue, told his crew, when this had been accomplished, that the 
Emperor had assigned him the course which the voyage was to take, and he 
neither could nor Avould depart from it under any pretext. As to provisions, 
if they found them insufficient, his men might add to their rations the pro- 
duce of their fishing or hunting. Magellan thought that so firm a declaration 
would impose silence on the malcontents, and that he would hear no more of 
]3rivations, from which he suffered equally with his crews. 

They had now been gone from Spain about a year ; and the season was more 
promising for exploration in a more southern latitude; the long and cold 
winter was drawing to a close, and they decidedto coast southward until com- 
pelled to stop by the cold, or until they arrived — and this is what they really 
expected — at some point where the ships could enter the South Sea from the 
Atlantic. 

Having reached a point about fifty-two degrees south of the equator, thej' 
were obliged to lay up for a time; for in this far southern latitude, winter was 
not ended in Septeml)er. Putting into port, they remained for two months 
longer; improving their time by securing an ample supply of fish, fuel, and 
fresh water. 

Thus i^rovided, they continued their journey; but now, although there was 
no sign of any considerable river here emptying into the sea, they saw land 
on both sides of their vessels ; sometimes not more than a mile on either hand. 
The direction of the coast, too, was different; hitherto, the general trend had 
been southw^ard; now, it Avas decidedly toAvard the Avest. They were in the 
straits Avhich are noAV called by ^Magellan's name. 

November 28, 1520, they emerged from among the islands Avith Avhich the 
entrance to the straits are encumbered, and broad and blue and peaceful, saw 
before them the AA^aters of the great ocean Avhich Balboa had named the South 
Sea. To jMagellan, tempest-tossed through all that Aveary Avinter, it seemed 
the very picture of a summer sea; and he named it, accordingly, the Pacific 
Ocean. To the point of land Avhence he first descried it he gave the name of 
Cape Desire. 

They Avere now about to enter upon the part of their A'oyage Avhich excited 
the most fears among the undetermined ; for these Avaters Avere to them 
wholly unknown. No one had yet accomplished the intention of Columbus, 



288 



MAOELLAN, TIIF. DISCOVERER OV THE SOUTH rACIFIO. 



and reached India by way of the west; and liow wide were the waters which 
now stretched before them, no man knew. Before venturhig upon this un- 
known sea, they must at least try to direct the course of that vessel which 
had been separated from the others; the /San Antonio, when she passed 
through the straits, would surely come to this point; and her men could 
easily descry the great cross which they erected upon the neighboring hill for 
her guidance. So reasoned Magellan and his followers; not dreaming that 
the >San Antonio had stolen away from them, and gone back to Spain. 




For three long summer months, from November 28, they tossed upon the 
waters of the Pacitic, without sight of land; all their provisions and fresh 
water were consumed, and they were reduced to the most lamentable state; 
for the only food which they could obtain was prepared by soaking old leather 
in sea-water to soften it. Nineteen of their men died, besides the surviving 
giant that they had carried from Patagonia; his comrade had died just before 
they entered the Straits of Magellan. Not one of those who survived was 
free from disease, and many were so disabled that they could not perform 
their usual duties. 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH rACIFIC. 



289 



In one particular they wcro most fortunate; the ocean fully justified the 
name which Magellan had given it; and, although they sailed four thousand 
leagues before they saw land, there was not a storm to alarm them, or even 
a threat of foul weather. 




M.VCKM.AN AT Till; TvADKONF, Isi, 

{From an Old EtKjravwg.) 



The first land which they descried was two small islands, which proved to 
be uninhabited, and to produce only some useless trees. These two islands, 
although they were six hundred miles apart, the disappointed mariners, who 
had hoped to find food upon them, called the Unfortunate Islands. 



290 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

These were the first of many islands by which they were to j^ass, and where 
food might be obtained in abundance from those more inviting than these 
isles of disappointment; for the vessels were now upon the outskirts of Poly- 
nesia. The first important stopping-place is recorded in the journal of the 
expedition — a more reliable authority than the accounts of the giants — as 
being twelve degrees north of the equator, and one hundred and forty-six 
west of Greenwich; though, of course, in the original, the longitude is 
reckoned from the capital of Spain. Here the Admiral determined to remain 
for some time, to obtain the necessary supplies of food, water, and fuel; and 
to refresh by rest on land and plenty of wholesome food the men who had 
suffered such privations during the voyage. But the inhabitants proved to be 
so thievish that he could not do so. They visited the ships daily, and at every 
visit stole whatever they could lay their hands upon. It was only with the 
greatest difficulty that Magellan could prevent his men from indulging in a 
general fight with the natives, striking sail and standing in to shore near 
enough to fire upon the occupants of the canoes as they landed. He suc- 
ceeded, however, in restraining them; and selected forty men to accompany 
himself on an expedition of retaliation. 

In the encounter which followed their landing, seven of the natives were 
killed; the others only saved themselves by a hasty retreat. A village, con- 
sisting of more than fifty huts, from which the men, women, and children 
had hastily fled at the beginning of the battle, Avas burned; several canoes 
were destroyed ; and a ship's boat, which the islanders had stolen from the 
stern of one of the vessels, was carried off in triumph by the victors. 

Having thus punished the dishonest islanders, Magellan returned to his 
fleet, and revenged himself further by styling these InsuJae Latronum, or 
"Islands of Thieves." Followed by more than two hundred canoes, the 
occupants of which made many signs expressive of repentance and better 
behavior for the future, Magellan hoisted sail and was soon out of sight of 
the islands; the canoes slowly returning to land as the islanders saw that not 
the least attention was paid to them. 

March 10, 1521, they landed upon a small island some thirty leagues from 
the Ladrones, which is now included under that name; and the next day 
removed to a neighboring island, finding it better suited for their purposes. 
Here a tent was pitched for the accommodation of the sick, and a hog was 
killed for the delectation of the well. This was probably an animal that had 
been captured on the island, as it is not probable that they would eat leather 
soaked in sea-water if an animal in any way fit for food was on board any of 
the four ships. 

They had been in their new quarters about a week when they were visited 
by nine men in a canoe, who brought with them cocoa-wine and other 
presents, which they offered to Magellan. Finding their gifts acceptable. 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH FACIFK;. 



291 



they rowed off; promising by signs to return in four days with flesh, fowls, 
and rice; a promise which was faithfully kept. 

It is not improbable, Avhen we consider how generally the coming of Colum- 
bus was made known among the West Indian islanders, that these men had 
heard of the strangers from the men who had been attacked by them, and 
took this means of insuring the friendship of the new-comers. Who knows but 
what the men who manned this canoe were regarded as venturing into the very 
jaws of death, when they sought out the dreaded strangers? Perhaps the action 
of those nine South Sea savages is as heroic, could we but see it from their 
point of view, as that of any soldier of civilization who ever faced the enemy. 

They came from a small neigh- 
boring island, to which they cord- 
ially invited Magellan and his 
men. They offered in exchange 
for the articles which the Span- 
iards displayed, various kinds of 
spices and some articles made of 
gold. Of this precious metal they 
also wore rings and bracelets, 
while their weapons were orna- 
mented with it. 

To entertain them, and at the 
same time impress them with a 
due idea of his reserve power, 
Magellan caused one of the can- 
non to be discharged while these 
visitors were on board; which so 
frightened them that they were 
about to jump into the sea, when 
the sailors interfered, and reas- 
sured them of the friendliness of 
the Admiral. 

They remained a week longerat 
this island, visited frequently by Tattooed SorTii Sea Islaxder. 

the friendly islanders, and supplied by them with such delicacies as oranges, 
palm wine, and cocoa-nuts, which were especially appreciated by the sick. 

Leaving this island March 25, they steered between west and southwest ; 

and three days later anchored off a larger body of land, which proved to be 

inhabited. The people seemed well disposed; and Magellan presented their 

King with a red and a j^ellow garment, made long and flowing, after the fashion 

of those worn by the Turks; and distributed knives and glass beads among 

his principal courtiers. 
19 




292 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

No pains were spared to impress these people with a due respect for the 
weapons of the strangers, both defensive and offensive; after a cannon had 
been fired off, to show the power of destruction which they possessed, a sailor 
was dressed in armor and ordered ashore, where the savages were invited to 
strike him. They were duly impressed with the amount of protection afforded 
by his armor; and the King declared that one such man would be a match for 
a hundred of his naked soldiers. 

Nor was the King less astonished when he saw an illustration of the aid 
which writing can afford to those acquainted with its mysteries; one of 
the officers wrote down a great number of common nouns, and, much to the 
astonishment of the King, was able to repeat the list without difiiculty by 
simply referring to his paper. 

In this island, they found, when they came to return the visits of the King 
and his courtiers on board the vessels, a number of articles made of gold; 
including vessels in the royal residence; which building, by the way, is some- 
what irreverently compared to a hay-loft. But Magellan would not permit 
trades to be made without his knowledge; for he was afraid the islanders 
would learn what value the Spaniards put on gold, and Avould demand high 
prices accordingly. When, therefore, a collar and crown of gold were offered 
in exchange for some glass beads, he would not permit the trade to be made; 
requiring something else to be added to the ornaments of gold before he de- 
cided that the value of the beads had been equalled. 

Nor did the devout Spaniards neglect to act, in some measure, as mission- 
aries. The King was presented with a cross and a crown of thorns, to which, 
at the time of presentation, all the white men paid a low reverence. Mag- 
ellan bade them set it upon their highest mountain, and bow down reverently 
before it; if they did this, he assured them, they would be safe from storms 
and other misfortunes ; and their doing it would insure their being well treated 
by any Christains who might chance to land at their island. It seemed to the 
Spaniards to be a promise of good that the people of these islands were not 
Mohammedans, but heathens ; since, they observe, Gentiles are much more 
easily converted to the true faith than are the Mohammedans. 

In return for the treatment wRich he had received at their hands, the King 
of this island furnished them with pilots, who conducted them to several others 
not far off. The King of one was taken on board, while they set sail for an- 
other, which they called Zubut. 

They were now within the limits of the Portuguese explorations, or at least 
within a portion of the ocean where that nation was known and feared. A 
vessel manned by a Portuguese crew, and having a cargo of gold and slaves, 
had anchored opposite the capital of this island the day before Magellan 
reached there; and had offered tribute to the King. Eendered bold by this 
deference, the King proceeded to exact tribute of Magellan; assuring him 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. ^93 

that all who came to his dominions were obliged to pay it. Magellan found 
the source of this claim, and replied that the course which the other white 
men had pursued was no guide for him; that the King of Portugal was a far 
less powerful monarch than the master whom he served; and that the Em- 
peror was so powerful that his subjects paid tribute to none. If the King 
persisted in his claim, he might find himself involved in war with a ruler who 
would crush him in the first conflict. 

There was at the court a Moorish trader, who assured the King that these 
claims on behalf of the Emperor Charles were well founded. This monarch 
accordingly asked a day in which to consider his answer to Magellan's refusal ; 
and in the mean time furnished the sailors with everything which their 
necessities required. 

While he was deliberating how to withdraw gracefully from the arrogant 
position which he had assumed, he was visited by that King who had accom- 
panied Magellan on board his ship; and who could not sufiiciently impress 
upon the mind of his brother monarch the excellent qualities of the Admiral. 
Whether he came of his own accord, or was instructed by Magellan, his 
words produced the effect which the latter would have desired; the demand 
for tribute was withdrawn, and the people of the island entered eagerly into 
traffic with the new-comers. 

The King also sent his nephew on board the Admiral's vessel, attended by 
many of his chief courtiers, with many very valuable presents, as a proof of 
friendly feeling. The mariners now became active missionaries ; and preached 
their faith with such earnestness that, it is said, within a very short time af- 
terward the whole island was converted and baptized. 

The King very readily gave them permission to bury ashore one of the sail- 
ors who had died since they cast anchor; and was much impressed with the 
solemnities attending the burial. The conversionof the King was celebrated 
by the firing of cannon; his majesty having previously been warned that he 
must not be frightened at the noise. More than five hundred persons were 
baptized in one day, after which ceremony mass was celebrated ; and then the 
King and many of his principal attendants were invited to dine with the Ad- 
miral on board his vessel. 

The idols were destroyed and crosses erected in many places. There was 
one village, however, where the inhabitants refused to accept the new faith. 
Magellan at once resolved to use such persuasion as was usual, in similar cases 
at that day, among all Christian nations. The inha])itants were driven from 
their homes, and obliged, at the point of the sword, to obey the royal com- 
mand to be baptized; their village was burned, and a wooden cross erected 
on its site. The fact that this cross Avas made of wood was due to the people 
being Gentiles, as all non-Christians except Jews and Mohammedans were 
called; had they been Mohammedans, says the quaint old chronicle, the cross 



>^4. 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 



had been made of stone, in allusion to the peculiar hardness of their hearts. 
Let not the reader exclaim against the process which Magellan adopted in 
his efforts to make converts to the Christian religion. In England, regarded 
as the European home of liberty, men were sent to the stake, thirty years 
after Magellan died, because they would not profess the same form of relig- 
ion as that which the State prescribed; it was the time, and not the man, 
which was mistaken. 




Hekoic Death op Magellan. 

They next landed at one of the Philippine Islands, which they found the 
natives called Mathan. This was ruled by two Kings, Zula and Cilapulapu. 
Magellan summoned both of them to pay tribute to the King of Spain. Zula 



Magellan, the discoverer of the south pacific. 2d5 

seems to have acceded to this demand; but Cilapulapu indignantly refused 
to do so. Magellan, determined to enforce his claim, chose sixty of his 
bravest men, armed them with coats of mail and helmets, and marched upon 
the independent ruler. 

Cilapulapu was not taken by surprise, for threatening messages had been 
sent him after he had refused the tribute. He hastily collected all his fighting 
men, and disposed them in three divisions, numbering about two thousand 
each. His soldiers were armed with missile weapons of various kinds, 
lances, darts, arrows, and javelins; most of the arrows, and some of the 
other weapons, being rendered more effective by being dipped in poison. 

The little force of mail-clad Spaniards did not know what a large body of 
men had been collected to oppose their advance; but fondly imagined that 
their armor gave them the advantage over the enemy, were he many times 
their superior in point of numbers. They advanced boldly upon the half- 
concealed enemy ; and had almost reached a point at which the fight would 
be hand to hand, when a flight of arrows came down upon them. They rat- 
tled like hail upon the steel coats, and many were turned from their mark; 
but some penetrated through the joints of the armor, and, breaking the skin, 
sent the deadly poison in which the points had been dipped coursing through 
the veins of the victim. It was so that an arrow wounded Magellan; and 
while the bewildered white men strove to make ready their own weapons, the 
enemy rushed upon them in overwhelming numbers. The wounded leader, 
bravely striving to direct his men in spite of his hurt, received a stroke full 
in the face from a cane lance; it was a staggering blow; and he sank to the 
ground, overcome by the stroke and by the poison of the arrow. 

Eight of his followers shared their leader's fate. But the victory was not 
a bloodless one for the prince who had thus defended his independence; 
fifteen of the islanders bit the dust, and many more were wounded. 

The death of Magellan caused the utmost consternation among the sur- 
vivors of his command; and they retreated to their vessels as hastily as they 
could, defending their rear as they fled. The news which they brought cre- 
ated confusion for a time on board the ships; but the mariners speedil}" rec- 
ognized that they must have a leader who should have authority to command 
them; and they elected two, OdoardoBarbosa, who, like Magellan, was a na- 
tive of Portugal, and Juan Serrano, who was a Spaniard. 

An embassy vras sent to Cilapulapu, offering a ransom for the body of 
the dead Admiral; but he refused to treat with them; esteeming this the most 
valuable spoils of his victory. The mariners were not content with one effort, 
but all their endeavors to purchase Magellan's body proved unsuccessful. 

The hostile King was far from being appeased by the death of the Admiral 
and some of his followers; his enmity was thoroughly aroused. He entered 
into negotiations with the person who was employed as interpreter, and finally 



296 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOITTH PACIFIC!; 

induced him to entrap and deliver up tlie Spaniard who had been chosen joint 
leader with Barbosa after Magellan's death ; and Serrano was murdered by 
the vindictive barbarian. 

The mariners now saw that it was safest for them to put a considerable 
stretch of salt water between them and this hostile king as soon as possible. 
Their numbers, however, were greatly reduced; they had lost nine men in 
battle, and one by treachery since landing at this island; and several had died 
from disease and hardship since they had entered the Pacific. It was therefore 
determined to transfer all the men and supplies from one vessel, the Con- 
ception, which was decided to be the least sea-worthy of the four, and set fire 
to her before proceeding with the other three. 

This plan being carried out, they sailed toward the southwest, having ob- 
tained some information regarding the Molucca Islands. No adventures of 
note befell them until they reached Borneo, where they were received with 
considerable distinction by the King. The strangers did not know whether to 
be most impressed by the elephants with silken housings, which he sent to 
carry their chief men to court, or by the ten royal secretaries who did their 
writing on pieces of the bark of trees, or by the smooth round pearls, as 
large as a hen's egg, which the monarch proudly displayed to them. But 
while they were thus debating this question in their own minds, they were 
suddenly attacked by a fleet of a hundred junks. 

The attack was repulsed without much difiiculty; and four of the junks 
were captured. On board one of these was the Captain-General of the King of 
Borneo, who had just returned from a military expedition. The white men 
heartily congratulated themselves upon havijig taken a prisoner of such im- 
portance, and committed him to the charge of the pilot while the leaders 
considered the question of how great a ransom they might demand for him. 
But this question was not decided before the pilot was obliged to confess that 
his prisoner had given him the slip; and, naturally, the subject of ransom 
lost all interest. 

They seemed to have thought it best, after this occurrence, to leave Bor- 
neo; and returned to the Philippine Islands, landing at the most southern 
of the larger members of that group. Here they refitted their ships, and 
took in fuel and water sufficient for a considerable voyage; their labors being 
rendered much harder by the fact that their worn-out shoes afforded no pro- 
tection to their feet. 

From this island, they steered southeast in search of the Moluccas, the 
destination which Magellan had proposed to the King w4ien first laying the 
project of this voyage before him. They had landed at several islands, re- 
ceiving at each some information regarding these bodies of land, before they 
actually reached them. 

"After a very violent tempest, they put into the island of Sarangani, from 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OE THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 



297 



whence they forced two pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas; and on the 
sixth of November, in the twenty-seventh month of their departure from 
Spain, after having passed many islands, the names of which, for brevity's 
sake, we omit, they came in sight of the Moluccas; on w^hich occasion they 
gave thanks to God, and discharged all their ordnance. The soundings in 



3 



y 'fmi'iffiiiiii)ii^il^ 





Tin, ViiiT 'lo IT J>()i;xi.o. 

these seas are not anywhere less than an hundred and two yards, though the 
Portuguese had represented them as dangerous for their shallows and rocks, 
as well as the darkness of the sky; but this fable they invented to intimidate 
other nations from undertaking this voyage." 

The cruise of the Spanish mariners now ceases to be a voyage of discovery, 



298 MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC. 

since they were in waters which had been explored by the Portuguese, and to 
which that government laid claim. We then must pass briefly over the re- 
mainder of the history. They touched at several other islands in this group, 
and made friends with the natives, exchanging the goods which they had left 
for the spices which the inhabitants brought to the vessels. Many of the 
rulers, impressed by the accounts which the Spaniards gave of the riches and 
power of their master, the Emperor, took occasion to send him presents of 
such articles as they thought most valuable. 

At an island near the Molucca^, they were obliged to leave one of their 
vessels, as she had sprung a leak which they could not stop; and some of 
their men were detailed to work upon her, and bring her back to Spain, if 
possible. The others, reduced to forty-six in number, continued their jour- 
ney among the various islands of Polynesia until February 11, 1522, when they 
passed the extremity of Molucca; and keeping outside of Sumatra, and 
avoiding the main land for fear of the Portuguese, sailed due west toward 
the eastern coast of Africa. 

Favorable winds andcurrents carried them along the coast without difiiculty 
until they neared the Cape of Good Hope; and here a head-wind kept them 
beating about for seven weary weeks. This unexpectedly long voyage brought 
them into great distress; for the food began to give out. However, they 
were afraid to venture on shore, for fear of the Portuguese; and, although 
they suffered greatly from famine, they kept at sea for two mouths longer. 
During this time, twenty-one of their number died from hunger and the dis- 
eases brought about by it and other hardships. 

The handful of starving survivors finally put in at one of the Cape Verde 
Islands, sending deputies ashore to represent their pitiable condition to the 
Portuguese authorities. They were allowed some measures of rice, which 
were quickly disposed of; and thirteen of the sailors undertook to goon 
shore again, to secure a further supply of provisions. But the Portuguese 
considered that they had done quite enough for them, and seized these men 
and threw them into prison. The others, panic-stricken, hoisted sail; and 
without waiting to try to release their companions, set out for Spain. 

September 7, 1522, the twelve remaining mariners landed at the port of St. 
Lucar, near Seville; where, " having discharged their ordnance for joy, they 
proceeded barefooted and in their shirts, to the cathedral church, to thank 
God for their preservation." 

And well they might do so; for these dozen men, out of the two hundred 
and thirty-seven Avho had sailed away from Seville more than three years be- 
fore, had done what no man before their time had ever accomplished — they 
had circumnavigated the globe. 

Their comrades who had been left behind in charge of the disabled ship 
were fortunate enough to repair her so that a voyage was possible; but they 



MAGELLAN, THE DISCOVERER OF THE 80UTH PACIFIC. 299 

did not follow in the track of the other vessels. Instead, they turned to the 
eastward, and sailed straight across the Pacific to the isthmus connecting the 
two Americas, and there found an asylum among their countrymen; but 
theirs was not the honor of having "put a girdle round the earth," as was 
that of their sailor comrades. 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVERETi OF BRAZIL. 



^F^HERE is no record of the youth of Cabral; the place and date of hi;^ 

\m\ birth are unknown to us. His name indicates that he belonged to a 

^T noble family of Portugal ; but all the circumstances of his education 

and rise to prominence are forever lost. One voyage has made him 

known to history; he is the discoverer of Brazil. 

It is difficult, in attempting to give a complete history of the discovery and 
exploration of the American continent, to avoid giving some account of the 
voyages which were made to other parts of the globe. The reason is appar- 
ent: the same enterprise which sent men and ships to the east sent others to 
the west; and the western world was not discovered until a learned and dar- 
ing navigator sought to find a short path to the eastern. 

Cabral, particularly, is closely connected with the effort of the Portuguese 
to establish commercial settlements in India. If it be objected that he should 
not be placed among discoverers of America, because the one voyage which 
connects him with this continent was intended to end in Asia, and his coming 
to America was purely accidental, w^e have no answer to make; the argu- 
ment is unanswerable if you choose to employ it; but when Cabral is struck 
from the list for this reason, others must follow^, to whom the same objection 
applies ; alid the first name to be struck off will be that of Christopher Co- 
lumbus. 

Vasco da Gama had made his famous voyage around the Cape of Good 
Hope; he had reached India, and had entered into negotiations with the sov- 
ereign of Calicut, whom he calls the Zamorin. But wdiile engaged in treat- 
ing with this monarch, certain Arabian traders, fearing for their own business 
relations should the Europeans once be admitted to this market, persuaded 
the Zamorin that the Portuguese were' no better than pirates, and that the 
presents which Gama had brought him from the King of Portugal were tri- 
fling articles which showed rather contempt than respect for the person to 
whom they were offered. 

A portion of the goods wdiich Gama had brought with him had been landed 

at the suggestion of the King of Calicut, and, while the Arabs were secretly 

(300) 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVEREK OF BRAZIL. 



301 



uiulermining the respect and regard in which Gama was at first held, the 
Portuguese sailors were permitted to go on shore freely, as if they were 
among undoubted friends. But the words of the Arabs did their work; and 
at last those who chanced to be on shore W' ere held as prisoners, while the 
Admiral received word that his goods had been seized. 




Yasco r>A Gama. 

Gama was equal to the occasion. He watched his opportunity, attacked a 
ship that lay in the harbor, and captured six noblemen, with a number of 
their attendants. These, he announced, he would hold as prisoners until his 
own men and his goods were restored to him. The Zamorin, alarmed, sent 
him word that he had only detained the two Portuguese until he could w^rite 
a letter to the King of Portugal; as he desired them to act as his messengers. 
They were permitted to return on board the ship, and, after some delay, the 
goods were restored. 

But Gama did not hold to his part of the agreement; having recovered his 



302 CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 

own men and the cargo of the vessels, he declined to release the prisoners 
whom he had taken, and sailed away with them on board. Pursued and at- 
tacked by an Indian fleet, a sudden storm helped the larger and more man- 
ageable ships of the Europeans ; and, the vessels of the Zamorin being scattered, 
the Portuguese fleet escaped to the coast of Africa, thence around the Cape 
to their own country. 

Emmanuel resolved to prosecute the enterprise, and, if possible, open up 
a trade with India, Calicut being considered the most important city. He 
equipped a fleet of thirteen ships, manned by fifteen hundred men. Why 
Gama was not chosen as the leader of this expedition does not appear; for 
he had been loaded with every honor that could be imagined, and the com- 
mand of this fleet was in itself a high honor. Whatever the reason, Gama 
was left in Portugal, while Pedro Alvarez Cabral was made Admiral of the 
fleet to the Indies. 

This navigator may have been second in command on the previous voyage; 
if Gama declined the command, wishing to rest awhile before going to sea 
again, it "would naturally be offered to his lieutenant. If this Avere not the 
case, Cabral had probably made successful voyages to the coast of Africa, or 
to the various groups of islands so frequented by the old sailors. He must 
have shown both courage and ability of very marked degree to be entrusted 
with so important an enterprise as this. 

Admiral Cabral was commissioned to treat with the Samudri-rajah, or 
Prince of the Coast, whose title the Portuguese had corrupted into Zamorin, 
and obtain permission from him to build a fort near his city of Calicut; 
but if tlie monarch should not allow this, and should seem indisposed to have 
any dealings with the Portuguese at all — as was not improbable, from his ex- 
perience of Gama — Cabral was to declare war and to treat him as an enemy. 
He was also charged with friendly messages to the King of Melinda, an 
African potentate at whose dominions on the eastern coast, just south of the 
equator, Gama had found shelter from storms and the provisions which he 
needed. 

Although the King of Portugal had thus determined to force his commerce 
upon the Indians, or declare war against them, he was not unmindful of his 
duty as a Christian. It was highly desirable to convert the natives of these 
countries — after the countries were duly subjected to the rule of a Christian 
prince — and five friars were sent to convert them, and to establish religious 
services for the benefit of their companions on the vessels, should they be 
permitted to build the fort at Calicut. 

March 8, 1500, the fleet set sail; but hardly had they passed the Island of 
St. Jago, when a furious storm burst upon them. The fleet was scattered; 
all of the vessels suffered more or less ; one lost almost all her rigging, and 
was obliged to put back to Lisbon. Cabral waited for her for two days; but 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 



303 



as she did not make her appearance then, he set sail, steering to the south- 
west. 

What private orders Cabral may have received, which led him to take this 
course, we do not know. A treaty had been made between the sovereigns 
of Spain and Portugal, by which a line of division between the countries open 
to settlement by either nation had been agreed upon. This was in agreement 
with that earlier division which had been made by the authority of the Pope. 




Cabeal Bei'Ore the Zamorin. 
The course to be taken in sailing toward the Cape of Good Hope must have 
been perfectly well known to Cabral and his pilots; for the Portuguese had 
been exploring the western coast of Africa for m'ore than a century. But 
John of Portugal had served Columbus a scurvy trick, and so lost the vast 
dominions Avhich the Genoese had had the power of adding to the Crown 
which he served; and John's successor probably determined to regain, by 
jusjt such another trick, some portion of what his cousin had lost. Cabral 



801 CAliKAL, Til 10 IMSCOVEKlOli OF r.UAZlL. 

was probably iiistrnctccl privately to keep to the westward, in order to secure 
to Portugal, by right oi" discovery, some portion of that New World which 
every voyage of the Spaniards showed to be better worth having. 

The westward voyage was without event until April 24, when one of the 
seamen descried land. This was a surprise to all, including the Admiral, for 
they had thought the voyage would be much longer. This astonishment con- 
linns the su[)position above stated; for had they intended to doublethe Cape 
of(Jood Hopes and steered accordingly, they would hardly havt> ))een sur- 
prised to see land a month and sixteen days after leaving Lisbon. 

Approaching the coast, Cabral sent one of his captains ashore to examine 
the nature and situation of the land, lie soon returned with a favorable ac- 
count of the country; describing its tall trees, the verdure of its plains, and 
the beauty of its birds. He had seen some of the natives, naked, of a dusky 
olive hue, with long, lank hair as black as jet. Several other officers, im- 
pressed by the description, asked and obtained permission to go on shore to 
make observations. 

While the men who had remained on board were listening with eager inter- 
est to the accounts given by these explorers, a storm came up. The ships 
were prepared, as they thought, to meet it; but it })roved more violent than 
they had thought; the vessels were torn from their anchorage, and tossed 
about like co(^kle-shells upon the waves. However, they managed to elude 
the dangers of the coast, and tinally anchored anew in a harbor which Cabral 
named Porto Seguro. 

From this safe resting place, he again sent otHcerson board to reconnoiter. 
They returned with two natives, whom they had taken prisoners as they were 
in their canoe, fishing. The Portuguese tried to communicate with these In- 
dians, but found it impossible to make them understand the meaning of the 
signs which they employed for the purpose. There was something, though, 
that was not so hard to comprehend: Cabral ordered them to be clothed, 
and having presented them with some small bells, brass rings, and looking- 
glasses, sent them on shore; they understood from this that the strangers 
had come as friends and possessed many articles of very great value — such as 
bells and brass rings. 

The generosity of the strangers was told, by the recipients of these gifts, 
to their companions; and the water about the ships was thronged, the next 
day, by canoes full of natives, who brought fruits and other articles of food, 
to barter for the trilles which the Portuguese had provided for such a pur- 
pose. 

Cabral )U)w judged it best to go ashore in person; and having nnuk' a short 
tour about the country near the harbor, ordered an altar to be erected un- 
der the shade of a hu'ge tree. In this primeval temple, the service of mass 
was performed in the presence of a host of natives, who watched the pro- 



CABRAL, TIIK DISCOVERER OF 15RAZIL. '^Oo 

cccdings With admiriug silence, and apparently not without reverence. By 
their gestures, they seemed to the Portuguese to express a deep sense ot re- 
ligion. 

rt 




I 



('.vnuAi. T.\Ki;>i rossKssiox 

As the Admiral and his men returned to the ship, they wore followed by 
most of those who had been witnesses of their worship, who seemed to be ma 
transport of joy. They sang aloud, blew a kind of trumpet, threw arrows into 
the air, and lifted their hands to heaven, seeming, to the flattered manners 
" to give thanks for the arrival of such a godlike people." Some of them, not 
content with folUnving the strangers to the beach, jumped int.> the sea and 



306 CAliRAL, THIO DISCOVKRKR OF BRAZIL. 

swam after the boats wliich were conveying tluMii to the .ships. Others, bet- 
ter provided, followed in canoes; and it took considerable persuasion to in- 
duce them to return to land. 

Cabral caused a marble pillar to be erected, in commemoration of the dis- 
covery, and named the country Santa Cruz. This name, so devoutly given, 
was not used to any extent on the charts and maps of the time, being speedily 
displaced by the name of Brazil, from the chief commodity which the ves- 
sels brought from that country to Europe. 

Assured that this was a new country, and not any part of Asia, Cabral dis-. 
patched one of his lieutenants, Jasper Laemio, to Portugal, to render an ac- 
count to the King of his discovery. Here, again, seems a proof that h(> 
(Ic^libcratcly set out to explore some part of the New World, in accordance 
with orders to that effect from the King of Portugal. If not so, surely the 
news of the discovery would have kept till he himself returned to Lisbon. 

Only five days, in all, were spent on the coast of Brazil. Probably Cabral 
did not know how soon he might come in contact with some Spanish vessels, 
and be driven off the coast. He seems to have desired to touch there, lay 
claim to it, send word to Portugal that he had done so, and be off as soon as 
possible, to prosecute the acknowledged and legitimate object of his voyage. 

He set sail April 19; but had been out at sea but a few days when a storm 
rushed down so suddenly that before the sails could be handled and other 
necessary precautions taken, four ships had run afoul of one another, and were 
dashed to pieces. Every soul on board perished, while their friends and com- 
panions on the other vessels saw them go down, without the })owert() render 
them the least assistance, and not knowing how soon they themselves would 
share this fate. 

Seven of the tifteen vessels wdiich had been titted out now remained; for 
Laemio had been given three, to take the news of the discovery; the dangers 
of the voyage across the ocean being suc^h that it was not Avell to trust to a 
single vessel reaching her destination. Of the seven which were left to Cab- 
ral, one was tossed about by the tempest until nniny of her crew had been 
swept overboard, and she had lost sight of her consorts entirely. Not know- 
ing what had become of them, and scarcely able to keep from sinking, she 
was turned toward Portugal. It seemed a hopeless undertaking to steer the 
disabled ship across the wide Atlantic, but it was the only chance that they 
had for life ; and the desperate seamen undertook the task. Their water casks 
had been thrown overboard during the storm, to lighten the vessel, and much 
of their food had been sacriliced for the same reason; the sailors hoping that 
their more fortunate comrades would share with them when the storm had 
l)assed over. This left them with but little food and water, notwithstanding 
the reduction of their number; and so much did they suffer from hunger, thirst, 
and fatiauc, that but six men reached Portugal alive. 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 307 

The other six vessels were more fortunate; and, after buffeting with the 
waves for many days, not having seen each other, came in sight of each other 
June 27. They Avere now near the southern part of the African coast, and 
rounded the Cape without experiencing any bad weather. 

Toward the end of July, they arrived at Mozambique, where a supply of 
Avater was obtained. A pilot was hired to guide them to Quiloa, the modern 
Madagascar. Here Cabral sent friendly messages to the ruler, whose name 
is stated as Abraham ; but excused himself from going ashore, on the ground 
that he was forbidden by the King his master to do so. This prohibition 
does not seem to have extended to any new country which he might discover, 
as the accounts expressly say that while his ships were anchored at Porto 
Seguro, he went ashore in person. The excuse was accepted by the King, 
who announced his intention of visiting the ships. Cabral made every prep- 
aration to receive his dusky guest, clad himself in his most elegant suit, had 
his officers dressed in their most gorgeous costumes, and, attended by them, 
in the boats of the ships, set off to meet the galley of the King, while the 
cannon on the ships thundered a welcome to Abraham. Their interview Avas 
conducted Avith all the ceremony Avhich the Kings of Portugal and Spain might 
have used to each other, and Avith just about as much sincerity; for Avhen the 
monarch returned from his visit, he reconsidered his intention of making 
friends with the Portuguese, and reinforced his garrison, putting the Avhole 
capital in a better state of defence. The reason for this change of sentiment 
Avas probably to be traced to the representations of some Arabs, Avho, like 
their brethren at Calicut, did not hesitate to accuse the Portuguese of being 
"blood-thirsty pyrates," as the old chronicles have it; and assert that these 
strangers, if they once gained a foothold, Avould strip the King of all his pos- 
sessions and ravage the whole country. Perhaps the Arabs Avere not far 
Avrong, but the Portuguese became exceedingly indignant at these accusations, 
and Cabral set sail at once for Melinda, Avhere he felt sure of meeting Avith a 
favorable reception. 

Here, Ave are told, his arrival "gave inexpressible joy to the people and 

their sovereign, Avho instantly provided refreshments for the AA^hole fleet." 

The most remarkable feature of their landing here Avas the fact that Cabral 

left tAvo of his men at Melinda, with instructions to travel, if possible, into 

"that part of Ethiopia Avhich lies above Egypt," to learn Avhat truth there Avas 

in the rumor that a Christian king and people were there to be found. Some 

uncertain information about Abyssinia, Avith a great deal of fable added, had 

given rise to the belief in a mysterious monarch, holding the Christian faith 

in the midst of savage and heathen neighbors, called PresterJohn. This was 

the ruler whom these two " exiles," as the old account styles them, Avere to 

endeavor to find. 

Setting sail from Melinda on July 7, they touched at the Maldive Islands, 
20 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 309 

and arrived at Calicut July 30. Here, contrary to their expectations, they 
were received with the greatest show of friendship and respect by the rajah, 
who sent a high official to welcome them, and afterwards received them in 
much state. The letters of the King of Portugal being read and interpreted 
to him by a Moor who had accompanied the expedition, the rajah granted all 
the privileges of trading for which the Portuguese had asked, assured them 
of his protection, and assigned for their use a large building near the seashore, 
directing that a banner with the arms of Portugal should be placed on top of 
this house, and that his orders should be engraved upon a golden plate, as a 
token to the Portuguese that his promises would not be forgotten. 

But if the Hindoo ruler granted what the Portuguese asked, he considered 
that he might ask favors in his turn. News had reached him to the effect 
that a large vessel, having on board an elephant, had been sent by a neighbor- 
ing prince to attack his fleet; he requested Cabral to watch for the coming of 
this hostile vessel, and attack it before the crew had time to set upon his 
ships. 

The rajah had supposed that the whole fleet of Cabral would be put about 
to contend with this formidable enemy; and perhaps he judged it a good way 
of getting rid of his troublesome guests. Much to his surprise, however, 
Cabral assigned one small vessel to the duty, and calmly awaited the result in 
the harbor of Calicut. 

The little caravel, well provided with cannon, did not hesitate to attack the 
great clumsy vessel of the East; and by keeping out of range of the darts 
and other weapons with which the Indian soldiers were provided, managed 
easily to work great havoc Avithout incurring any special danger. The enemy 
endeavored to save themselves by flight ; but the caravel was as swift as she was 
well-armed; and the great vessel from which the rajah had feared so much 
until ho saw in its coming a chance of getting rid of his new allies, was driven, 
helpless and disabled, into the very harbor of Calicut. 

Meantime the Arabian merchants had made good use of their time ; and had 
created what the newspapers of to-day would style " a corner in spices." Ca- 
bral found it exceedingly difficult to get enough, at prices in any way reason- 
able, to freight his ships. He appealed to the Zamorin, who professed great 
indignation; and assured Cabral that he Avould be doing right to seize upon 
what the Arabs had bought, and freight his vessels without regard to their 
being paid for the goods. Of course, this was merely a trap ; for he hoped by 
this means to have the Arabs drive off the strangers. 

Cabral, although not without suspicion, fell into the trap; and sent a cap- 
tain of an Arabian vessel word that he must not leave the harbor without 
his — Cabral's — permission. The captain paid no attention to this order, and 
Cabral sent his boat to tow the vessel back. The owner complained to the 
Zamorin, who, without making any positive promise, gave him to understand 



310 CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 

that he was at full liberty to reveuge himself. There were about seventy of 
the Portuguese in the house which the Zamorin had assigned them ; and 
thither w^ent the Arab, with about four hundred of his retainers, friends, rel- 
atives, and other countrymen. Signals of distress were hung out, that the 
Admiral might send them help from the ships; but before the boats could 
reach the land, the attacking party had broken down the barricades hastily 
raised, and were fighting hand to hand with the men in the enclosure. 

The Portuguese had but one hope: if they could fight their w\ay to the 
shore, they could be under the protection of their guns that much the sooner. 
Failing this, they could but sell their lives dearly. It was a desperatefight. 
The white men were surrounded on all sides by the Arabs, who fought with 
that carelessness of life which is common among Mohammedans; their re- 
ligion teaching them that they cannot die till their appointed time comes. The 
Portuguese were animated not only by the thought that they were fighting for 
life, but by the idea that they were destroying, with each man that went down 
before their swords, an enemy to their religion. 

The enclosure about the building which the Zamorin had assigned to the 
Portuguese was not the scene of the battle for very long; as the besieged 
forced their way out, they were followed by their blood-thirsty foes; and at 
last, after fifty of them, including the oiEcer who had been in command, had 
been slain, the remaining twenty reached the shore, and were taken into the 
boats which had been sent from the ships. The ofiicer commanding had had 
with him his little son, ten years old; but the child, though now fatherless, 
did not lack a protector; one of the soldiers had defended him, frequently 
l)y putting his own body between the child and danger. At last they reached 
the shore, the soldier weak and almost fainting from loss of blood. There was 
no boat near them, for they had been driven by the enemy to a lonely part of 
the shore. As one of the boats, laden with wounded men, pulled off toward 
the ships, they were espied by one of the sailors who manned it. He at once 
plunged into the water, and swam to them; then, leaving the dying soldier, 
took the boy on his shoulders, and swam back to the ships, while the arrows 
of the enemy fell harmlessly in the water around him. The boy thus saved 
afterward distinguished himself by many brave and gallant achievements. 

The Zamorin taking no steps to punish the perpetrators of this massacre, 
although fifty of the Portuguese had been slain outright, and most of those 
who escaped immediate death afterward died of their wounds, Cabral called 
a council of his officers, and discussed the course possible. It was resolved to 
take matters in their own hands, and revenge themselves upon the Arabs. 
Ten largo Arabian vessels lay in the harbor, and these were suddenly and 
fiercely attacked. Six hundred of the enemy were killed, and the Arabians' 
ships being plundered by the victorious Portuguese, were set on fire. But 
Cabral's vengeance was not yet complete. The flames had terrified the peo- 



CABRAL, THE DISCOVERER OF BRAZIL. 311 

pie of the city, so that they ran through the streets in a condition that bordered 
closely on frenzy; for they knew not how a chance spark might kindle a 
wide-spreading conflagration among their lightly built houses. Grimly de- 
termined to avenge his slaughtered men, Cabral trained his guns upon the 
city, and destroyed all the chief public buildings, as well as many of the pri- 
vate dwellings. The rajah, seeing one of his most faithful followers laid 
dead at his very feet by a cannon-ball, fled, panic-stricken. 

Cabral then went some seventy leagues southward on the same coast, where 
he found the people, probably warned by the fate of Calicut, ready to trade 
with him in the most satisfactory manner. While busily engaged in loading 
his ships with spices, the Admiral heard that the ruler of Calicut had pre- 
pared a fleet of twenty of his largest ships, manned by fifteen thousand 
soldiers, to revenge the destruction of his city. Cabral at once gave orders 
to sail in search of this armament. 

A contrary wind prevented the execution of this jDlan; but enough had 
been done to show the rajah that not even this great army could terrify the 
white men; and he ingloriously retreated, without having struck a blow, or 
even come within-hailing distance of the Portuguese ships. 

Sailing from India, he took a very rich ship off the coast of Africa; but 
learning from the master that she belonged to Arab merchants of Cambay, 
dismissed her untouched, saying that the King of Portugal was at war with 
no one in Asia but the Zamorin of Calicut and the Arabs of Mecca, w4io had 
inflicted great injury upon him. Pursuing his course, Cabral lost one of his 
ships in a storm; for she was so injured that it became necessary to transfer 
her crew to the other vessels and burn her. 

Storms in plenty beset their homeward passage; but at last the diminished 
fleet arrived at Lisbon, July 21, 1504. The vessels which bore the news of 
the discovery of Brazil had long since reached their destination; and Cabral 
was received with the honors due to a successful execution of secret orders. 
His discovery resulted in a new line of division being drawn between Span- 
ish and Portuguese territory, Brazil being included in the dominions of the 
King of Portugal. It remained closely connected with that country long 
after it became an independent country; and as long as the form of govern- 
ment was monarchial, the Emperor of Brazil was a near relative of the King 
of Portugal. 

The success which Cabral had reached was not, however, to be the source of 
future honors. For some reason, the King, when he came to look into the 
results of the expedition, did not find them quite equal to his expectations; 
and Cabral was thus balked of his reward. So great was this dissatisfaction, 
as time went on, thatCabral, at last, was not even mentioned in the list of those 
discoverers who had added dominion and glory to the Crown of Portugal. 

Nothing is known of his after life. He comes into history the brilliant 



•U2 CABUAL, 'I'lll'l i)lS(;OVKRKIl OF BRAZIL- 

leader of an expedition bound to distant and unknown countries; his white- 
winged vessels sail across the broad Atlantic, bearing him through storms to 
the land of sunshine in tropical America; thence returning to the East, and 
across the Indian Ocean, to the country long regarded, by the Europeans, as 
the treasure-house of the world. Strife and bloodshed attend him there; 
and he sails home again, to sink, after one brilliant scene when he is received 
with expectant favor by his king, into an obscurity as deep as it was unmer- 
ited. Pedro Alvarez Cabral has been almost forgotten; but one proud 
title serves to rescue his name from oblivion: he was the Discoverer of 
Brazil. 



HERNANDO CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



§EFORE considering the history of the expedition which explored the 
interior of Mexico, discovering the capital and conquering its people, 
it will be well to trace briefly the progress of settlement in the 1'3W 
World. Diego Columbus found the mines of Hispaniola becoming exhausted, 
not long after he succeeded to the rights and titles of his father; and being 
actually, as well as nominally, Governor of the island, he decided to occupy 
Cuba. A force was prepared for the conquest of this larger island; for the 
reputation of the Spaniards was now such that the natives no longer re- 
ceived them with open arms as men descended from heaven. Velasquez was 
the head of this expedition, Narvaez his lieutenant. The treatment which 
they accorded the natives may be told in a single incident. A chief who had 
fled from San Domingo to escape Spanish rule, resisted the white men when 
they invaded Cuba. He was captured and condemned to be burned alive. 
While bound to the stake, he was urged, as he had been before, to adopt the 
religion of his captors if he wished to go to heaven. 

" Will the white men go to heaven? " he asked. 

" Certainly," was the reply. 

"Then I will not be a Christian," was the unexpected rejoinder; "fori 
would not go again to a place where I must find men so cruel." 

The conquest of the island was completed, and Velasquez became govern- 
or. Six years later, when the Spaniards felt at home in Cuba, expeditions 
were sent out toward the main land. One of these touched at a peninsula 
where the natives, on being asked the name of the country, answered in 
their own tongue: — 

" I do not understand you"; — 

And the Indian word Tectetan being mistaken for a proper noun, the 
Spaniards corrupted it into Yucatan, and the name became fixed upon the 
peninsula. The leader of the white men was greatly astonished at the signs 
of higher civilization which he found existing there; the buildings, the cul- 
tivation of the soil, the garments and ornaments of the people showed them 
to be a race far superior to the naked islanders, who lived in frail huts of 

reeds and subsisted on the spontaneous product of the earth. 

(313) 



314 



11 K (ONtiirKKOK OF MEXICO. 



Grijalva and Alvarado explored the coast, and held conferences with th« 
natives; receiving from them, as gifts and in trade, curiously-wrought orna- 
ments and arms of gold. But the jealous Velasquez received their reports 




HlCRXAXDO COKTES. 



with susi)ioion, and litted out an armament for further operations in Mexico, 
the command of which he entrusted to a follower in whom he felt greater 
confidence. 



("OltTKS, THE COKQUEUOK OF MEXICO. Mlj 

Hernando Cortes, who was chosen for this post, was a native of Medellin, 
a town of Western Spain, in 1485, or, according to one authority, 1483. He 
came of an ancient and respectable family, in moderate circumstances; and 
it was proposed to devote the boy, as he grew older, to the study of the law. 

At the age of fourteen he was accordingly sent to the great school at Sala- 
manca; but the two years which he spent there were not enough to make a 
learned lawyer of him. It is true that he learned to write good prose and 
tolerable verses; but his time was passed, for the greater part, in frolics and 
adventures which did not exactly meet the views of his professors. 

Eeturning home, he announced his desire to become a soldier; a career 
Avhich in those days was simply a life of wild and stirring adventure. His 
parents do not seem to have made any opposition to this choice; perhaps 
they had found that anything would be better than to have him idling away 
his time at home. 

His choice lay between military service in the Old World and in the New; 
and he finally decided upon the latter. He enrolled himself among the fol- 
lowers of Ovando, the successor of Columbus in the government of Hispani- 
ola, and was all ready to sail with the leader; but a short time before the ex- 
pedition departed, he went to say farewell to a certain lady. To reach her 
apartment, he was obliged to scale a high wall; and while he was thus en- 
gaged, the wall gave way beneath him. He was thrown to the ground, and 
buried under the ruins; for several days the young cavalier was laid up, so 
severe were his bruises; and when he once more crawled out into the sun- 
shine, Ovando had sailed without him. 

For two years after this mishap he remained at home; finally sailing in 1504, 
in the fleet commanded by Quintero. When he arrived in Hispaniola he was 
readily promised enough land for a farm; but at first he disdained the idea. 
When, however, he found that nothing better offered at the moment, he ac- 
cepted a grant of land and arepartimientoof Indians — a term almost equiva- 
lent to slave-gang — and the appointment to the ofiice of notary to the town 
of Acua. 

The wild young Spaniard did not settle down to the ordinary sober hum- 
drum life of a planter; he frequently took part in the expeditions againstthe 
Indians of the island; and when, seven years after he had arrived at Hispa- 
niola, Velasquez; undertook the conquest of Cuba, Cortes threw aside every 
tie that bound him to the soil, and embarked, heart and soul, in this enter- 
prise. 

But the favor into which Velasquez received him was not without interrup- 
tion. Scarcely had the Spanish authority been established in Cuba before 
the Spaniards began to plot against their Governor; and the mutineers de- 
cided to lay their complaints before the higher tribunals of Hispaniola. 
Cortes had offended the Governor and received a rebuke; he had readily 



31(l ("OKTKS, THK CONQIIKUOK OF MKXICX). 

joined this disaffected party and was the man Avlioni they chose as their envoy. 
The errand was not without its dangers; for the voyage must be made across 
an arm of the sea more than fifty miles wide, and they had no vessel but an 
open boat. Before this most fearless of the conspirators could set off, how- 
ever, the Governor got wind of the Avholc affair, and, seizing Cortes, fettered 
and imprisoned him. It is said that he even threatened to hang him. 

But Cortes did not wait for the fulfillment of this threat. He managed to 
throw back the bolt of his fetters, and, having thus released his limbs, used 
the irons in forcing open the Avindow of his cell. He then let himself down — 
the room was on the second floor — and escaped to a neighboring church. 

Here, as he very well knew, Velasquez could not seize him without commit- 
ting sacrilege. The Governor, however, knowing his natural carelessness, 
posted guards about the church, Avith orders to arrest him as soon as he stepped 
outside it; and they had not long to wait. Cortes Avas again shackled, and 
taken aboard a vessel Avhich Avas to sail the next morning to Ilispaniola. Again 
he managed to get rid of his irons, and dropped over the side of the ship into 
a boat Avhich lay alongside. Noiselessly as possible he roAved toward the 
shore; and finding the current too strong, as he neared the land, for his boat 
to be guided by a single arm, he plunged into the seething Avater, and swam 
for his life. Once on shore, he again sought the shelter of the church. 

The Governor soon afterward relented. and became reconciled to Cortes. 
This Avas probably brought about by the intercession of the family of the 
young lady Avhom he Avas engaged to, but AAdiom he had at one time declined 
to marry. HoAvever it Avas brought about, it Avas complete and permanent; 
and Cortes received a liberal alloAA\ance of land, a repartimiento of Indians, 
and the office of alcalde of St. Jago. Here on his farm he lived for some 
years, stocking it AA'ith cattle of various kinds, cultivating the soil, and Avork- 
ing the gold mines Avhich fell to his share; thus gradually acquiring a snug 
little fortune, of which Las Casas says: "God, Avho alone knows at Avhat 
cost of Indian lives itAvas obtained, Avill take account of it." 

Such Avas the condition of the fortunes of Cortes Avhcn Grijalvaand Alva- 
rado returned Avith the news of the discoveries Avhich they had made — the 
very Land of Gold Avhich Columbus had so long sought in vain. The Goa- 
ernor, unAvilling to trust either of them, and anxious to find some one Avho 
could contribute something to the cost of fitting out the armament, took 
two high officials into his counsels. It happened that both of these Avere 
close friends of Cortes; and thus the Governor Avas persuaded to accept him 
for this position. 

Cortes Avas named Captain-General of the Armada prepared for the con- 
quest of Mexico. He at once laid aside that levity which had so long distin- 
guished him, and became the, grave, earnest man of affairs. Every real that 
he could raise, Avhether taken from his store already accumulated or procured 



COin'KS, 'III 10 CONCM I^KOK OI' MEXICO. ol 7 

by pledging his estates for its rcpayniont, was devoted to the enterprise; and 
he persuaded many of his friends to venture their money on his success. 

Six ships were readily procured, and the Wvork of fitting them out went on 
rapidly, while three hundred men volunteered during the first few days. Be- 
fore these preparations were in anyway complete, however, Cortes learned 
that some of his enemies had poisoned the Governor's mind against him ; that 
Velasquez, always inclined to be jealous, had regretted putting Cortes in this 
position, and had determined, although Cortes had actually contributed two- 
thirds of the cost of fitting out the expedition, to name another as the leader. 
There was not a moment to be lost, nor was Cortes the man to lose one. He 
quietly notified his officers, got all his men on board, and, half-prepared as he 
was, set sail that very night, at midnight. 

At dawn, the departure of the fleet was discovered, and the alarm was at 
once given. The Governor sprang from bed, threw on his clothes, leaped 
upon his horse, and galloped down to the quay, followed by his attendants, 
in more haste than good order. Cortes, as soon as he saw them, entered an 
armed boat, and put back to within speaking distance. 

" And is it thus you part from me? " shouted the angry Governor; " a 
courteous way of taking leave, truly! " 

" Pardon," replied Cortes; " time presses; and there are some things that 
should be done before they are even thought of. Has your Excellency any 
commands? " 

His Excellency, almost foaming with rage, could not find words to express 
his anger; and Cortes, politely bowing and waving his hand, returned to his 
vessel and sailed for Macaca, fifteen leagues away. Here he laid in such stores 
as he could obtain from the royal farms, considering them a loan from the 
King; and proceeded to Trinidad. He landed there for the purpose of se- 
curing more recruits, in which he was most successful. In addition to the 
many of less importance who flocked to his standard, there were men of high 
rank who had taken part in the former expeditions, who were quite willing to 
enlist under him; and their action not only lent a new dignity to his force, 
but gave him the services of those Avho knew most about the country to which 
they were going. 

Velasquez sent orders to the Governor of Trinidad to arrest Cortes and 
send him back, as the command of the fleet had been given to another man, 
and he was usurping authority to which he had no right. The Governor, when 
he received these orders, wisely consulted some of Cortes' officers about his 
best plan; and they advised him that he had better not attempt anything of 
the kind. It would lead to a commotion amongthe soldiers, they told him; 
for all the common soldiers were devoted to their galhmt leader; and they 
might burn the town. He therefore prudently ignored the orders of Vel- 
asquez. 



318 GOKTES, THE CONQUEKOIl OF MEXICO. 

Cortes now divided his force, sending a portion under Alvarado across the 
Island to Havana, while he, with the remainder and the vessels, Avould sail 
around the western point and rejoin him there, for the purpose of raising yet 
more recruits. 

While at Havana, Cortes made some changes in the way of living, intro- 
ducing a greater number of officers and servants into his household, and as- 
suming more state and ceremony, as became a man of his new rank. He also 
prepared his soldiers for encountering the arrows of the natives, by having 
their jackets thickly quilted with cotton, of wdiich there was an abundance 
around Havana. He divided his army into eleven companies, each under the 
command of an experienced officer, and caused all the arms to be put in per- 
fect order. 

While he was busy about these preparations, the commander of the place 
received the same instructions from Velasquez that the officer in command 
at Trinidad had received; but, like the other, judged it wisest to make no such 
attempt. He knew very well that he had not the power to arrest Cortes; and 
such was the fascination which the handsome, frank, gay-hearted soldier of 
fortune possessed for all with wdiom he came in contact, that he had quite 
won the heart of the commander of Havana. 

The fleet had sailed from St. Jago, Nov. 18, 1518. Less than three months 
had sufficed to increase the number of ships to nearly double, and the force 
under his command was correspondingly larger. Of the eleven ships, eight 
were caravels and brigantines; the others were vessels of from seventy to 
one hundred tons' burden. One hundred and ten seamen, five hundred and fifty- 
three soldiers, and two hundred Indians, made up his force. Of the soldiers, 
thirty-two were cross-bowmen, and thirteen were provided with arquebuses, 
a kind of rude gun, so clumsy that it was sometimes supplied with a rest on 
which the marksman might support it while taking aim. Ten heavy guns, 
four falconets — lighter pieces — and a good supply of ammunition, completed 
the outfit. Sixteen horses, each transported with almost incredible difficul- 
ties from Spain to the Indies, in the flimsy craft of the day, and each there- 
fore rated at a far higher value than a good-sized farm, were provided for 
the use of the cavalry; a force to which Cortes looked as the means of strik- 
ing terror into the hearts of the natives at the first sight. 

Before finally embarking at Cape St. Antonio, which he had appointed as 
the rendezvous for all his forces, Cortes addressed his troops in a stirring 
harangue, bidding them remember that great things are to be achieved only 
by great exertions, and that glory was never yet acquired by sloth. He told 
them, with that utter disregard for the rights of uncivilized nations wdiich 
has always characterized those who claim superiority, that their cause was a 
just one, since they were to fight under the banner of the Cross. 

His speech was received with such acclamations as any utterance of his 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 319 

would have been accorded by his devoted soldiers, and mass having been cel- 
ebrated with the usual ceremonies, the whole force embarked, and set sail 
from Cape St. Antonio for Yucatan February 18, 1519. 

A storm, violent as tropical tempests are apt to be, overtook them before 
they had sailed many leagues; and the vessels were scattered. Cortes found 
it necessary to linger a little behind the others to assist one which had been 
partly disabled; and the smaller vessels reached the island of Cozumel before 
the flag-ship. 

Arrived there, he found that Alvarado had improved the opportunity by 
rifling the temples of their ornaments, and frightening the natives so that 
they fled hastily to the dense forests of the interior. This was directly against 
the orders which Cortes had given; for it was his original plan to treat the 
Indians with great kindness. Alvarado was severely and publicly reprimanded, 
and every effort made to reassure the frightened natives. They were finally 
convinced of the friendliness of the strangers, and returned to trade with 
them. 

About eight years before this time, a vessel from the colony of Darien had 
been wrecked oif the coast of what is now Central America, and the few who 
escaped the fury of the elements were captured by the Indians. Some of 
them were killed and eaten, the Spaniards in the settlements had heard ; others 
Avere still in captivity among the savages. To find these unfortunate creatures, 
if they still lived, was one of the first objects of Cortes; and he dispatched 
one of his officers, with two brigantines, to the opposite coast of Yucatan, to 
see if anything could be learned about them there; since the natives of Coz- 
umel gave him to understand that these captives were likely to be found on 
that coast. Ordaz, the officer to whom this was intrusted, was instructed to 
remain there eight days for this purpose. 

Much to the surprise of Cortes and his men, they found in the temple which 
Alvarado had rifled a cross, built of stone and lime. On inquiring the mean- 
ing of this symbol, they were told that it was the sign for the god of rain. 
They could not understand how a heathen people should have, as a religious 
symbol, that same emblem which is the most sacred to Christians; nor have 
later scientists been able to solve the puzzle. It formed a starting-point, how- 
ever, for the priest who endeavored to convert these worshipers of the rain- 
god's cross to the religion of the Cross; for this expedition, like so many 
others of the time and section, partook largely of the character of a crusade. 
It was a Christian duty to convert the Indians; and if they could not be per- 
suaded to embrace the religion of the white men, force must be employed. 

Two priests, Juan Diaz and Bartolome de Olmedo, had accompanied the 
expedition, for the double purpose of ministering to the spiritual needs of 
the Spaniards and preaching to the Indians. They now began to exert all 
their eloquence upon these benighted heathen ; and tried to pursuade them 



320 COllTKS, THIO C()N(,)lIKll()Ii OF MEXICO. 

to permit their idols to l)e thrown down tuid destroyed. Naturally, the na- 
tives, who had w()rshi|)(>(l these gods all their lives, and had never lieard of 
the white man's God until within the past week, were not r(;ady to consent 
to this. Cortes, as usual, was prompt to act. The arguments of the priests 
were not immediately sueecssful, but ho would wait for nothing more. lie 
ordered the great idols to bo thrown down and dragged out of the tem[)les, 
where a slirino to the Virgin and Child was erected instead. 

After mass had been i)erformed at the altar thus suddenly erected, the ar- 
guments of the priests were renewed; and the natives, seeing that their gods 
(lid not avenge the insults which had been offered them, consented to em- 
l»race Christianity, 'i'his was reckoned a great triumph for the f:iilh;nl- 
thoughitis doubtful whether the interpreter half understood the instruc- 
tions Avhich he was required to translate, and certain that the Indians who 
thus professed Christiauily did not have any idea of the failh whicli they 
were accepting. 

Orda/ returned without tidings of the ca[)tives, and Cortes set sail. But a 
leak in one of the vessels comi)elled them to return to the same port. AVhile 
they were lying at anchor here, a canoe was seen appioaching the ships from 
the main land. One of the men in it, as he came Avithin speaking distance, 
hailed them in broken Spanish, asking if he were among Christians. Wiien 
the answer was given, he fell upon his knees and gave thanks for his deliv- 
erance. It was one of the long-sought captives, Jeronimo do Aguilar. 

Cortes had directed Ordaz to offer large ransoms for the captives, to be 
paid in beads, hawks' bells and such other trinkets of European manufac- 
ture as tlu^ Indians especially valued. Aguilar Avas a favored servant of a 
chief far in the interior; and the news of this offer h:ul not reached him in 
time for him to get to the coast before Ordaz sailed to rejoin his connnand- 
er. It Avas only aftcn* considerable persuasion, indeed, and many praises of 
the beads and bells to be obtained as a ransom, that the chief would consent 
to give him up. 

Had the fleet not returned to Conzutnel for repairs, Aguilar nuist have 
missed his countrymen entirely. This Avould have been a serious loss to 
Cortes, since the captive, Avho had been educated as a priest, had taken ad- 
vantage of his long residence among the Indians to learn the various dia- 
lects Avhich Avero yi)oken, and now served as an intelligent, trustworthy in- 
terpreter; in Avhich capacity his services Avere invaluable. 

Having repaired the ships, they sailed again INIarch 4; and, doubling Cape 
Catoche, reached the nioulh of the llio de Tabasca. 

Ho resolved to ascend this stream; but the natives seenu'd determined to 
prevent it. Cortes proclaiuu>d, through his interpreter, that he desired only 
a free passage for his jnen ; but the Indians, Avho had gathered in great num- 
bers, their canoes lining the banks of the river, answered only Avith shouts 



cortp:s, the conqueror of Mexico. 321 

and with volleys of arrows. Thus defied, Cortes crossed the river from the 
island where he had anchored, in the very face of the enemy; the boats were 
brought alongside the canoes, and a desperate struggle Avas waged. Gradu- 
ally the whites forced the Indians back to land; but this was hardly an ad- 
vantage to the assailants; for the natives found support there from their 
friends who showered darts, arrows and blazing brands upon the Spaniards, 
trying hard to maintain their footing on the soft ooze of the shore, while 
battling with those whom they had driven from the river. 

" Strike at the Chief!" called one Indian to another, noting the careless- 
ness with which Cortes exposed himself to their w^eapons, i)lacing himself 
ever in the front of the fight; and the cry was caught up and re-echoed from 
side to side. 

But when the Spaniards had got a footing on the bank, and opened fire 
with their arquebuses, the natives were glad to retreat behind a hastily con- 
structed breastwork of timber. The wdiites, encouraged by their success, 
assaulted this rampart with renewed vigor; and the Indians again retreated, 
this time to their palisaded town, Tabasca. But this was carried by a de- 
termined attack ; and the natives were glad to escape with their lives into the 
surrounding forests. 

Cortes took possession of this town with due solemnity, in the name of the 
Most Catholic King, and took up his quarters in the chief temple; carefully 
posting guards about the town, to ensure against a surprise by the Indians. 
The next morning, two parties were sent out to reconnoiter. One of these 
had not gone a league before it w^as attacked by the Indians in force, and 
obliged to retreat to the town. Cortes now saw that he had made a mistake 
in attempting to explore this river, instead of going straight to his proposed 
destination; but to retreat now would be to dishearten his own men with the 
sense of being beaten at the outset, and enable his enemies to send messen- 
gers to announce that he was coming, but might easily be driven back by de- 
termined opposition. 

He accordingly called his officers together, and made preparation to give 
battle the next day. The wounded were sent back to the ships, all others 
ordered to the camp. The horses were all brought on shore, with six of the 
heavy guns. Mesa, who had some experience as an engineer, was put in 
charge of the cannon; we can hardly dignify him with the title of command- 
er of the artillery. The infantry w^as put under the direction of Ordaz, while 
Cortes himself led the cavalry, consisting of sixteen horsemen. 

All night long, Cortes, restless with the sense of responsibility, went the 
rounds of his camp, visiting the sentinels to observe that no one fell asleep 
upon his post, and seeing that every possible preparation for the conflict had 
been made as ordered. 

Morning dawned, and the soldiers assembled at the celebration of niuss, It 



322 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

was March 25, Lady-day, according to the reckoning of churchmen. In- 
fantry and artillery were to march upon the enemy, encamped upon the 
plain of Ccutla, direct; while the little force of cavalry attacked upon the 
Hank or rear, as opportunity might offer. 

The country was dotted with corn-fields, irrigated by means of canals and 
reservoirs; so that their advance was slow and difficult. Many of them were 
severely wounded by the arrows of the enemy, before they could reach a 
footing firm enough to permit them to form in line of battle, and discharge 
their own missiles at the foe. The Indians, in dense masses, were swept 
down at every discharge of the guns; but they closed up the ranks, throw- 
ing up dust and leaves to hide the number of the slain from the assailants, 
and pressed so close upon the Spaniards that the latter hardly had room to 
manage their guns. 

Where was the cavalry? Retarded beyond his expectations by the nature 
of the ground, Cortes did not reach the field of battle for an hour after the 
fight had begun. When he arrived, the Indians were so busily engaged with 
the enemy in front that they did not perceive his approach. 

"Santiago and San Pedro!'' rang out the war-cry; and the wearied in- 
fantry, scarcely able to hold their own against the overwhelming masses of 
the foe in spite of all the advantage that their guns gave them, knew that 
help had come. The startled Indians turned to look in the direction of the 
cry, and saw monstrous creatures, such as they had never seen before, rush- 
ing upon them; these dreadful beings had four feet and two arms each; the 
upper part of the body seemed to be covered with a glittering shell; and a 
sharp and glittering Aveapon was aimed directly at their faces. Such was the 
idea which the Indians entertained of the mail-clad cavaliers, mounted on 
horses protected by steel plates, and each bearing a lance which he had been 
ordered to direct at the faces of the enemy; for the ignorant natives, who 
had never seen a horse, supposed that horse and rider were one creature. 

They could face men, even when armed with thunder and lightning, as the 
possessors of fire-arms seemed to be; but these dreadful monsters were a 
thousand times worse ; a panic seized them, and they, who had threatened to 
overwhelm the force of five hundred soldiers with half a dozen cannon, fled 
in wild terror before sixteen horsemen. 

Cortes did not attempt to pursue them. Content with the victory, he drew 
his men off to a neighboring copse, and there they offered up thanksgivings 
for t'ne victory which had been given them. To the devout Spaniards, it 
seemed that Heaven must indeed have fought on their side, or they could 
never have conquered such a horde of the foe; ai>d some of them positively 
declared that Santiago — the patron saint of Spain — mounted on his good gray 
horse, was plainly to he seen among the horsemen, dealing such blows as had 
given him rank of old anumg tlie Seven Champions of Chi-istendom, 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



323 



Some of the Indians who had been taken prisoners were sent as messen- 
gers to their countrymen, with the promise that Cortes would overlook the 
past, if they would submit to him at once; but that otherwise he would put 
every living creature in the land to- the sword. The natives hastened to obey 
liis demand; and brought such tokens of submission as they thought most 
acceptable. An imposing religious ceremonial was arranged to impress their 
simple minds, and tlie force, embarking, departed from the conquered 
country. 




MrxiCAN Indians Bringing Gifts io ( o) ips 
Among the articles which they had brought as gifts, or had offered in trade 
after confidence had been established, were some small ornaments of gold, 
21 



324 COKTIOS, TIIIO CONQUlOKOIt OK MKXICO. 

Tlio Spiiniiirds had eaj;;orly (iiu'slioiicd IIkmii as io llic s()ur('(i of this prooions 
iiu'laKaiid weld lold that it had Ixcii Jtroiijiht froni tho wost, from Mt^xico; 
and this inronnatlou did imicdi to hastcMi thvlr departure. 

It was Pahii Sunday when they (Mubarked; and tho next Thiu'schiy they 
readied th(^ ishiiid of San ,liian (h> Uhia, which liad ])eeii visited and named 
by ( Jrijah ;i. ]ler(^ t iiey \\<'i'e visiliul l>y Indians, who bron«iht presents of 
fruits, ih)\vers, and gohl ornaments, lint Aguihir, who Inid been useful as an 
interi)ret(M" farther to the soutlieast, was here unable to understand tho lani;- 
uago. Fortunately, a girl, who had been ono of twenty young female slaves 
presented by the submissive Tabaseans to tho eoiKpierors, was familiar oncnigh 
with the I\I:iy:in diah-cls, whieh Aguiiai' spoke, and with tho Aztec, liernativo 
tongue, to traushite to the priest, who in turn reiuh'icd tho speeeh into tiu^ 
(^astiliau language to Cortes. Jt\\;is only by this round-about means, that 
Cortes was able to eommuni(':it(> with the natives. 

IIo leiinied from them that thc^ country was ruled l)y a great numarch, 
whoso name! is usually r(>n(U'red as Monte/iima ; but lu^ dwelt on tho high 
])lains, more than two hundred miUvs iidand; their ])i(»\ luce \vas ruled by one 
of his great nobles, who lived but twenty-tivo miles away. 'They also informed 
him that in tho interior there was plenty of gold. 

Tho next day, Friday, 7\pril 21, he landed at tho i)oint wlioro tho city of 
Vera Cvw/. now stands. His guns were nu)unted on tho small sand-hills, and 
tho troops employed in cutting ih)\\ ii trees and bushes in order to securo a 
shelter from tho weather. In this work they received much assistance from 
t h(^ natives, who not only hclpcMl tluMU wit h lh(> labor, but brought mats aiul 
cotton carpets for their huts. 

W'hih^ this was being doiu', a great number of t he nat ixcs, out of curiosity, 
visited tho camp, bringing with them food of all kinds, and such oiiiaments 
as they possessed, which they gavo away, or offered in exchange for the triidi- 
ets of tho Spaniards. From theseCortes learniMl that Teuhtlile, t ho governor 
(d' the district, ])roposed to visit him tlu^ next. day. 

'The ex[)ected guest, came before noon, and Avas received with much cere- 
nutuy, and entertuine(H\ it h an ample collation. IIo l)rought rich picsents, 
whichgavo the Spaniards a gi-cat idea, both of tho wealth of the country and 
tlu^skill of its workmen; while tho readin(>ss with which some of his attend- 
ants depi(>ted the appearance of the " water-houses," the horses, arms, and 
costumes of tho Spanianls, tilled tluMU with admiring wonder. Tiiis ])icture- 
writing was intencUul to bo transmitted to I\h)nte/,uma, as a faitlifid reportof 
the strangers and all concerning them. 

Cortes had dciuamlcd to st>e t his monarch at once ; and had nuido groat 
boasts of tlu^ power and greatness of his own king. Teuhtlile, however, 
coolly remark(Ml that lu^ was.glad to hear that there was another monarch as 
groat as Monte/,un:a, and tirndy insisted that Cortes nuist remain whore lio 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 325 

was until messengers could be sent to inform Montezuma of his arrival, and 
learn the ruler's pleasure concerning him. 

Montezuma was a great soldier and statesman; but he had assumed such 
}3omp in his style of living as Mexico had never seen; and the expense of 
maintaining this state, together with the enormous cost of the wars which he 
waged, caused him to levy very heavy taxes. This was of itself enough to 
make him unpopular. But the severity with which he caused justice to be 
administered, and the arrogance of his manner, combined to render him the 
object of fear, mingled with dislike. 

Seven or eight days after the visit of Teuhtlile, the envoys from Montezuma 
arrived at the camp of Cortes. They brought presents which fully justified 
all the invader's dreams of their master's wealth. Helmets and shields orna- 
mented with plates of gold, necklaces and bracelets composed of the same 
metal, and set with beautifully worked precious stones; imitations of birds 
and animals in gold and silver; garments, curtains and coverlets of cotton 
fine as silk, and richly embroidered with feathers; and, above all, two im- 
mense disks, "as large as carriage wheels," one of silver, the other of gold, 
skillfully carved with various devices; this gold disk alone was worth more 
than two hundred thousand dollars in United States money of the present 
day, if we consider only the weight of the metal which it contained; and 
those who saw these articles after they were taken to Spain, where they could 
examine them at their leisure and judge of them coolly, declared that the 
beauty of the workmanship more than doubled the value of the rich 
materials. 

But Montezuma declined, through his envoys, to receive Cortes and his 
followers at his capital; it was too far away, he said, and the journey thither 
was too full of difficulties and dangers. He advised the strangers to depart 
with the gifts that he sent as a proof of his friendly disposition. 

But the Spanish nation had been dreaming of a monarch Avho could offer 
such gifts as these ever since the Santa Maria and her consorts set sail from 
Palos, that August day in 1492; and Cortes replied that he could not present 
himself before his own sovereign without having accomplished the object of 
his mission, which was to see Montezuma; and declared that having come 
two thousand leagues already, he had no fears regarding the short journey 
which still lay before him. With this message, he sent a gift as far inferior 
to that which he had received as his resources were inferior to those of 
^lontezuma. 

But the Indian monarch again forbade Cortes to approach his capital, and 
requested him to return to his own country without farther delay. Turning 
to his officers, Cortes remarked: — 

"This is a rich and powerful prince indeed; j'et it shall go hard but we 
will pay him a visit in his capital I" 



32G CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

The interview ended with an attempt, on the part of the Spaniards, to ex- 
plain their religion to the envoys; but the latter did not seem to be favorably 
impressed with anything that the strangers had to say. They withdrew; and 
the next morning saw every native hut which had been built near the camp 
of the Spaniards, deserted. This meant that Cortes was cut off from all sup- 
plies, except such as were contained in his ships. 

An expedition under Montejo had been sent to explore the coast, to see if 
there was any more favorable situation for a camp a little farther north. 
Having gone as far as Panuco, they returned, and reported that they had met 
with no success; the whole coast was low, marshy, hot, and unhealthful. 
Only one place at all suitable had been found ; and to that Cortes determined 
to remove his forces. 

But in the meantime his men were becoming dissatisfied; thirty of their 
number had died since landing; and they desired to return to Cuba with such 
treasure as they had already secured. The personal friends of Cortes tried 
to reason with them, and pointed out how much more would be gained should 
they found a colony here. Cortes had no authority from Velasquez to found 
such a colony, they answered; the others admitted the truth of this assertion, 
but retorted that the interests of the sovereign, to be considered before the 
commands of Velasquez, demanded that such a colony should be planted. 
Still the dissatisfied soldiers persisted that it was their duty to return to 
Cuba, for further orders from Velasquez. 

Cortes understood, better than his friends, how to deal with them. Learn- 
ing what their demands were, he gave orders that the troops were to hold 
themselves in readiness to embark at once, as the ships were to sail for Cuba 
without farther delay. It may be thought that this order would give great 
satisfaction to those who had been insisting on following this course; nothing 
of the kind; they veered like a weathercock when the wind changes, and de- 
manded in the interests of the sovereign that a colony should be founded. 
If he refused, they told him, they would protest against his conduct as dis- 
loyal to the Emperor. 

Cortes received this protest as seriously as if he had not purposely taken 
the best means to produce it; and promised to consider the matter and give 
them an answer the next day. Having allowed this time to pass, he informed 
them that he would accede to their demands, and plant a colony there in the 
name of the sovereigns of Spain. He nominated the magistrates who were 
to govern the new settlement, to which he gave the name of Villa Rica de 
Vera Cruz— " The Rich City of the True Cross." The officials being duly 
sworn, Cortes formally resigned into their hands the authority Avhich he had 
received from Velasquez; and after a show of deliberation on their part, 
was invested with supreme civil and military jurisdiction, with the titles of 
Captain-General and Chief-Justice of the colony. 



I 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 327 

Among his followers, there were some adherents of Velasquez, who had, 
all along, acted somewhat like spies for the governor, and had indeed been 
sent with Cortes for that purpose. These men now protested warmly against 
what had been done; Cortes replied by putting the chief men among them 
in irons, and confining them on board the vessels, while their adherents were 
busily employed in collecting provisions for the colony. This punishment, 
however, did not last very long; for such a Avonderful power of fascination 
did the man possess, that these very persons who had been employed by his 
enemy to watch and check him soon gave in their adhesion to the new gov- 
ernment, and became the most devoted followers of Cortes himself. 

Just before the half-revolt of the troops wdiich had led to the formation of 
the colony, Cortes had been visited by five Indians, whose appearance was 
different from that of the Mexicans. From them he learned that "Monte- 
zuma was not the unquestioned lord of this mighty empire, as he had sup- 
posed; there were provinces, recently conquered and heavily oppressed by 
taxation, which would be only too willing to throw off his yoke. The country 
of the Totonacs was one of these; and they had come from its chief town, 
Cempoalla, to request the strangers of whose coming they had heard to visit 
that capital. 

The empire of Montezuma, as a fact, was beset with enemies from without 
and within; for, in addition to the rebellious feeling in such provinces as that 
of the Totonacs, the Tezcucans and the Tlascalans were unconquered ene- 
mies. But this Avas the first hint that Cortes had received that Mexico — using 
the term in the sense in which it is used to-day — was not a single state, as 
loyal to Montezuma as Castile to Charles Y. 

Cortes, having settled all discords in the colony, resolved to march at the 
head of his troops to Cempoalla. He sent his heavy guns on board the ships, 
which were ordered to coast as far north as the point where the new colony 
was to be situated. 

Cortes was received with due ceremony at Cempoalla; but the chief of the 
Totonacs, although ready enough to inveigh against Montezuma, refused to 
consider seriously any plan of revolt; plainly showing the Spanish chieftain 
how great was the fear which the Emperor's subjects entertained of him. 
Cortes left Cempoalla the next day for Chiahuitztla, eight leagues away, the 
Totonac town near which the new colony was to be situated. He was accom- 
panied by the Totonac ruler, and with him entered into a conference with the 
principal men. 

While thus engaged, he noticed that five men, richly clad and attended by 
a considerable number, entered the market-place. He inquired who they 
were, and received the answer that they were the Aztec nobles sent by Mon- 
tezuma to collect the tribute which he compelled the Totonacs to pay him. 
Cortes at first advised and then demanded that the Totonacs should refuse to 



328 coirfES, the conqueror of Mexico. 

comply with these denuiiuls, and seize and ini]n'i,son the collectors of the 
revenue. 

This was done; but that night he secretly caused two of them to be released 
and brought before him; employing them as messengers to Montezuma, to 
say that the Spaniards still entertained a great regard for him, although he 
would have left them to perish with hunger. The men were enabled to escape 
thcTotonacs; and the other prisoners, whom the enraged captors designed 
to sacrifice, were saved by the intervention of Cortes, who assisted them se- 
cretly, as in the case of the tirst two. 

Montezuma heard of the treatment which his envoys had experienced, and 
sent an embassy to treat with Cortes on friendly terms. The fact that he 
should send such messengers impressed the Totonacs with great wonder; for 
this stranger had means of disarming even the anger of the great ruler whom 
all feared. They little guessed the treachery of which Cortes had been 
guilty. 

But the Spaniards had determined that the natives should be converted to 
Christianity; and finding them indifferent, he determined to use force. One 
of their temples was seized, the idols rolled down the great steps, hewn to 
pieces, and burned; while the temple itself, thoroughly cleansed and decked 
with flowers, having an altar erected in it, with an image of the Virgin above 
it, was made the scene of a solemn celebration of mass. This decided action 
produced the expected results; the Indians resolved that gods that could 
not avenge these insults to their own inuiges and temi)les were unworthy of 
reverence, and accepted the faith of the strangers. 

Before Cortes set out for the capital, there arrived a Spanish vessel, under 
the command of an adventurer named Saucedo, having on board twelve sol- 
diers and two horses. This vessel brought the news that Velasquez had late- 
ly received a warrant from the Emperor to establish a colony in the country 
which his subordinates had lately explored. Cortes saw that this was likely 
to bo the means of his ruin if he did not act promptly. He resolved to send 
a vessel at once to Spain, reporting to the sovereign the extent of his discov- 
eries and conquests, and offering such a present as should convince the Em- 
peror of their value. According to custom, the sovereign was entitled to 
one-fifth of all that was secured; the general to the same proportion; wdiile 
the remainder w^as divided among his ofiicers and soldiers. But Cortes 
wished to impress the Emperor with a great idea of the value of his services; 
he accordingly resolved to send, in addition to the royal fifth, his own share 
of the booty; and he actually persuaded his followers, thirsting after gold 
as they were, to relinquish their own claims, and permit the entire amount 
of Montezuma's gifts to be sent to Spain. 

With this magnificent tribute went a letter from Cortes, giving a full ac- 
count of what he had done, and of the condition of affairs, so far as he knew 



CORTES, THE CONQUEKOK OF MEXICO. 321( 

them, in Mexico; and stating his difficulties with Velasquez, narrated how the 
army had requested hinl to form a colony. With this letter went one from 
the magistrates of the new Villa Kica de Vera Cruz, asking that the nomina- 
tion of Cortes might be confirmed by royal authority; and another from the 
citizen-soldiers of the colony making the same request. 

Two cavaliers were selected to deliver these letters; and one of the best of 
the ships, manned by fifteen sailors, and commandedby the most skillful pilot, 
was set aside to convey them across the Atlantic. In direct defiance of the 
orders of Cortes, they landed on the coast of Cuba, in order to allow one of 
his cavaliers to visit his plantation. By this means Velasquez heard full par- 
ticulars of what had been done; he sent a vessel in chase; hesentcomphiints 
to Ilispaniohi; and he dispatched indignant letters to Spain. The chase 
})roved vain; he got no satisfaction from Hispaniola; and, too impatient to 
wait until he could hear from Spain, he fitted out another squadron which 
he intended should be far superior to that of Cortes. But of course the prep- 
aration of such a fleet occupied many months, so that Cortes felt none of the 
immediate effects of Velasquez' anger. 

While these things were going on, there was mutiny and conspiracy in the 
camp on the Mexican shore. Some of the more timid and less determined 
souls had begun to be fearful regarding the result of the expedition into the 
interior; and, under the leadership of the priest, Juan Diaz, had planned to 
seize one of the ships, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report to 
Velasquez how matters stood. Provisions and water were got aboard with 
such secrecy that Cortes and his friends suspected nothing; and things went 
on all right for the conspirators until the very night that they were to sail. 
Then, one of their number, too unstable to stick to any party, as it seemed, 
went to the leader and betrayed the counsel of his companions. They were 
all arrested at once; nor was the trial long delayed. Two of the ringleaders 
were condemned to death; the pilot was sentenced to lose his feet; several 
others were to be whipped ; while the priest, in accordance with the custom 
of the times, claimed " benefit of clergy," and thus escaped all punishment. 

" Would that I had never learned to write! "exclaimed Cortes, as he signed 
the death-warrants. 

The situation was a serious one. As long as there was a possibility of re- 
treat, there would be some anxious to avail themselves of it. Cortes, bold 
and prompt as ever, determined that there should be no such possibility. 
lie communicated his plans to a few of his friends, and arranged for a little 
comedy, in which he was to play the leadingrole. Thepilots were persuaded 
to make a report, such as suited his purpose, of the condition of the ships. 
The vessels, they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales which they 
had experienced, and the worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms so 
that it was only with difficulty that they could be kept afloat. 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 331 

Cortes received this report with well-acted surprise and anxiety. 

'• If it be so," he exclaimed, " we must make the best of it. The Avill of 
Heaven be done! " 

Thus resigning himself to the divine order, he gave command that five of 
the worst of the vessels should be dismantled, the cordage, sails, iron, and 
everything else that was movable, brought on shore, and the vessels them- 
selves be sunk. 

This excited no suspicion, for the soldiers were well aware of the amount 
of damage that can be done to a ship by worms in the tropical seas. The 
pilots were ordered to inspect the remaining vessels, five in number; and on 
a report similar to the first, four of these suffered the same fate. Then the 
soldiers saw what had been done. Their commander had purposely cut the 
only thread of hope by wdiich they were united to their own country. Only 
one small vessel remained, and they w^ere in a hostile country, a mere hand- 
ful in the midst of untold thousands of the enemy. 

Whatever might be their idea of the danger in which they stood from the 
natives, there can be but one opinion of the position in which Cortes had 
placed himself. He stood virtually alone against the multitude, who looked 
upon him as a butcher who had led them like cattle to be slaughtered in the 
shambles. But he neverflinched. Calling them together, he addressed them 
in words which have been preserved for us by a native historian. He first 
bade them remember that the great loss fell upon him, since the ships were 
all that he possessed in the world. Their destruction added a hundred men 
to the available force, since that was the number required to man the rotten 
hulks. In their present expedition, he said, they would not need the fleet if 
they succeeded, while if they failed they would be too far in the interior to 
make use of it. But they would not fail if they resumed their former con- 
fidence in themselves and in him. 

"As for me, I have chosen my part. I will remain here, while there is 
one to bear me company. If there be any so craven as to shrink from sharing 
the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let him go home, in God's name. 
There is still one vessel left. Let them take that and return to Cuba. They 
can tell there how they have deserted their commander and their comrades, 
and patiently wait until we return loaded w^ith the spoil of the Aztecs." 

As they listened, all their fears died away; and scarcely had they heard his 
last words before the shouts rang out : — 

"To Mexico! To Mexico!" 

The force that he chose for the expedition consisted of four hundred foot 
soldiers, fifteen mounted men, seven pieces of artillery, thirteen hundred In- 
dian warriors, a thousand Indian porters to transport the cannon and bag- 
gage, and forty of the principal men of the Totonacs as hostages, guides and 
advisers. The others of the Spanish force were left at Vera Cruz. 



332 CORTES, THE CONCjUEKOK OF MEXICO). 

August 16, 1519, they set out on their march, and at the close of the second 
day had passed the lowhmd of the coast, ascended half the slope of the 
table-laud, and reached Jalapa. As they continued the ascent they experi- 
enced a great change of climate, not unwelcome to the Spaniards, clad in 
mail, or in thick jackets of quilted cotton; but beneath which the scantily 
clad Indians, accustomed only to the warm climate of the coast, sank, per- 
ishing with the cold. Several of them actually died on the road. 

Arrived at the summit of the slope, they came to a populous city, com- 
manded by a vassal of Montezuma. From this official they received the in- 
formation that the Mexican ruler had thirty great vassals, each of whom 
could muster a hundred thousand fighting men ; while more than twenty thous- 
and captives taken in war were sacrificed each year upon the altar of his 
gods. In proof of this latter assertion, the invaders were referred to a heap 
of skulls of the victims who had been sacrificed in this place; and a follower 
of Cortes, who wrote a history of the expedition, declares that he counted 
one hundred thousand. 

Cortes remained in this place four or five days, to rest his troops. By the 
advice of his Indian allies, he resolved to march to Tlascala before advanc- 
ing upon Mexico ; as the Tlascalans were constantly at war with the Aztecs, 
and might prove valuable allies. He accordingly turned toward that country, 
and entered its bounds. But he found that he was not to be received with 
open arms. The Tlascalans were by no means sure of his sincerity; they 
knew that he had received the envoys of Montezuma, and accepted his pres- 
ents; and they did not fully believe that he was marching against that prince. 
They therefore decided that a division of their army should fall upon the 
Spaniards as they entered the country; if the soldiers repelled them, well 
and good; if not, the government could disown the action of its army. 

Two battles followed, as a consequence of this plan; the first, compara- 
tively unimportant; although, much to Cortes' anxiety, two of his horses 
were slain, thus showing the Indians that these animals were subject to death. 
The second was a bloody battle, which lasted all day; and in which the for- 
tunes of the two opposing armies were so nearly equal that the Spaniards 
could hardly claim a victory. The Tlascalans, however, retreated at evening, 
but in such good order as to call forth the praise of their enemies. 

Two messengers were sent to the Tlascalan capital, to propose a cessation 
of hostilities and a friendly visit from Cortes. They were stopped on the 
road by the general who had led the forces in the late battles, and sent back with 
the message that " the Spaniards might pass on as soon as they chose to Tlas- 
cala; and, when they reached it, their flesh would be hewn from their bones, 
for a sacrifice to the gods. If they preferred to remain in their own quarters, 
he would pay them a visit there the next day." 

Fearing the result both upon his own men and the enemy should he simply 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 333 

await an attack, Cortes resolved to march out and meet the enemy in the 
tiekl. It was the 5th of September when he reviewed his troops, giving them 
a few brief directions; and then giving the order to march. 

They had scarcely gone half a mile before they came in sight of the enemy, 
whose numbers Cortes estimates as one hundred and fifty thousand men. 
Again, after a determined and bloody conflict, the Tlascalans withdrew, 
leaving the Spaniards in possession of the field; and again Cortes sent mes- 
sengers to the capital. 

The Government — for Tlascala was a republic — was uncertain what answer 
to return. From the terrible effect of the fire-arms, the councillors were in- 
clined to think that the Spaniards were more than human; and the employ- 
ment of horses in battle bore this out. If they were men, it would be well 
to keep on fighting until they were driven back ; but if they were gods, who 
could hope to contend against them? In this dilemma, they consulted the 
priests; who returned the answer that the whites were not gods, but were 
the children of the Sun, deriving strength and power from his light. Should 
they be attacked by night, they would be more easily conquered. 

But Cortes was too cautious to be taken by surprise ; and the night chosen 
for the attack was illuminated by the full moon. One of the sentries espied 
the Indians cautiously advancing; he gave the alarm; the Spaniards, who 
slept with their arms by their sides, were instantly on the alert; but gave no 
sign of their being awake. The Indians continued to advance upon what they 
thought the sleeping camp, until suddenly Cortes gave the signal, and his 
whole force dashed upon them. The assailants were panic-stricken; and fled 
after giving but one volley of arrows. 

The next day Cortes again sent embassadors to the capital, with a letter in 
one hand, an arrow in the other; promising forgetfulness of the past if they 
would submit, but threatening entire destruction should they still resist. The 
Tlascalans had tried everything, and could now do nothing but submit; four 
caciques were accordingly entrusted with a peaceful mission to the Spanish 
camp, with orders to stop by the way at the Tlascalan camp, and inform the 
commander of their mission, requiring him to abstain from fighting and fur- 
nish the white men with all the provisions which they might require. 

But the general of the Tlascalans had no idea of thus j^ielding; he per- 
suaded the embassadors to remain in his camp; and thus Cortes was kept in 
ignorance of the efforts which the Tlascalans had made to comply with his 
demands. But he was not inactive. Although suffering from an attack of 
fever, he was constantly in the saddle, scouring the country at the head of 
his little body of cavalry; saying to his followers, when, chilled to the bone 
by the severe winds, they would have returned to camp : — 

" We fight under the banner of the Cross; God is stronger than nature." 
Indeed, it must never be forgotten that however cruel they may have been, 



334 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

or tyrannical after the fighting was over, these old Spaniards considered them- 
selves as fighting for Christianity'; and regarded any severity toward the foe 
as pardonable as long as he refused to accept the religion of the Prince of 
Peace. 

While Cortes was thus in the saddle, daring fatigue and hardship, the men 
in camp were giving vent to expressions of discontent. AVhcn he returned, 
they remonstrated with him on the folly of persisting in the effort to reach 
Mexico. All were wounded, more than fifty had perished since leaving the 
coast, and, between fighting and keeping guard, they had no rest, day or night. 
It was true they had no fleet in which to sail to Cuba; but they could fortify 
themselves on the coast until the one remaining vessel could be sent to the 
island for the necessary number of ships. 

Cortes answered by acknowledging the truth of all their complaints. He 
knew just what hardships they had endured, for he had shared them all. But 
he bade them remember that they were fighting for the Cross. He told them 
further, that, should they retreat, the now vanquished Tlascalans would fall 
upon them as they went, and follow them to the coast until they could destroy 
the men who had so nearly destroyed the armies of Tlascala. The Totonacs, 
too, would join against them when they became the object of contempt by 
fleeing. 

Still the soldiers were not convinced, and they gathered about their general 
with repetitions of their arguments. He saw that nothing was to be gained 
by arguing with them, and impatiently quoted a verse from an old Spanish 
song, with which they were all familiar, and which may be thus rendered: — 

" ' Twere better die with honor 
Than live to be disgraced." 

The song Avas caught up by his listeners, and the few who remained discon- 
tented slunk back to their quarters, silenced, if not convinced. 

A small body of Tlascalans arrived the next morning, saying that the gen- 
eral had sent them to ask for terms of peace. It was discovered, however, 
that they were spies; and Cortes, having had their hands cut off, sent them 
back with the message: — 

"Let the Tlascalans come by day or by night, they will find the Spaniards 
ready for them." 

The general saw with dismay that his plans had failed; and his soldiers 
looked with more awe than ever on an enemy who could read their very 
thoughts. It was useless to resist longer; and, putting himself at the head of 
his army, sending the four envoys from the government in advance, the Tlas- 
calan leader submitted to the strangers. 

His submission was received by Cortes with respect for the brave soldier; 
and the bloody war was ended. While the Tlascalans were yet in the camp, 
embassadors came from Montezuma, who had kept himself informed of the 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 335 

progress of the Spaniards, and had hoped that they would be defeated and 
driven back by the Tlascalans, whose courage he knew well. The news that 
the strangers had conquered these formidable enemies, filled him with dismay ; 
there were many prophecies of strangers who should come and conquer and 
rule over Mexico ; and, while these prophecies indicated no special time, every- 
thing pointed to the present as the time for their fulfillment. The bolder 
priests, indeed, had admitted to him that his own reign was to end in the 
downfall of his dynasty; and Montezuma began to fear that there was no way 
of averting the doom. 

The embassadors, having presented the rich gifts which they brought, and 
congratulated Cortes on his victories, expressed their master's regret that 
they could not be received in his capital, as they would there be exposed to 
such danger from an unruly populace. Montezuma, accustomed to see his 
lightest wish regarded as law, had thought that this would be sufiicient to 
prevent their coming; and so, too, thought the Indians. 

Cortes gave an answer which has not been preserved ; but we may be sure 
that he showed no such blind respect for the Indian ruler's wish. The en- 
voys then offered, in their master's name, to pay tribute to the master of 
Cortes, if the Spaniards would cease to press forward to the city of Mexico. 
This showed Cortes more clearly than ever that the stories he had heard 
about the impregnable defences of the city were not true ; and that the vast 
treasures which Montezuma had accumulated were protected by no guard 
strong enough to stop his handful of avaricious Spaniards. 

Before marching upon the Aztec city, however, Cortes visited the capital 
of the Tlascalans, where he was entertained v/ith such honors as a conqueror 
might expect. He was anxious to convert his late foes to Christianity, and 
had only been delayed in the execution of this purpose by the persuasions of 
Father Olmeda, who did not approve of forced conversions. Cortes consid- 
ered that, the war over, the time for presenting the doctrines of Christianity 
to the Tlascalans had come. It was done; but although the Indians listened 
with respect, and were easily persuaded to telerate the religion of the Span- 
iards, it was not accepted as generally as Cortes had expected. 

While thus engaged, another embassy from Montezuma arrived. They 
came, this time, with an 'invitation to Mexico; suggesting that he talqs the 
route by the city of Cholula, where preparations had been made for enter- 
taining him and his army. 

The Tlascalans protested against accepting this invitation; telling Cortes 
that the Emperor's professions were hollow, and his friendships false. Cho- 
lula, unlike other cities at even a greater distance from Tlascala, had sent no 
messengers to Cortes, to testify its good-will and offer allegiance to his sov- 
ereigns. 

Cortes recognized the wisdom of their remarks, and sent to demand the 



336 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



submission of Cholula, which, after some dehiy, was offered iu the accepta- 
ble form. But still the Tlascalaus \Ycrc doubtful of thorcsult, having learned 
that a strong Aztec force was in the neighborhood of this city, and knowing 
that the Cliohilans wore treacherous and crnftv. 






Rt'IXS OF AziKC Civil, IZATION. 

Cortes, although thus warned, was determined to proceed by way of C'ho- 
lula; had he guessed the special interest which Cholula possessed, his deter- 
mination would not have been altered. For here was the holy city of the 
Aztecs; here came thousands of pilgrims, as Mohammedans journey to Mecca, 
as Christians journey to Jerusalem. Here was an immense pile of earth and 
masonry, covering forty-four acres, having a space of an acre on the summit 
of the truncated pyramid, where human sacrifices were offered to the god 
Quetzalcoatl. He it was who had dwelt among their forefathers, but had 
gone across the Eastern Ocean long ago; telling them, as he bade them fare- 



CORTKS, 'IIIK CONQUKKOR OF MEXICO. 337 

well, that sonio time in thd future, men, of white skin and bearded Wkv hitn- 
self, Avouhl come from the lilast to rule over them. 

Notwithstanding tiie dangers which they prophesied, the Tlascahms were 
not unwilling to accompany Cortes. A hundred thousand men, he says in 
the letter describing this journey, offered themselves as volunteers in his 
expedition; of these he accepted the services of six thousand. 

The city of Cholula was the most remarkable that they had yet seen. Twenty 
thousand buildings were congregated within its w^alls, while the suburbs con- 
tained as many more. Besides these dwellings, the city contained no less 
than four hundred temples, built, like all Mexican houses of worship, in the 
shape of a pyramid, the sides facing the points of the compass exactly. Here, 
as elsewhere throughout the country, the })uildings were remarkable for their 
solidity, as well as for the beauty of the workmanship displayed in the sculp- 
t ures which adorned them ; and the statues were no less renuirkable, for their 
spirited conception and execution, than the relievos on the temples and palaces. 
'Die Spaniards, indeed, as they advanced through the country, from the sea 
to the capital, nmst have felt that the reality was more wonderful than a ro- 
mance; for here, within so short a distance of the islands inhabited only by 
naked savages, was a race capable of constructing aqueducts and viaducts 
equal to those marvelous engineering triumphs of ancient Rome; of rearing 
l)yramids almost as imposing as those of Egypt; and of executing carvings 
and sculptures which would not have shamed the best ages of Greek art. 

Cortes was received with kindness by the Cholulans, but, before he had})een 
in their city many days, suspected that there M'as something wrong. The In- 
dian girl Avho had served him as interpreter since his d(!parture from the coast 
had won the favor of the wife of a cacique. From this friend she received 
an invitation to stay at her house for a number of days; accompanied by a 
hint that it would be well for her to accept it. Pretending to ])e anxious to 
escape from her Spanish masters, Marina — for that was the interpreter's 
name — managed to get full details of the plans formed by the Cholulans. 
The Spaniards were to be attacked as they were leaving the city, and literally 
cut to pieces. Already had stones of great size been gathered on the roofs 
of the houses which they must pass, to be rolled down on their heads ; already 
had human sacrifices, mostly of children, been offered in the temples to pro- 
cure the favor of the gods in this effort to massacre their guests. 

Cortes gave no sign to the Cholulans of having discovered their treachery, 
until all his preparations were made. His guns were placed in position; his 
Tlascalan allies, who had remained outside the city, were ready for the sig- 
nal; his army w^as drawn up ready to strike the blow. He called together a 
number of the principalchiefs and their followers, and reproached them with 
their treachery. They were taken completely by surprise, and did not at- 
tempt to defend themselves from the charge; for they knew not by what 



338 



CORTKS, THK CX)NQUEI«)R Ol'^ MEXICO. 



iiKigic ho could have discovered their intentions. While they were thus con- 
rounded, Cortes gave the signal for the attack. There was no battle; it was 
a massacre. The Cholulans were mowed down like grass before the cannon; 
and the Tlascalans, attacking thcni in the rear, completed the slaughter. 












The siirvi\ ing(M»olulans were so crashed by thedisaster which had befallen 
their city that Cortes no longer had anything to fear from them as an enemy 
in the rear; he decided to push on toward the cai)ital of ISIontezuma. But 
before he Avent further, his Cempoallan allies desired io return to their own 
homes; for they dared not face the anger of the Emperor. Liberally reward- 
ing them, from the gifts of Montezuma, for the services which they had 
already rendered him, Cortes took advantage of their departure toward the 
coast to communicate with his lieutenant at Vera Cruz, telling of his own 
success thus far, and giving various instructions regarding the government of 
the colony. 

Duringthe march, Corles never once relaxed his Avatchfulness. Every night 
he went the rounds of the camp, to see that every nuiu was at his post. On 
one occasion he approached so near a siMiliriel without giving warning that the 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 33i) 

man leveled his cross-bow and took aim at the shadowy figure, barely distin- 
guishable in the darkness; and had not Cortes, with an exclamation of sur- 
prise, given the watchword of the night, woukl have sent an arrow to his 
heart. 

(,'oming to the jooint where there was a fork in the road, Cortes found that 
one path Avas obstructed by large trunks of trees and huge stones. Inquiry re- 
vealed that this had been done by orders of the Aztec ruler; and the envoys 
of INIontezuma, who accompanied Cortes, explained that it had been done to 
prevent the Spaniards from taking the road which appeared the most invit- 
ing, but which, farther on, they wouhl find imi)ractical)le for the horses. 
Cortes betrayed no suspicion, but commanded the barriers to be cleared away, 
and continued his march by the road which had been obstructed. 

As they passed the smoking volcano Popocatapetl, they were regaled by their 
Indian companions with many tales respecting it; one frequent assertion 
l)eing that no man could accomplish the ascent and live. Some of the Span- 
iards expressed a wish to try it; and Cortes encouraged them to do so, will- 
ing to show the Indians that there was nothing which his foUowers dared not 
try, nothing in which they could not succeed. Ordaz and nine others volun- 
teered for the attempt, and some of the Tlascahms undertook to accompany 
them. The latter, however, turned back long before the summit was reached; 
and, although the others did not reach the verge of the crater — for the vol- 
cano was then active — they brought back with them icicles, to show how far 
tlicy had ascended; and their achievement was regarded by the Indians as a 
most wonck'rful deed of daring. 

When they reached the summit of the general slope, and saw the wide 
valley spread out before them, it seemed to tiie Si)aniards that they were 
a1)out to enter upon a true Earthly Paradise. The destruction of the forests 
and other circumstances have long since changed the face of the country; 
and the city of Mexico, then situated on the bosom of a lake, is now in the 
midst of marshes and flat plains. 

INIontezuma had tried to turn the Spaniards back from their march before 
th(>y had gained sight of his capital ; knowing that when they saw an easy de- 
scent and smooth road between them and that rich and beautiful city, no- 
thing short of an army could stay them; and such an army as would be re- 
quired to fight these wonderful strangers was not possessed even by the great 
Aztec monarch. His soul was filled with despair when he learned that they 
had surmounted every o1)stacle, had persevered through all the difficulties, 
had scorned fatigue, and cold, and every other discomfort, in order to reach 
the capital of Anahuac. He shut himself up in his palace, refused food, 
and sought relief in prayer and sacrifice. But no response came from bis 
oracles. He next called a council of his principal nobles; but while some 
advised him to receive the Spaniards as embassadors, as they claimed to be, 
22 




MONTKZU.AU. 



(340) 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 341 

others advised him to drive them back at the point of the spear, or die in the 
defense of his city. Thus variously advised, the decision, as at first, rested 
with himself. 

" Of what use is resistance?" he is said to have asked; " the gods them- 
selves have declared against us. Yet I mourn most for the old and infirm, 
the women and children, too feeble to fight or to fly. For myself and the 
brave men around me, we must bare our breasts to the storm, and meet it as 
we may." 

It was the 8th of November, 1519, when the little army of Spaniards, not 
more than three hundred and fifty men, and their six thousand Tlascalan allies, 
crossed the causeway which connected the island on which the city was built 
with the main land. They .passed the Fort of Xoloc, a stronghold about a 
mile and a half from the gates of the city; and finally came to the draw- 
bridge, the last defense outside the walls. 

Montezuma came to meet them, borne in a palanquin resplendent with or- 
naments of gold, and shaded by a canopy of feather-w^ork powdered with 
jewels and fringed with silver. His sandals had soles of gold, and the straps 
which bound them to his feet were fairly crusted with the same metal. His 
embroidered cloak and his sandals were richly adorned with precious stones. 

A palace facing the great temple of the war-god was assigned as a dwelling 
place for the strangers; and Cortes has told us that it was large enough to 
accommodate his whole army. Here he made as complete preparations for 
defense as if he were expecting to be besieged, instead of having just been 
received by Montezuma with all the distinction due his claims as an embassa- 
dor. Cannon were planted and sentinels were stationed; while, to avoid any 
collision between his men and the natives, the soldiers were forbidden, under 
pain of death, to leave their quarters. 

Visits were exchanged between the Emperor and the stranger; and Cortes 
sought to embrace what seemed a golden opportunity to instruct Montezuma 
in the Christian faith. But the Aztec replied that his gods had always fa- 
vored him, and that he saw no good reason to exchange them for the God of 
the white man. Montezuma, in fact, was a priest as well as king; and before 
his accession to the throne on the death of a somewhat distant relative, had 
been constantly in the temples. Later efforts of Cortes to induce the mon- 
arch to embrace the Christian faith, or at least to allow the Cross to be 
planted in conspicuous places, proved no more successful ; and Montezuma 
said to him, when such a proposition was made on the occasion of a visit to 
the temples: — 

" These are the gods who have led the Aztecs on to victory ever since they 
were a nation, and who send the seed-time and the harvest in their seasons. 
Had I thought you would have offered them this outrage, I would not have 
admitted you into their presence." 



•>I2 coirrics, Tiiio coNgi i'-koh <>>' mkxico. 

As time wont on, (ho position of Cortos bocanic an oxocodingly dangorons 
ono. lie sccMnod no ncariT to conquost than ho had IxH'n Avhon ho lirst on- 
torod tho count rv; and ho was foarful lost a niossongor might conio at any 
moment to bid him, in ihc nanio of tho Governor of Cuba, submit to a foroo 
of strength superior lo his own, which had been sent to eompleto tho work 
whieh lie liad boguu, lie oaih'd a. eount-il of his ollioors; not so much to 
protit by ihoir advice, as lo inlcrest them more (h^'ply in the phm which ho 
was about to i)roposo to them, and perhai^s lo uvdkc them partly responsibh' 
for it to their common sovereign. 

Ilo had formed a scheme to seize Montezuma, and hohl him as a host age for 
tho good behavior of his peoi)lo, while governing in his name. Tho bare 
statement of the fact does not fully show tho audacity of tho plan. Tho city 
of Mexico then contained, it is estimated, about three hundred thousand in- 
habitants; it was situated in tho midst of a lake, connected with tho main 
land by three immenso causeways, wido enough for eight or ten horsemen to 
ride abreast, but rendered a moans of defense against outer foes by moans of 
draAv-bridges, Avhich, onco raised, cut off all communication except by means 
of boats. Tho city was defended against assault from this source by high 
walls. Had tho Emperor 1>0(mi as determined as somo of his ancestors, he 
might easily have collected an nrmy within the city itself, ten times as great 
as that of (\n-tes; raised the dr:iw-bridges, thus cutting oif all chance of 
escape for the S[)aniards, un[)rovi(led with boats; and, seizing the camp be- 
fore they had time to man their cannon, put every soul to death. 

But he was unnerved by tho thought of tho prciphocies, which h;id long 
foretold tho coming of white men with beards from the East, Avho should 
rule the land; and thus those prophecies worked out their own fultlllment. 
as superstitions are apt to do. He had permitted the Spaniards to enter the 
city; ho had given them for their abode a building, originally a iialace, Avhich 
they had converted into a fortress; and he was afraid to take any open steps 
toward expelling them. 

Tho Spaniards were surprised at the plan which their leader unfolded to 
them; some of them had indeed pr(^posed a retreat ; but such a c(mrse would 
have brought the Aztec forces down upon them ; and, even if they should 
reach the coast, they would have failed in an enterprise where anything but 
tho most brilliant success would expose them to punishment from Velasquez. 

Even Cortes knew that he must tind some ]n-(^t(^xt f(U' the seizure of iho 
Emperor, so he made use of an oecurrence of w liich he had recei\t>d news 
atCholula. The lieutenant left in charge at Vera Cruz had, slun-tly after the 
departure of Cortes, received a message from an Aztec noble, named Quauh- 
popoca, declaring his desire to come in person and tender his allegiance to 
tho Spanish authorities at Vera Cruz. lie requested that four of tho white 
men might be sent to escort him; they were jn-cnnptly sent ; but the treach' 



COIiTKS, TIIK CONQl'KUOIl OF MIOXICO. 343 

orous Indiiui caused two of tlicni to bo murdered. The others, who had 
probably been reserved for sacrifice, escaped, and made their way back to the 
colony. 

Escalante, theSpanish commander, rallied his forces and started at once to 
avenge this wrong. He was reinforced by several thousand Indian allies; but 
these fled at the very beginning of the battlCo The Spanish veterans, who 
numbered but fifty, held their ground; though ihv.y lost their l(!ader and six 
or seven others. The Indiaii prisoners declared that (^uauhpopocahad acted 
l)y the orders of Montc/unui. 

Cortes had told but few of his oflicers of this occurrence, and had wholly 
concealed it from the great body of his men, lest it should affect their 
courage. Thus, when he ordered them drawn up in military order, and 
stationed tlu'in in the avenues leading to the palace, they did not know 
that he was cutting off Montezuma from the body of his people. Cortes 
asked for an audience of the monarch, and his request was readily granted. 
Five cavaliers, in whom ho placed un(piestioning trust, attended him; they 
were Pedro do Alvarado, Gonzalo do Sandoval, Francisco do Lujo, Velasquez 
do Leon, and Alonso do Avila. Twenty-five or thirty i)icked men were or- 
dered to enter the palace, as if by accident, in groups of threes and fours. 

The conversation began in a playful tone; but when Cortes found that a 
sufficient numl)er of his men had arrived, ho became serious, and charged 
Montezuma with having ordered the outrage upon his men. Montezuma, 
surprised, denied his complicity; and gave his signet-ring to one of his of- 
ficers, with orders to bring Quauhpo[)oca and his accomplices at once to Mex- 
ico, to answer the charge. 

The messenger left the imperial presence; but Cortes was not yet content, 
lie saw plainly, ho said, that Montezuma had nothing to do with the nmrder 
of the Spaniards ; but it was necessary that the Emperor Charles V., his mas- 
ter, should be convinced of it. There was one thing that would bo more 
convincing than anything else; if Montezuma would transfer his residence to 
the palace occupied by the Spaniards, no one could have any doubt. 

As Cortes argued that such an act would show so great a regard for the 
Spaniards as to absolve Montezuma from all suspicion, the dark face of the 
monarch became pale as death, and then flushed deeply, as, drawing himself 
[)roudly up, ho demanded: — 

'* AVhen was it ever heard that a great prince like myself voluntarily left 
iiis own palace to becoihe a prisoner in the hands of strangers? " 

Cortes tried to convince him that he would not be a prisoner; that he 
would be treated with constant deference by the Spaniards, and would still 
be attended as usual; that it would be nothing more than such a change of 
residence as he frequently made for his own pleasure. But Montezuma was 
not to be convinced. 



344 CORTES, TIIK CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

" If I should consent to such ;i degriuhition,"" he tuisweiHMl thoin, '* my sub- 
jects never would." 

Yet such was the fear in which he held the Spuniards, that he offered to 
compromise with them, by offering his son and daughter as hostages. Two 
hours passed, without result, for the Spaniards were determined to secure 
Montezuma himself. Then Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman of the Governor 
of Cuba, but strongly attached to Cortes, suddenly cried out: — 

" Why do we waste words on this barbarian? • We have gone too far to re- 
cede now. Let us seize him, and, if he resists, plunge our swords into his 
body!" 

The savage tone and gestures told the monarch the general tenor of this 
speech; and he demanded of Marina, who always acted as interpreter, the 
meaning. She softened it as much as she could, and begged him to accom- 
pany the white men to their quarters, where he would be treated with kind- 
ness and respect ; while refusal would expose him to violence, perhaps to 
death. There was a momentary hesitation, as Montezuma looked about him 
for a friendly face, and found that his eyes rested only on the stern visages 
of the steel-clad Spaniards; then he consented to accompany them. 

Thus fell the Aztec monarchy; for although Montezuma, for sometime 
longer, retained his titles and nominal dignities, he was wholly under the 
domination of the Spaniards, Orders were at once given for his litter to be 
brought ; and Montezuma, who had submitted unwillingly enough, now brought 
pride to the rescue, and led his nobles to believe that he went of his own free 
will. As he was borne through the streets, the wondering and excited peo- 
ple could not believe but that he was being forcibly carried off, until he him- 
self bade them disperse quietly, as he was simply visiting his friends of his 
own accord. 

True to their promise, the Spaniards treated him with all the fornuil respect 
which ho had been accustomed to receive. His apartments were prepared 
with the same care as ever, his attendants were not changed, and as many of 
his thousand wives as he chose to summon to his presence received the hon- 
ors due to queens, when queens are so plentiful. Cortes himself removed his 
casque when ai)proaching the Emperor, and never sat in his presence unless 
especially invited. But still he was a prisoner. 

The people of Mexico were not wholly satisfied; and the fact that twenty 
men mounted guard constantly at the front of the palace, and an equal num- 
ber at the back, did not reassure them. Still, Montezuma had stated so pos- 
itively to the nobles and to the people that he went of his own f lee will that 
they had no excuse for interfering. 

On the arrival of Quauhpopoca, Montezuma referred the whole matter to 
the judgment of Cortes; perhaps unwilling to show either his people or him- 
self that he had not the power to try this case. The cacique and fifteen of 



CORTKS, TWK CONQUKROK OF MEXICO. B45 

his followers, who had all been implicated in the killing of the Spaniards, 
were condemned to be burned alive; the funeral pile being composed of ar- 
rows, javelins, and other weapons, of which the city arsenals afforded an 
ample supply. 

While preparations for the execution were going on, Cortes entered the 
apartment of Montezuma, attended by a soldier bearing fetters. Accusing 
the Emperor with having been the principal in the crime for which Quauh- 
popoca and his associates were to die, he ordered the soldiers to fasten the 
irons upon the limbs of the monarch. 

Montezuma submitted without a word; seemingly too dazed at the idea of 
such an insult to think of resisting or calling for help from his attendants. 
The irons were removed after the execution had taken place, Cortes making 
many apologies for the course to which, he said, necessity had compelled him. 
Not long afterward, the Spanish general even told Montezuma that he was at 
liberty to return to his usual dwelling, if he wished; but Montezuma declined 
to do so; saying that were he in the midst of his nobles, he would be com- 
pelled to make war upon the Spaniards. We can hardly suppose that he did 
not resent the treatment to which the bold Spaniard had subjected him ; 
perhaps he would have been only too willing to make war upon Cortes and 
his followers, but feared that these proud Aztec nobles w^ould first slay the 
ruler who had submitted to the strangers, and then expel those strangers 
from Mexico. 

The news which had been received from Vera Cruz had compelled Cortes 
to send back one of his followers to take the place of Escalante; Alonso de 
Grado was first chosen for the post; but he proving unfitted, Gonzalo de San- 
doval, one of the ofiicers who had assisted in capturing Montezuma, was ap- 
pointed by Cortes. To him Cortes sent orders to send to the city of Mexico 
sufiicient quantities of the iron and cordage, saved from the ships which had 
been destroyed, to fit out a fleet which he proposed to build on the lake; for 
there was always danger that the Aztecs mightcutoff the retreat of the Span- 
iards by seizing, or even, in desperation, destroying the causeways which con- 
nected the city with the land. 

At the same time that this work of ship-building was in progress, Cortes 
was busily extending the power of the Spanish arms. Cacama, the nephew 
of Montezuma, and ruler of Tezcuco, having made some efforts to procure 
the release of his uncle, was treacherously seized by Cortes, and put in irons. 
The chief who had been his accomplice in the " rebellion," as the Conqueror 
styled this refusal to recognize his usurped authority, was also taken, brought 
in chains to Mexico, and placed in confinement with their leader. All this 
was done by the authority of Montezuma, still the nominal ruler of the coun- 
try, but really only a tool in the hands of Cortes. 

The next step was to procure from the Emperor of the Aztecs a formal ac- 



346 CORTKS, THE CX)NQUEROU OF MEXICO. 

knowlcclgmcnt of tho suprcine authority of Charles V., King of Spain and 
Kniperor of Germany. It would have been useless for Montezuma to have 
refused; and he and his nobles swore allegiance to the nuister of Cortes. The 
Conqueror next suggested that the vassals should send tribute to their newly 
acknowledged sovereign; and to this Montczunui, although he had constantly 
showered presents of great worth upon the greedy Spaniards, assented. Col- 
lectors were sent out, accompanied by a number of the Spaniards, and the 
tribute which had been paid to Montezuma was collected for Charles. Of 
the value of many of the articles so rendered — for the tribute was paid in 
kind — we have uo means of judging; there is no market price for the rich 
feather-work and the iinc embroidered cotton robes which formed so valuable 
a part of tho treasures of every wealthy Aztec; but the gold and silver, re- 
duced to ingots and stamped by the royal goldsmiths with the arms of Cas- 
tile, together W'ith the pearls and precious stones, are estimated to have been 
worth more than a inillion and a quarter of dollars. Had this treasure been 
equally divided, it would have amounted to more than fifteen thousand dol- 
lars for each man who had engaged in the enterprise. One-fifth, however, 
was reserved for the Crown; one-fifth belonged to Cortes, as the general; a 
considerable sum must be allowed to indemnify him and the Governor of Cuba 
for the expense incurred in fitting out tho fleet; the garrison at Vera Cruz 
was provided for; tho cavaliers were allowed an ample sum; the cavalry, 
arquebusiers and crossbow-men received double pay; and when the turn of 
tho common soldiers came, it was found that their share was so small, in com- 
parison with what they had expected, that many of them refused to receive 
it at all. 

It required all the eloquence and persuasive powers of Cortes to restore 
peace. The fact that he was able to do so at all shows what wonderful pow- 
ers over others the man possessed. At Vera Cruz he had induced them to 
surrender the treasure to the Crown, by promising them more when they got 
to Mexico; but at Mexico there was nothing more to promise; he could only 
appeal to their love of glory, and satisfy them with the '* honeyed words, of 
which he had good store for all fitting occasions."' 

But Cortes, although he had reduced the once proud Montezuma to be 
merely a tool in his hands, and had receiv^ed, in the name of his master, trib- 
ute from all the dependencies of the Aztecs, was not yet satisfied. The Span- 
iards had erected an altar in their barracks, and were accustomed to having 
religious services preformed there. This w-as no longer to be endured; and 
Cortes demanded of Montezuma that the great teocalli, the chief temple of 
the city, should be given to the Spaniards as a house of worship. 

Montezuma protested against this. It was because the priests had predicted 
the coming of bearded white men from the East, Avho should become the 
rulers of Anahuac, that he had yielded to the Spaniards without striking a 



CORTES, THE CONQUEKOlt OF MEXICO. 



341 



blow; but he clearly foresaw the results of insulting his gods. He therefore 
s[)oketo Cortes, addressing him by the name which his constant companion- 
ship with the interpreter Marina had caused tlie Indians to give him: — 

" Why, Malinche, why will you urge matters to this extremity, which must 
surely bring down the vengeance of our gods, and stir up an insurrection of 
my people, who will never endure this profanation of their tem})les?" 




Mkxu'ax Inoi- AM) Ruins. 

Signing to his officers to withdraw, Cortes told the Emperor that he would 
try to persuade his followers to be content with one of the sanctuaries of the 
teocalli; threatening, if this were not granted, to take the temple by force, 
and roll down the images of his gods before the whole city. 

" Wc fear not for our lives," he said, " for although our numbers are few, 
the arm of the true God is over us." 

Montezuma held a conference with his priests upon the subject; and final- 
ly decided that the Christians should be granted the use of one division of 
the temple. This, purified from the indications of the human sacrifices 
which had so often been offered there, was provided with an altar, over 



H48 COllTES, TllK CONyUEHOK OK INIKXKO. 

which a crucitix and an image of the Virgin were raised; and the walls, once 
reeking with blood, were adorned with garlands of flowers. Then, in the old 
pagan temple, newly dedicated to a purer worship, there knelt the fierce and 
proud soldiers who professed to be followers of the meek and lowly Naza- 
rinc — the house of prayer no stranger a combination of heathenism and 
Christianity than were their own natures. 

But the Aztecs, wdio had seen the strangers encamped in their midst, had 
seen richest gifts showered upon them, had seen them repay this kindness 
and generosity by seizing and holding Montezuma as a prisoner, and treating 
as rebels those who had dared attempt to rescue him, rebelled against this 
latest insult to their nation. Montezunui summoned Cortes to his presence, 
receiving him with cold civility; and told him that what he feared had come 
to pass. The gods of his country had been offended by the violation of the 
tem[)le, and had threatened to forsake the city, if the strangers were not sac- 
rificed upon the altars which they had profaned. INIontezuma was willing to 
consult the safety of the Spaniards, by warning them of this threat; conclud- 
ing with a statement of his own power: — 

" I have but to raise my finger, and every Aztec in the land will rise in 
arms against you." 

Cortes coolly replied that he should regret to have to leave the capital, as 
he had no ships to transport him to the islands whence he hatlcome; he 
should especially regret it, he added, with emphasis, because these peculiar 
circumstances would compel him to take the Emperor with him. Montezu- 
ma, startled at this suggestion, inquired how long it would take to build the 
necessary vessels; and finally consented to send a sufficient number of work- 
men to the coast, to fell the timber and build the ships, under the direction 
of the Spaniards. Cortes was thus enabled to remain in INIexico for some 
time longer than the priests had contemplated; sure that Montezuma would 
not allow any direct effort to expel him and his followers. 

Their position was not without diinger, however; and they were constantly 
on the alert; they slept in their armor, with their arms beside them ; and 
Cortes kept his horse standing, fully caparisoned, day and night. 

While this state of affairs threatened the Spaniards, news arrived which 
was anything but cheering. The vessel which Cortes had dispatched to bear 
the news of his discovery of jNIexico, with the vast treasure which had formed 
the first gift of Montezuma, had been taken possession of by the royal au- 
thorities on its arrival in Spain; a connection of Velasquez having lodged a 
complaint charging those on board the vessel with mutiny and rebellion 
against the authorities of Cuba. Had they not touched on the coast of that 
island, he would have had no tidings of their coming. 

The rich treasure wdiich they brought, however, disposed the Emperor to 
listen favorably to them; but Fonseca, who had opposed the success of so 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



341) 



many who had been foremost in developing the resources of the New World, 
from Columbus down, appeared like a malevolent spirit once more, and per- 
suaded the Emperor to delay action on these claims to recognition. 




AZTKC C'HIEl- 



Charles V. was much more interested in his own personal advancement 
than he was in the welfare of his subjects or the administration of justice; 
and he readily allowed his attention to be drawn off to other things. He de- 
voted himself to obtaining supplies from his Spanish subjects for the prose- 
cution of that war which he carried on for so many years against Francis I. 
of France; and had but a week to devote to colonial aifairs before he left 
Spain for his more northern dominions. Of this brief period, the greater 
portion was devoted to the claims of Don Diego Columbus, who was still 
contending for the rights so highly valued by his great father. Cortes re- 
ceived hardly a moment's consideration; the order to allow the envoys 
enough for the expenses of their journey being the only record of any kind. 

But, during this time that the messengers of Cortes had spent in waiting the 



350 COKTKS, TlIK C;()Nt,)rKl{()U OF MIOXICO. 

pleasure of their imi)erial master, Vehis(iiiez had not been idle. He had 
tilted out a ileet uniHiualled by any that had ever sailed in American waters, 
except that which conveyed Ovando from Spain to San Domingo; for its 
leader he selected a favorite who had assisted him in the reduction of Cuba, 
a Castilian noble named Pantilo do Narvacz. The eighteen vessels were 
manned by nine hundred men, and carried a number of heavy guns, with an 
ample supply of annnunitiou and military stores of all kinds. 

Following nearly the same path over the waters as that which Cortes had 
taken to the main land, they landed near Vera Cruz, and proclaimed theiv in- 
tention to march against Corfes and punish him for his rebellion. Sandoval 
at once prepared to defend his little fort. Narvaez sent an embassy to him, 
requiring him to surrender to the authority of the deputy of Velasquez. This 
end)assy consisted of a priest, a notary, and four others. Sandoval refused to 
hear the proclamation which the notary was connnanded to read; but re- 
marking that the general should listen to it at Mexico, summoned a number 
of Indian i)orters, and caused,the envoys to be bound upon their backs like 
so many bales of goods. Placed under a guard of twenty of his men, with 
ample relays of porters, the singular procession left for the capital, which 
they reached in four days. 

Montezuma had received news of the coming of the strangers, and told 
Cortes that there was no longer any reason why he should delay in leaving 
for the coast, since the ships were there to take him back to Cuba or Spain. 
But while the troops hailed the news as the best of tidings, Cortes had his 
suspicions, which he communicated to his officers, and through them to his 
men. All doubts were dispelled when the prisoners from Vera Cruz ar- 
rived. 

Receiving them with honor, apologizing for the treatment which they had 
received at the hands of his officers, and loading them with gifts, Cortes suc- 
ceeded in winning these enemies completely over to his own side; and ob- 
tained from them many important particulars regarding the plans of their 
leader and the feelings of his followers. Letters were dispatched to Narvaez, 
begging him to show the Indians no signs of dissensions among the whites, 
but to co-operate heartily with Cortes; who would cheerfully yield the cojn- 
mand to him, if he could produce a royal connnission to sustain his author- 
ity. 

But Narvaez treated these letters with open scorn, and announced that he 
intended to march against the traitor Cortes and liberate the Emperor JNIon- 
tezuma. Cortes, who was kept well informed of the progress of events, both 
by his emissaries in the camp of Narvaez and by his faithful lieutenant Sando- 
val, was now in a very difficult position. If he remained in Mexico and awaited 
an attack, ho would be confronted by Narvaez with a force more than double 
his own, besides the vast numbers of Aztecs who would aid him when his de- 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 351 

sign of liberating the Emperor became well known; if he marched against 
Narvaez he must either abandon Mexico and Montezuma, and thus leave a 
most formidable enemy in his rear, or he must divide his force, already 
small, and, leaving one handful to maintain his authority in Mexico, march 
with the other handful against the army of Narvacz. 

While every possible i)lan presented much danger, he chose the last as the 
least perilous. Alvarado was left in command at Mexico, with one hundred 
and forty Spaniards, all the artillery, the greater part of the cavalry, and 
most of those who possessed fire-arms. Only seventy soldiers accompanied 
Cortes; but these were the picked men of his little force; and, being encum- 
bered by but little baggage, were able to move very rapidly. 

Velasquez do Leon had been sent, with a hundred and twenty men, to 
form a settlement on the coast about sixty miles south of Vera Cruz; but, 
hearing of the landing of the hostile party, had, without waiting for orders, 
countermarched to Cholula, and there halted till the arrival of Cortes. 

Six hundred Tlascalans had formed part of his force; but, afraid to face a 
Spanish enemy, they had deserted in such numbers that Cortes dismissed 
them all, saying that he had rather part with them then than in the hour of 
trial. Reinforced by a body of men from Vera Cruz, several of Avhom were 
deserters from Narvaez, his whole foi-cc numbered at last but two hundred 
and sixty-six men. 

The march was made about the middle of May, 1520; for the Spaniards 
had been six months at the Aztec capital before Narvaez arrived off the 
coast. It was the evening of Whitsunday when the wearied men arrived at 
the bank of a stream called the Rio de Canoas — the River of Canoes. It was 
greatly swollen by recent rains, and rain still fell in torrents, drenching them 
to the skin. Just across this river was the camp of Narvaez. 

Cortes determined to attack his enemy that night; and, in spite of the fury 
of the elements, despite the rushing of the waters, which actually carried 
away two of his men in the attempt to cross, held to his purpose. The camp 
of Narvaez was but slightly guarded; and, although one sentinel escaped the 
hands of Cortes and gave the alarm, the soldiers would not believe that on 
such a night the enemy could cross the river. Perhaps their unbelief was 
due largely to the arguments of those who had been sent to summon Sando- 
\al to surrender, and had been forwarded by him to Mexico; envoys of whom 
a follower of Cortes has told us: "Our commander said so many kind 
Ihings to them, and anointed their fingers so plentifully Avith gold, that, 
though they came like roaring lions, they went away perfectly tame." 

There was a battle, brisk but brief; and Narvaez was wounded and taken 
prisoner. Ilis soldiers submitted without further resistance to Cortes, who 
treated them with such kindness and loaded them with such presents, as to 
excite the dissatisfaction of his own troops. He explained to them the ne- 



3")2 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

cessity of attaching these recent enemies firmly to his cause, and in order to 
prevent further dissatisfaction, had arranged to employ all on various mis- 
sions, when bad news came from Mexico. Thebrigantines which had been 
built on the lake had been burned by the natives; the causeways were held 
by them; and Alvarado, Avith his garrison, Avas closely besieged in the palace. 

Cortes at once marched to his relief; finding, as he approached Mexico, 
anything but acordial reception. He arrived at the margin of the lake June 
24, 1520; and marched across the principal causeway without opposition. 
The streets of the city seemed deserted as the Spaniards made their way to 
the quarters occupied by their comrades, where they were heartily welcomed; 
and where Cortes at once proceeded to interrogate Alvarado concerning the 
difiiculties of his position. 

According to the cavalier, he had learned that the ^Mexican nobles medi- 
tated a treacherous assault upon the Spaniards; and, to prevent his own de- 
struction, Alvarado had counterplotted. At a great religious festival of the 
Aztecs, the Spaniards, whose arms were carefully concealed, as far as possi- 
ble, had attended, as if out of curiosity. At a given signal, they had fallen 
upon the worshipers and massacred them. The Mexicans, naturally enough, 
had been roused to revenge by this action, and had besieged the Spaniards in 
their barracks. Failing to carry this stronghold, they had contented them- 
selves Avith removing all food from the markets of the city, forbidding the 
visits of the boats which were accustomed to bring supplies, and thus bring- 
ing famine to their aid against the garrison of the strangers. 

Whether or not Alvarado proved to the commander that there had been a 
conspiracy of the natives, we do not know; there is no good proof of such a 
plot to be found in the histories of the time; and it seems to have been 
thought that the Spaniards simply indulged their thirst for blood and for 
gold; for they plundered the bodies of their victims of their ornaments. 
Cortes heard him to the end, questioning him closely; then, with frowning 
brow, he thundered out: — 

"You have done badly; you have l)een false to your trust ; your conduct 
has been that of a madman I" 

Nor was he better pleased Avith the conduct of Montezuma, although, ac- 
cording to the account of Alvarado, the populace Avould have stormed the 
])alace and nuirdered the Spaniards had it not been for the commands of 
their Em[)er()r. Montezunui having sent some of his nobles to ask for an in- 
terview with Cortes, the general turned to his own ofiicers with the fierce 
question : — 

" What have I to do with this dog of a king who suffers us to starve before 
his eyes? '' 

In spite of the remonstrances of hisotficers, he turned to the Mexicans and 
gave them the answer they were to carry back: — 



• CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 353 

" Go tell 3^our master and his people to open the markets, or we will do it 
for them, to their cost."' 

This was too much for the patience of the Mexicans, who had borne so 
much; and, mustering their vast army, they assaulted the palace in which the 
Spaniards were encamped.* They came forward with the shrill whistle which 
was the Aztec substitute for the war-cry of the more northern tribes of this 
continent, confident in their numbers. The Spaniards, always watchful under 
I he eye of a leader who never once relaxed his vigilance, were ready for them 
at once. The cannon, pointed at the dense masses of the attacking party, 
mowed them down by hundreds; but, although the Mexicans had never before 
faced fire-arms in battle, they rallied from the first confusion into which the 
discharge naturally threw them, and pressed forward with the same courage 
as if their opponents had no more deadly weapons than their own. 

But the Mexicans, unable to carry the strong walls of the fort which their 
own hands had raised, and which their own ruler had given to the enemy, 
found a more effectual weapon than missiles; and hurling burning brands up- 
on the light wooden structures wdiich the Spaniards had erected in the court- 
yard of the palace, set these flimsy walls on fire; the roofs of neighboring 
buildings affording a joosition from which these missiles might be thrown, and 
burning arrows shot to advantage. The Spaniards had as much as they could 
do to fight the Mexicans and the fire at once; for, to add to their distress, 
their supply of water was but limited. 

At last, however, night came on; and the Mexicans, who seldom- fought 
except by day, withdrew from the contest. The earliest gray light of the 
next morning showed the streets about the Spanish quarters even more 
closely thronged with Aztec soldiers than on the preceding day; and Cortes 
determined, by a vigorous sortie, to disperse his enemies. His arrangements 
had already been made; for the night had not been spent in sleep; a general 
discharge of musketry and ordnance, at a moment when the Mexicans hardly 
realized that the Spaniards were awake, so quiet had been their stronghold, 
sent confusion into the close ranks of the Mexicans that thronged the streets. 
Then the gates were thrown open, and Cortes sallied out at the head of his 
cavalry, supported b}'^ his infantiy and a considerable body of Tlascalans. 

The impetus of the charge drove the Mexicans back ; but they soon rallied, 
and every inch of the way was hotly disputed. The fight was a desperate one; 
and it was nearly dark before the Spaniards retreated to their stronghold, as 
far as ever from victory. 

Cortes was suffering from a severe wound received during the fight, and 
was anxious about the result. In this situation, he resolved to make use of 
Montezuma, to allay the tumult. But the Emperor's patience, like that of 
his people, Avas exhausted; he had not forgiven Cortes for the treatment re- 
ceived since the return of the Spaniard with his reinforcements. 



COUTKS, TIIK (CONQUEROR OF MEXIfJO. 3')") 

" What have I to do with Malinchc?" he asked coldly, when the general's 
message was delivered to him; " I do not wish to hear from him. I desire 
only to die. To what a state has my willingness to serve him reduced me! " 

They urged him farther, but to no purpose. 

"It is of no use. • They will neither believe me, nor the false words and 
promises of Malinche. You will never leave these walls alive." 

At length, their persistence induced him to comply with their demands; 
and, putting on his imperial robes, he ascended the central turret of the pal- 
ace. He was recognized at once, and a deathlike stillness pervaded the whole 
warlike assemblage of his people. Then he spoke to them, using words 
which have been preserved by the Spanish historians who wrote of the time: — 

"Why do I see my people here in arms against the palace of my fathers? Is 
it that you think your sovereign a prisoner, and wish to release him? If so, 
you have acted rightly. But you are mistaken. I am no prisoner. The 
strangers are my guests. I remain with them only from choice, and can leave 
them when I list. Have you come to drive them from the city? That is un- 
necessary. They will depart of their own accord, if you will open a way for 
them. Return to your homes, then. Lay down your arms. Show your obe- 
dience to me, who have a right to it. The white men shall go back to their 
own land; and all shall be well again within the walls of Tenochtitlan." 

The silence of respect for the monarch was broken by a low nmrnmr of 
discontent and contempt which ran through the crowd; and this was suc- 
ceeded by the bitterest taunts. They called him a coward, a woman, fit only 
to spin and to weave. Some of them added to these hostile words yet more 
hostile actions; and of the darts that rained about Montezuma, three struck 
their mark, severely wounding him. Yet, as he sank senseless beneath the 
blow inflicted by a stone, the Mexicans cried out in dismay, and suddenly dis- 
persed, leaving notone of their number in the great square before the palace. 

Montezuma was carried to his own apartments, and there restored to his 
senses. But he was more bitterly humiliated than ever before. All the efforts 
of Cortes and his followers, and of the Aztec nobles who still attended him, 
were in vain; he refused all the remedies prescribed for his wounds, and tore 
off the bandages as fast as they were applied ; maintaining a determined 
silence, and sitting with downcast eyes and sad face. 

But Cortes was summoned from the chamber of the wounded monarch by 
the necessity of looking after his men. The Mexicans had gained the sum- 
mit of the neighboring teocalli, the great temple which was a pyramidal 
mound with a building crowning it. This lay only a few rods from the Span- 
ish quarters, and rose to the height of a hundred and fifty feet; so that the 
Mexicans, from its summit, could rain down missiles of all sorts into the very 
heart of the Spanish stronghold; against them there could be no defense; and 

no artillery could reach the assailants. 
23 



356 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



It was necessary to carry this stronghold by assault, and Cortes, fastening 
his buckler to his wounded left arm, led the three hundred chosen cavaliers 
in person. It was the most desperate fight that had yet been waged. The 
Spaniards fought their way up the terraced slope, and at last gained the sum- 
mit. Not only were the usual arms employed, but the' combatants grappled 
with each other, each striving to hurl the other headlong down the precipit- 



^ 




MONTL/IMV WoUiSDl 1> 1\ Ills C)\\ N Pi OrLF 

ous ascent to the temple. It is recorded by some historians that Cortes him- 
self was assaulted by two Mexicans, both having this end in view; he success- 
fully resisted them, but was dragged perilously near the edge of the summit; 
at the last moment, however, he escaped their united grasp, and, turning sud- 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. '65 i 

den]}', hurled one of his assailants down the precipice, and then dispatched 
the other with his sword. 

When the light ended, forty-five of the Spaniards had fallen and most of 
the survivors had been wounded; while of the enemy, only two or three 
priests survived to be led away in triumph. The work was not yet accom- 
plished, however, although their foes had all been slain. The great image 
of Huitzilopotchli was torn from its altar, and thrown headlong down the 
steps which had led to the summit of the p3a-amid; then the torch w^as ap- 
plied, and the flames, rising higher and higher, proclaimed that the great 
heathen temple had been destroyed by the Christian invader. 

That very night the Spaniards followed up the blow thus inflicted by firing 
three hundred houses of the city. Cortes, thinking that these disasters must 
have subdued the spirit of the Mexicans, called on them to parley with him. 
He recounted to them the disasters which they had suffered, the destruction 
of their homes, their temples, and their idols, and the death of so many of 
their warriors; threatening, if they did not lay down their arms, to make 
their city a heap of ruins. 

But the Mexicans Avere not thus to be conquered. They admitted all that 
he said; their gods had been trampled in the dust, their temples destroyed, 
their houses burned, their warriors had fallen by the thousand. 

"Yet we are content," they cried, " so long as for every thousand of our 
warriors that fall we can shed the blood of a single white man. Look out on 
our terraces and our streets, see them still thronged with warriors far as your 
eye can reach. Our numbers are scarcely diminished by our losses. Yours, 
on the other hand, are lessening every hour. You are perishing from hun- 
ger and sickness. Your provisions and water are failing. You must soon 
fall into our hands. The bridges are broken down, and you cannot escape. 
There will be too few of you left to glut the vengeance of our gods!" 

The situation, as thus stated by their enemies, was no whit exaggerated; 
and the soldiers demanded with noisy vehemence to be led instantly from 
the city. Thus spoke the followers of Narvaez, while the veterans of Cortes 
labored to restore order and unity among the white men. 

But Cortes saw plainly enough that he could not remain in Mexico, for it 
w^as too true that his provisions were giving out. He determined by means 
of pretended sallies to divert the attention of the Mexicans from his real 
purpose, which was to restore the bridges over the seven canals which tra- 
versed the main streets of the city. His army must pass along this street to 
reach the causew^ay communicating with the mainland, and these bridges had 
all been destroyed by the enemy. Two days were consumed in filling up the 
chasms with stones and rubbish, so that the cavalry and artillery could pass 
over them. This was not accomplished Avithout opposition. As they were 
busily engaged at one such point, they Avere assaulted by a considerable body 



358 CORTES, THE CONQUEKOK OF MEXICO. 

of the enemy. Planks had been hiid across the opening, to serve until the 
workmen could place the substantial nuiterial; and Cortes sent a number of 
the men back while he, with some others, detained the assailants on the far- 
ther side of the opening. Again and again he commanded the retreat of 
parties of his followers, until at last, like Iloratiiis, he stood alone on that 
side of the bridge, facing a host of foes. As if to make the parallel complete, 
the timbers which had provided a means of retreat for the others had been 
swept aside in their flight; and between the knight, clad in steel armor and 
bestriding a horse defended by plates of the same metal, and his stronghold, 
lay a canal, the least width of which was certainly six feet — no small leap for 
a horse bearing such a weight of steel. The good steed sprang across it, how- 
ever, landing safely on the other side; and, although pursued by a shower of 
darts, Cortes reached his fortress in safety. 

A new trouble awaited him. Montezunui had not recovered from the ter- 
rible blow received when his people deserted him; he sank under the wounds 
received, because his spirit "was still more deeply wounded ; and, June 30, 1520, 
he passed away, committing his daughters to the care of Cortes. Much to 
the anxiety of the Spaniards, who were certainly consistent in their constant 
endeavors to convert the natives, although not always particular as to 
the means employed, he refused to the last to embrace the Christian religion. 

It was necessary to evacuate the city at once; as the Spaniards had lost the 
last slight hold which they hud upon the people of Anahuac. It was finally 
determined, after much discussion, to go at night, since then the enemy was 
less on the alert; and, at midnight on the 1st of eTuly, 1520, they took up the 
line of march. Much of the treasure wiiich they had accumulated had, of 
course, to be abandoned; Cortes, as in duty bound, provided for the trans- 
portation of the royal fifth, but advised his men to select only such things as 
might be easily transported. The followers of Narvaez, however, unwisely 
weighted themselves down -with the gold. 

A portable bridge had been constructed, to use over the three openings in 
the causeway. But before they reached the first, the alarm had been given 
to their enemies, and they w^ere beset by an innumerable throng of Indians. 
They hastened across the bridge, hoping to retard the Aztecs by removing 
it; although there were many in canoes, whose arrow^s came in a perfect hail. 
But the tramp of so numy horses and men, and the weight of the cannon, 
had bedded the timbers so firmly that they they could not be moved; and the 
van-guard, which had arrived at the second chasm before the rear-guard had 
passed the first, found itself with an impassable gulf before, and a host of 
enemies behind and on either hand. There was a desperate fight; and many 
of the men, horse and foot, plunged into the lake, and endeavored to make 
their way across without the help of the bridge. JNIany of them sank be- 
neath the weight of the gold w^ith which they had encumbered themselves; 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



359 



and thus fell victims to their own greed. While they were struggling in the 
waters, endeavoring to beat off the assailants in the canoes, there came a 
cry for help from the rear-guard; and the gallant and generous cavaliers, un- 
mindful of their own dangers, dashed back to the scene of danger to rescue 
their comrades. 




Dkspkuate Batti.k on the Causkway. 

Alvarado had been placed in command of it. Upon his columns rushed an 
unnuml)cred host, which proved resistless. Wounded in several places, his 
horse kiJUnl under him, he was vainly endeavoringto stem the tide of his as- 
sailants when his comrades charged to his aid. But, although they created a 
temporary diversion, their efforts were vain, and Cortes and his men were 
glad to plunge again into the waters. Alvarado stood a moment on the brink 
of the causeway; then, planting his spear firmly in the wreck which strewed 
the bottom of the lake, he gave one tremendous bound, and cleared the 
opening— his sole chance of escape, for, unhorsed as he was, he would have 
been instantly struck down by the myriads who in their canoes swarmed 
about him. His Indian spectators— for it was now daylight— stared in amaze- 
ment at this feat, and cried out: "This is truly the Child of the Sun! "—a 



360 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

name which they had long since given him, because of his bright golden hair 
and fair complexion. 

Diaz, a companion of Cortes, who well remembered the place, says that the 
leap was impossible to any man; unfortunately, the tradition of the exploit 
makes no mention of the distance; so that we cannot judge how wonderful 
was his jump. It is certain that it was generally believed at the time, and 
that even now the name of " Alvarado's Leap " is given to the spot where 
he is said to have escaped his foes. 

They reached the land at last; and Cortes, sitting on the steps of a temple, 
reviewed the remnant of his host. As he looked upon them, his proud, gay 
spirit gave way, and he buried his face in his hands. According to the most 
reliable authorities, about four hundred and fifty of the Spaniards had per- 
ished this night; and allowing for the numbers who must have fallen during 
the assaults of the Aztecs upon their stronghold, and in their sallies into 
the streets, it is probable that not more than a third of the original force 
remained. The loss on the part of the Tlascalan allies. 

Not only was the treasure which they had sought to carry off lost, but other 
things, of infinitely greater value to them in their march through the enemy's 
country. The cavalry had numbered sixty-nine; but of these two-thirds had 
fallen; and most of the horses of the survivors were in very poor condition. 
The artillery, the ammunition, even the nmskets had been lost; " all that a 
man hath will he give for his life ; " and the frightened arquebusiers had flung 
away even their weapons in the flight. 

They took refuge in a teocalli at no great distance from Tlacopan, on the 
summit of a hill which is now occupied by a Christian church, dedicated to 
the Virgin under the name of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios. Here their 
column was arranged for retreat in orderly, soldierly fashion ; the sick and 
wounded to be transported on litters, while front, rear and flanks were suit- 
ably protected. 

Their march was harassed by small parties of the natives, who attacked 
the rear of the van, or assaulted those who lagged behind by reason of weak- 
ness, or those who straj-ed too far from the line of march in search of food. 
Famine, too, stared them in the face ; they thought themselves fortunate 
when they found in a cornfield by the way a few forgotten, misshapen ears 
of corn; when a horse chanced to be killed, it furnished forth a banquet; and 
Cortes records how he made one of a party which devoured such an animal, 
even to its hide. 

They journeyed a Aveek before they reached the mountains overlooking the 
plains of Otumba, nine leagues distant from the capital; the roundabout way 
which they had been obliged to take for safety's sake, and the frequent halts 
for the resting of the disabled, having made their journey thus slow. Slowly 
and painfully they climbed the steeps which overlook the valley. 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



361 



Before the army had reached the summit, however, the videttes came in 
with ahxrming news. In the valley beneath them was a mighty host; their 
uniforms of white cotton, quilted thick enough to turn an arrow, giving the 
valley the appearance of being blocked with snow. It was the vast army of 
the Aztecs, gathered here to complete the destruction of Cortes and his fol- 
lowers. 




FuniTING AT O'lTMHA. 



Retreat was impossible, for the capital was in the hands of the same enemy 
that had driven them out; should they halt and await the attack, or should 
they cut their way through this army? 

Cortes rapidly made preparations for the fight, although feeling that the 
" the last of his days " had arrived. He addressed his troops, reminding them 
of their experience of the triumph of science and discipline over numbers; 



362 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

and bade them have confidence ill their Divine Leader, who had brought them 
safely through so many perils. Then he led them straight against the enemy. 

The fight raged with incredible fury, and there was not one of the Spaniards 
or their Tlascalan allies that escaped unhurt. Their efforts had been tremen- 
dous, but they were so far outnumbered by the multitudes of the enemy that 
it seemed a hopeless struggle. Just as it seemed most certain that his entire 
army would be destroyed, Cortes espied the chief whom he knew, from his 
dress and surroundings, must be the commander. He turned to Sandoval, 
Olid, Alvarado, Avila, fighting at his side, and cried to them: — 

" There is our mark ! Follow, and support me ! " 

With that he dashed into the very midst of the Indian army, followed 
closely by his devoted cavaliers; the Indians falling back from his path in 
very surprise at his daring. Rising in his stirrups, he struck one tremend- 
ous blow at the feather-clad and jewel-decked chieftain, felling him to the 
ground. It was all the work of a moment. The guard that had surrounded 
the chief was struck down or scattered; the golden net, his standard, was 
seized and presented to Cortes by one of the Spaniards who had rode at his 
side ; the flying Indians told the story ; panic stricken, the vast army thought 
only of escape, and imagined their comrades, pressing hard upon them, to be 
Spaniards thirsting for their blood. The Spaniards and Tlascalans pursued 
them till the victors were sated with the slaughter; and then returned to 
gather the rich spoil of the battle-field. The devout Spaniards saw, riding 
among them and aiming at their foes, Saint James on his milk-white charger, 
and attributed their victory to a miracle. Voltaire, too skeptical to accept 
this, says : '* The true miracle was the conduct of Cortes." 

'' A single field had turned the chance of war,"* and the Spaniards had re- 
gained the prestige which they had lost. Cortes, however, was anxious as to 
what reception he would be accorded by the Tlascalans ; he feared that the 
weakened state of his army would offer great inducements, and the number 
of Tlascalans who had perished while under his command afford a pretext 
for this warlike and hardy nation to effect that destruction of his forces which 
they had attempted when he first passed through their terrritory. Much to 
his relief, however, he was kindly' received; and the Tlascalans renewed their 
assurances of friendship and alliance. 

They remained at the Tlascalan capital several weeks, recruiting their 
strength, and applying such remedies as the science of the time suggested to 
the wounds which they had received. Cortes himself had received two 
wounds on the head, one during the inarch, and one during the battle of 
(^tumba. The neglect of the first wound, and the nature of the second, com- 
bined to make his a very serious case; a portion of the bone had to be re- 
moved; fever set in; and for days the heroic leader lay helpless as a babe, 
hovering between life and death. 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 368 

But his strong constitution triumphed, and he was soon on the road to re- 
covery. As he lay helpless, he revolved in his mind schemes for the future. 
Return to Vera Cruz, thence to Cuba or Spain, acknowledging his failure, he 
would not; he was determined to achieve the conquest of Mexico. 

When this purpose was announced to his soldiers, it created much discon- 
tent among those who had followed Narvaez from Cuba to Mexico, in search 
of gold and glory, and had acquired neither. They addressed a strong remon- 
strance to him, urging him to return to Vera Cruz at once. This remon- 
strance excited the indignation of those veterans who had followed him from 
Cuba; but Cortes finally bade those who were dissatisfied with the expedi- 
tion to return; saying that he did not think it would be any real loss to part 
with those who were not fully determined to conquer. 

Before attacking the capital, however, it was necessary to reduce certain 
tribes in the neighborhood of Tlascala; since they would prove formidable 
additions to the Aztec forces, but could be beaten without much difficulty if 
attacked singly. This accomplished, Cortes saw with satisfaction that his 
force had received reinforcements not only in numbers and military supplies, 
but in self-confidence and courage as well. 

These reinforcements of men and arms had come from no other than Ve- 
lasquez, the Governor of Cuba. It was not that he had become a friend to 
Cortes; but he had not heard of the defeat which Narvaez had sustained ; 
and supposing that of course his lieutenant, with a force so much greater, 
had easily conquered Cortes and his followers, had dispatched two successive 
ships to the assistance of Narvaez in the conquest of the country. These had 
arrived at Vera Cruz before their crews learned the real state of affairs; and 
the soldiers were readily persuaded to take service under Cortes. 

There was a work of great magnitude, however, to be performed before 
the capital could be attacked with reasonable assurance of success. Cortes 
had learned from experience that it would not do to depend upon the cause- 
ways; he must have a fleet upon the lake, in place of that which had been 
built with the assistance of Montezuma, and destroyed by the hostile Aztecs. 
It shows us the indomitable spirit of the man, when we reflect that these 
vessels must bo built far from the waters on which they were to sail, and 
transported overland, along mountainous paths, to the shores of the lake. 
Fortunately, the skilled ship-builder Avho had superintended the building of 
the other vessels had not perished on "The Melancholy Night," as the his- 
torians term the night when Cortes and his followers escaped from Mexico. 

With the assistance of the Tlascalans, the work of building the fleet went 
rapidly on. Cortes, however, did not wait for its completion; ])ut, muster- 
ing his forces, set out on the journey. lie had about six hundred men, forty 
of whom were mounted; eighty were armed with arquebuses or cross-bows, 
and he had nine cannon. These fire-arms had all been sent by Velasquez. 



:MU CORTKS, the conqueror of MEXICO. 

They reached the city of Tezcuco the last day of the year 1520 ; the inhatj- 
itants fleeing before their advance. The ilight of the chief, Avho was an ally 
of the Mexicans, gave him an excuse for nominating another, directly under 
his control, to the government of the city; and the Tezcucans were gradually 
reassured, and induced to return to their city. 

The first step of Cortes had been to fortify himself against all danger of a 
surprise; leaving this strong camp to a sufficient guard, he, with the larger 
part of his followers, set out to attack the city of Iztapalapan, situated on the 
tongue of land which separates the two lakes. The fight raged fiercely al- 
most the whole day; but the desperate Indians, resolved to defeat the Span- 
iards at any price, cut the dikes Avhich confined the waters of the lake, and 
the S[)aniards were compelled to retreat before the advancing flood. 

The Spaniards lost all the booty which they had acquired in this place, and 
had, besides, their powder ruined. Yet the fate of the city struck terror in- 
to the hearts of many Indians; and the people of different places sent depu- 
tations to offer their submission to the white men. 

The Aztec empire Avas crumbling to pieces, but still the Emperor pre- 
served his courage, and answered with spirit the messages which Cortes sent 
him, calling upon him to submit hi/nself to the autho'rity of the Spanish sov- 
ereign. Montezuma had been succeeded by his brother, who had lived but 
four months after his accession ; he in turn was succeeded by his nephew, 
Guatemozin, a man of twenty-five. 

At last the thirteen vessels were completed, and safely transported to Tez- 
cuco. " It was a marvelous thing," Cortes writes in his letter, " that few 
have seen, or even heard of — this transportation of thirteen vessels of war 
on the shoulders of men, for nearly twenty leagues across the mountains!" 

Early in the spring, with three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a consid- 
erable body of Tlascalans — the number is placed by some authorities as high 
as a hundred and fifty thousand — leaving the remainder of his force in re- 
serve as a garrison at Tezcuco, Cortes set out, by a circuitous route, to Mex- 
ico. This first expedition occupied about two weeks' time; several minor 
places Avere reduced, but the capital itself repelled the advance of the Span- 
iards. 

The people of Chalco had for some time been asking the aid of the whites 
to throw off the Aztec yoke, but until now it had not been granted. Their 
entreaties had, however, become so urgent that Cortes sent Sandoval with a 
considerable force to their assistance. But the Aztecs returned to the at- 
tack again and again; so that Cortes, who had received a further reinforce- 
ment of two hundred men from Hispaniola, where the authorities were fa- 
vorable to him, was obliged to undertake the work himself. He extend- 
ed his march considerably beyond the limits at first proposed, reducing 
various cities on his way; and going as far south as the city of Cuernavaca, 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 3fi5 

which he assaulted and captured. Turning to the north, they next attacked 
Xochimilco, a city built, like Mexico, in a lake, and connected with the land 
by causeways. These, however, were but short avenues. 

The fight was a determined one, and it seemed that the Spaniards must be 
defeated. In this state of affairs, Cortes, as he had so often done before, 
threw himself into the very thick of the fight, to encourage his followers by 
his example. His immediate followers were too few to support him, and he 
was surrounded by an innumerable host of Indians. His horse lost his foot- 
ing and fell; Cortes received a severe blow on the head before he could dis- 
entangle himself from the stirrups; and was seized and dragged off in tri- 
umph by his enemies, doomed to be sacrificed to the gods whom he had so 
often insulted. At this critical moment, a Tlascalan sprang upon his cap- 
tors, and attempted, single-handed, to rescue the friend of his people; two 
Spaniards followed where the heroic Indian led. Cortes, once released from 
the grasp of his enemies, sprang into his saddle, and renewed the fight. The 
cavalry came up, and, between the two columns, the enemy was fairly cut to 
pieces or forced into the lake. 

But Guatemozin had heard that Cortes was about to advance upon Xochi- 
milco, and had raised an army for its relief. The Spaniards entrenched 
themselves in the city, and awaited the coming of the enemy. For a time, 
the result of the battle seemed doubtful; but gradually the arms and disci- 
pline of the Spaniards triumphed over the numbers of the Aztecs, and the 
latter were driven from the field with such dreadful slaughter that they made 
no attempt to renew the battle. 

Four men were captured by a party of the enemy, they having strayed away 
from their command. The Spaniards rarely allowed themselves to be taken 
alive, as they knew very well that such captives were reserved for sacrifice. 
These men were devoted to this fate ; and the ferocious young chief of Mex- 
ico caused their arms and legs to be cut off and sent around to different 
cities, with the assurance that this would be the fate of the enemies of Mex- 
ico. 

Meanwhile, Cortes was threatened by yet another danger. Some of his 
men had become dissatisfied, although they had not used his permission, 
given at Tlascala, to return to Vera Cruz. To remove Cortes w^ould be to 
give the command to some of his trusted officers, who would as persistently 
push toward the capital as he was doing, and who would besides take bloody 
vengeance on those who had killed the leader. The mutineers therefore re- 
solved to kill Cortes and all who were especially attached to him. But the 
very enormity of the plot defeated it; and one of the conspirators, unable to 
persevere in that which must lead to the death of so many gallant soldiers, 
revealed the plan to Cortes on the day before that appointed for the perpe- 
tration of the deed. The ringleader was seized by Cortes himself, and 



i^QS CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

brought to trial, found guilty, and executed. No attempt was made, how- 
ever, to ascertain the names of others who were engaged in it; Cortes him- 
self destroying a paper containing a list of their names. By this means he 
attached them firmly to himself; since, conscious of their guilt, the conspira- 
tors tried to show him, by their devotion, that they had had nothing to do 
with the plot. 

The vessels for the siege of Mexico had been built in sections, and trans- 
ported to Tezcuco; but there must be a canal dug connecting the two lakes, 
before they could reach the waters of that in the midst of which the city of 
Mexico was situated. This had at last been completed; and Cortes, having 
thus thoroughly reconnoitered the surrounding country, and reduced many 
cities to submission, returned to Tezcuco to launch his brigantincs. 

His forces were more considerable than they had ever been, excepting 
during the short time that the full army of Narvaez had been under his or- 
ders. Eighty-seven cavalry, one hundred and eighteen arquebusiers and 
crossbow-men, and seven hundred foot-soldiers supplied with less formidable 
arms, made up his army, which had, for its artillery, three large field-pieces 
and fifteen falconets. 

He divided this force into three parts, placing one at the extremity of each 
causeway. Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval were the respective commanders. 
The first duty which was assigned them was to cut off the supply of water 
from the garrison of Mexico; which was done by cutting the pipes that sup- 
plied the city with fresh water; for the lake, it should be remembered, was 
salt. This was not done without opposition; but it was accomplished; and 
in the latter part of INIay, 1520, began the formal siege of Mexico, for which 
Cortes had been preparing for so many months. 

Cortes himself had taken command of the fleet; and the first conflict in 
which he engaged was so decided a victory that the squadron was thence- 
forth undisputed master of the lake. The prows of the great vessels bore 
down the small, light canoes of the Indians, and the guns completed the 
work thus begun. 

The city was completely blockaded by the Spaniards, but Cortes was afraid 
to trust to this means of reducing it; fearing lest his followers, and particu- 
larly his Tlascalan allies, should become tired of the siege and desert him. 
He accordingly arranged for an attack upon the city along the great cause- 
way. 

Showers of missiles fell upon them as they came; and, when they reached 
the street which continued the causeway, stones and other heavy objects were 
rained upon them from the roofs. Cortes ordered his Indian allies, there- 
fore, to demolish the buildings as they passed along; thus giving the enemy 
no such vantage-ground. 

There was a stubborn fight al)()ut the palace which had been assigned by 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 367 

Montezuma to the Spaniards, and that very temple whence they had once 
dislodged their enemies; but, although the victory inclined to the Spanish 
side, there was no decisive result; and the white men withdrew at night to 
their camps. 

This was repeated again and again ; but still the siege continued ; for in 
spite of the utmost vigihmce, the Mexicans received supplies from the neigh- 
boring cities by means of their innumerable canoes, which often, under cover 
of darkness, eluded the watchfulness of the Spanish sailors. It was only 
when these cities, seeing that the people of Mexico were unable to drive off 
the besieging army, concluded that it would be wisest to make terms with the 
white men, that the supplies were stopped, and famine began to threaten the 
gallant but doomed defenders of the city. 

Three months after the first assault, there was one more desperate than 
any that had preceded it. In this, Cortes, who was mounted, and at the head 
of a division, was stopped by a chasm in the causeway, and thus unable to 
effect a junction with others of his forces. Here he was vigorously assailed 
by the Indians, six of them attacking him at one time; he was rescued by his 
faithful followers, but so seriously wounded that, after the retreat had been 
sounded, he was obliged to confide the direction of affairs to Sandoval for a 
few days. In this fight, sixty-two of the Spaniards were taken alive; and 
from the camps their comrades could see them led to sacrifice at the summit 
of the pyramid, bound on the altar, and the. heart torn from the body before 
it ceased to beat. The bleeding body was then hurled dovrn the slope, where 
thousands were waiting to receive this material for a horrible banquet. 

The triumphant Mexicans boldly shouted out to the besiegers the prophe- 
cies of their priests, that their gods had been appeased, and had again taken 
the Aztecs under their protection. Within eight days, they asserted, their 
enemies Avould be delivered into their hands. 

Alarmed by this prediction, the Indian allies who had gathered around the 
standard of Cortes from all the neighboring country began to desert him ; 
and even the Tlascalans fell off in considerable numbers. The eight days 
passed away ; and the allies who had thus wavered in their allegiance returned 
to the Spanish camp. 

But Cortes had formed a new plan. He had experienced much difliculty 
from the condition of the causeways and from the canals which intersected 
so many of the streets; he resolved that every building in the city should be 
destroyed as fast as his troops gained possession, and the materials be used 
for filling up the breaches in the causeways and the canals. He set the ex- 
ample himself of engaging in this work, that none of the proud hidalgoes 
might wish to excuse themselves; and found willing assistants by thousands 
among the Indians. 

Having made these preparations for the complete destruction of the city, 



368 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

Cortes sent three envoys to the Emperor, to demand a capitulation. Coun- 
cils were held ; but the advice of the priests, who knew that submission to 
the white men meant their destruction, prevailed; and after two days the 
Spaniards received an answer to their demand in a general sortie of the Az- 
tec forces. The guns were so arranged, however, that they were driven back 
without much difficulty. Day after day they would rush upon the men en- 
gaged in tearing down buildings or filling up their carefully constructed 
canals; but day after day the destruction of the beautiful city went on. 

Famine, thirst, and disease among the beleaguered people were assisting 
the besiegers. Seven-eighths of the city had been laid in ruins, and the great 
temple had been given to the flames. All efforts to secure a surrender of the 
Mexicans had failed, and Cortes determined to make one last assault, which 
should be final. 

It was the 13th of August, 1521. The battle speedily became a butchery. 
Guatemozin attempted to fly in a canoe, but was captured. The news that he 
was taken spread among his followers, and the fight, which seemed to have 
been maintained simply to cover his retreat, ended. Mexico had been con- 
quered. 

The number of the Aztecs and their allies who survived the siege and were 
permitted by Cortes to withdraw to the surrounding country, is variously 
given; the estimates ranging from thirty to seventy thousand men, exclusive 
of non-combatants. Authorities differ, also, as to the number of those who 
fell during the siege; the figures ranging from one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand to two hundred and forty thousand. Whatever the numbers of the 
Aztecs may have been, the conquest of Mexico, viewed as a military achieve- 
ment, is simply wonderful. 

But although the Spaniards had crushed the Aztec power forever, they had 
failed in one thing: the amount of treasure found fell far short of their ex- 
pectations; it was not even equal to the amount which they themselves had 
been obliged to abandon when they fled from the city on the "Melancholy 
Night." The soldiers clamored for Guatemozin to be put to the torture, that 
he might be forced to reveal where the treasure was hidden ; Cortes resisted 
this demand until it was broadly hinted that he had a secret understanding 
with the Aztec monarch, by which the soldiers and his imperial master 
Charles V. would be equally defrauded. Then, to save his own honor, he 
yielded, and allowed the Emperor and his principal minister to be put to the 
torture. It is reported that while the Spaniards were stirring the fire 
which burnt below the gridiron upon which the two victims were extended, 
the minister turned his head towards his master and apparently begged him 
to speak, in order to put an end to their tortures; but that Guatemozin re- 
proved this single moment of weakness by these words: "And I, am I assist- 
ing at some pleasure, or am I in the bath?" An answer which has been prac- 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 



369 



tically changed into, "And I, do I lie upon roses?" But all that could be 
learned from the tortured prince was that much gold had been thrown into 
the water. The lake was dragged, but very little was recovered. 




Thk Tohtl 



A detachment sent out by Cortes penetrated to the borders of the Pacific, 
at a point farther north than any Avhite man had yet reached its shores. 
Taking possession of it in the name of the Emperor, they returned by a more 
northerly route, and brought rich specimens of gold and California pearls. 
Cortes, his imagination excited by the idea of having reached the Pacific by 
this route, at once set about making preparations for a colony on its shores. 

Cortes was also busily occupied in rebuilding the city of Mexico, having 



370 CORTES, THE CONgUEROR OF MEXICO. 

decided that this was the best site for the capital of New Spain. He also 
dispatched messengers to Spain, bearing the imperial fifth of the spoils, and 
a letter announcing the conquest of the country. The treasure, however, 
fell into the hands of a French privateer, by whom it was transmitted to the 
King of France; and the letters were delivered alone. 

But before these letters were delivered, there had been strong influence at 
work against Cortes at the court; and it did not cease to be exerted when 
the news of his achievements reached Spain. We have neither space nor 
inclination for the petty details of court intrigue; but after both sides had 
appealed to the Emperor with all the eloquence that they could muster, 
Charles V. referred the whole matter to the decision of a board selected for 
that purpose. Fonseca and Velasquez pleaded that Cortes had exceeded his 
powers, had trampled onthe rights of the natives, had embezzled the Emper- 
or's share of the spoils, and was squandering the public revenues in rebuild- 
ing the capital on a plan of such magnificence. The friends of Cortes re- 
plied by showing the falsity of these claims; they could easily prove that the 
Emperor had received more than one-fifth, and, having refuted every other 
argument of their antagonists, brought forward that which was unanswerably 
triumphant — the splendid results of this expedition, which had added such a 
vast empire to Spain. 

" Nothing succeeds like success," and the board decided that neither Fon- 
seca nor Velasquez should attempt to interfere with Cortes, whose acts were 
fully confirmed. The Conqueror — El Conquisfado, the old Spanish chronic- 
lers love to call him — was named Governor, Captain-General, and Chief-Jus- 
tice of New Spain, with power to appoint to all offices, and to banish any one 
from the country Avhose presence there he judged prejudicial to the interests 
of the Crown. An ample salary was decreed him, to enable him to support 
the dignity of his position; and his followers were rewarded with the praise 
of their royal master and ample grants of land. 

Some two years after the conquest, Cortes had sent Olid with a sufficient 
force to establish a colony in Honduras. News reached him that Olid, sup- 
posing himself at a safe distance from Mexico, had asserted his independence 
of Cortes, and proposed to govern this colony without any superior but the 
Emperor. Cortes sent an expedition under Las Casas to reduce the rebel to 
subjection. Tliis expedition Avas wrecked, but subsequently reached land, 
marched against Olid, defeated him, and he was put to death as a traitor. 

Cortes, however, heard only of the shipwreck; and, determined that his au- 
thority should be upheld, marched in person against Olid. While on the way, 
which presented almost incredible difficulties, he learned that the Indians 
who accompanied him had plotted against him. Since the conquest had been 
accomplished, he had kept Guatemozin constantly at his side; fearing treach- 
ery on his part. This information implicated the late chief of the Aztecs as 



CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 371 

the ringleader; and Cortes seized him and some others, hastily tried them, 
condemned them to death, and hanged them on a tree by the wayside. 

Arrived at his destination, Cortes found that the matter had been settled 
without the need of his intervention. He remained in Honduras for sometime, 
arranging the affairs of the colony; and returned to Mexico at the urgent 
solicitation of his friends; for the government there was falling into anarchy, 
and the report of his death was current. His enemies even went so far as to 
seize upon his property, wherever any could be found, in the name of the 
State. 

His return to Mexico was hailed with delight by the people; and he at 
once set about restoring order. His action regarding those who had in his 
absence set his authority at naught is by some condemned as weak; but, since 
he was the one to suffer by it, this nuxy be regarded as no blemish in his 
character. 

But, although Fonseca and Velasquez had both died within a year after the 
decision which forbade them to interfere with Cortes, there were still many 
about the Court who envied him; and, in accordance with their representa- 
tions, a commissioner was appointed to inquire into his administration of af- 
fairs. This was no unusual thing in the case of a governor entrusted with 
the almost absolute power which had been given to Cortes; and the selection 
of the commissioner, in this instance, showed that it was no sign of the Em- 
peror's displeasure. But the commissioner died within a short time after his 
arrival in Mexico, and the deputy whom he named his successor was an enemy 
of Cortes. 

This man, Estrada, seemed to delight in annoying Cortes as much as possi- 
ble ; his recommendations were disregarded ; his friends were mortified or in- 
sulted; his attendants were outraged by injuries; and when he protested 
against the infliction of a severe punishment for a trifling offense, the offen- 
der being a servant of his faithful cavalier Sandoval, he was actually ordered 
to leave the city. 

" It is well that those," he said, in bitter irony, " who at the price of their 
blood have won the capital, should not be allowed a footing in it." 

His followers would have taken up arms in his defense; but he forbade all 
resistance of Estrada's authority, and quietly retired to a villa which he pos- 
sessed, a short distance from the city. 

Meanwhile, his enemies at the Court were not yet satisfied, but managed to 
insinuate that there was danger of his asserting his independence of the 
Crown. But the friends of Cortes were equally active, and procured the re- 
call of Estrada. He Avas superseded by a commission entitled the Royal Au- 
dience of Spain. These oflUcers were instructed to send Cortes to Spain; 
peaceably if possible, forcibly if they must. 

He had for some time been considering the question of returning and lay- 



372 COKIKS, TIIK CONyUEKOU OF MEXICO. 

inutliis nlTnii- Ucfoio llu^ Eiiiporor; jindliad }il)oiit niiulo up his mind to do so 
when liuMoiniuissioiu'rs arrived. His intention created a .sensation through 
the eounlr.v; and the couiniis.sioncrssaw at once that things had been carried 
too far. They tried lo eoui^jroniiso the matter; butalthough Cortes nietthcm 
with friendly courtesy, ho could not bo persuaded to adopt any other course. 

IIo arrived in Spain in May, 1528. Some time was lost by illness, and 
sonio was spent in devotion before a favorite shrine, before he presented 
himself at court. His simple and manly ehxjuence, backed by the magnetic 
qualities of liis manner, antl the knowledge of the great deeds that he had 
achieved, scattered the plans of his enemies like chaff before the wind; and 
the Emperor received him with marked favor. It is even recorded, with duo 
solemnity, befitting the narration of an event of great importance, that on 
one occasion, when Cortes lay sick of a fever, the Emperor actually visited 
him, and remained some time in the sick chainl)er; and the historians seem 
lo thiidc that this alone was aiM[)le rewai"d for all that he had (Mulured and 
all that he liad accomplished. 

But other and more substantial rewards were given him. It was thought 
then and thein^ that the title oF Manpiis of the Valley of Oaxaca was no mere 
empty honor, and c>ven tlui re|)ublican simplicity of our own day does not en- 
tirely disdain such titles when they are won by the bi'aiei-; in addition to 
this, Cortes was granted a a ast tract of laud in the rich [iroNinct^ from which 
the title of liis mai-cpiisate was taken, his domain containing more than 
twenty towns and villages, Avitli twenty-three thousand vassals. The lan- 
guage in which this grant was expressed, acknowledging in the amplest terms 
the "good services rendered by Cortes — the sufferings he had undergone 
* * * * and the lidelity and obedience with which, as a good and trusty 
vassal, he had ever served the Crown," made it all the more valuable in the 
eyes of the faithful servant who was thus rewarded. 

We have alluded to the use of the term Comiuenn- to designate Cortes; 
froui this lime forth he has another title — the JNIanpiis; and the title alone, 
without the name of the individual, is used to indicate Cortes, just as the ti- 
tle the Admiral is used to designate C\)lumbus. 

But although the Emperor was quite willing to heap honors upon Cortes, 
ho was not willing to reinstate him in the position which he had held. Per- 
haps Charles was not fully convinced that the Conqueror had no intention of 
becoming the independent sovereign of Mexico. At any rate, he steadily re- 
fused to api)oint him to the civil government; finally investing him with the 
military authority, under the title of Captain-General of New Spain and of 
the coasts of the South Seas. 

Early in the spring of If^HO, Cortes again set sail for New Spain; being em- 
powered to nudve discoveries in the South Seas, with the right to rule over 
such lands as ho should colonize. Being delayed two mouths at Cuba, he 



COKTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 373 

did not reach Villa Rica until the middle of July. But the Royal Audience 
treated him with such contumely that he withdrew to the city of Cuernavaca, 
within the limits of his marquisate, which thenceforth became his favorite 
residence. 

A tranquil life did not long content him, however; he was soon busily en- 
gaged in fitting out a squadron for the exploration of the Gulf of California. 
The first squadron was scattered and wrecked, and Cortes undertook the com- 
mand of a second fleet in person. But he was not much more successful. It 
is true that the coast was explored for a short distance; but he encountered 
such storms, and met with such hardships, from famine and other causes, 
that he was glad to return to the port whence he had set out. A third expe- 
dition, this time under the command of a lieutenant, proved more successful; 
and the Gulf of California was explored along its whole coast, the southern 
point of the peninsula doubled, and the line of the western coast followed to 
a point as high as the twenty-ninth degree of latitude. In these and previous 
expeditions sent out by Cortes, the western coast of North America had been 
explored from the Gulf of Panama almost to the southern boundary of the 
United States. The Spaniards have shown their appreciation of his services 
to the science of cosmography by naming the great body of water between 
Mexico and the peninsula of California, the Sea of Cortes. 

But his schemes of further explorations were interrupted by the new Vice- 
roy, Mendoza; who had heard rumors of vast mines of gold to the northwest, 
and claimed the right of exploration for himself, as the representative of the 
Crown. Cortes protested against this claim, as encroaching upon his rights 
as Captain-General of New Spain and the Coasts of the South Seas; and, the 
dispute being still unsettled, resolved to go to Spain to maintain his rights. 

He embarked in 1540, accompanied by his eldest son, a boy of eight years. 
The Emperor was absent from Spain at the time of his arrival, so that his 
suit could not be decided. He was received with marked honors, however, 
by the Royal Council of the Indies; but they were but empty honors. 

We find him taking an active part in the expedition which the Emperor 
led against Algiers in 1541. The siege, which was designed to break up a 
nest of pirates, was at last abandoned. Cortes offered to reduce the phice 
himself, if a force were given him ; and regretted, in the hearing of the coun- 
cil of war, that he had not a few of the veterans who had followed him to the 
conquest of Mexico; but his advice Avas rejected, and his offer derided, as 
that of a romantic enthusiast. 

But the magnificence of this conquest was now dimmed by the gleam of the 
gold being sent home by Pizarro; and Cortes himself was regarded as a man 
too old to render much service to the Crown. He came to be looked upon 
as a person whose claims were too large to be allowed. " He found, like Col- 
umbus, that it was possible to deserve too greatly." Wearied by the delay 



374 CORTES, THE CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. 

with which he met everywhere, he at last resolved to approach the Emperor 
directly. lie made his way through the press that surrounded the imperial 
carriage, and mounted its steps. 

" Who is that man? " demanded Charles, conveniently failing to recognize 
him. 

" I am the man, sire," replied Cortes, with a pride equal to his own, " who 
has given you more provinces than your ancestors left you cities." 

The years passed on, and still the Council of the Indies had not reached a 
decision, to be submitted to the sovereign for his approval. The last letter 
which Cortes addressed to the Emperor was dated in February, 1544. In this 
he begged that the Council of the Indies and the other tribunals which had 
cognizance of his suits might be ordered to come to a decision; but the order 
was never given; and, after waiting three years more, he resolved to return to 
Mexico. 

He had gone as far as Seville, when he fell sick; and the disappointments 
which he had suffered so preyed upon his mind as to affect his bodily ailment. 
Finding that his strength was rapidly failing, he executed his will, Oct. 11, 
1547. Finding that the constant stream of visitors annoyed him in his weak- 
ness, he withdrew to the neighboring village of Castilleja de la Cuesta, and 
there awaited death with the same courage with which he had faced it on the 
field of battle or in the beleagured city. 

It came Dec. 2, 1547. To the silent dust were accorded those honors which 
had often been denied to the living man. His remains were first interred 
in a chapel of a monastery in Seville; but afterwards removed to the New 
World. No less than five sepulchres at various times received the remains 
of the conqueror of Mexico, before the revolution which made that country 
independent of Spain. In 1823, the mob, anxious to show its contempt for 
all connected with the Spanish government, sought to break open his tomb 
in the capital, and fling his ashes to the wind; but friends of the family en- 
tered the vault by night, and secretly removed the relics to a place of safety. 



J 



FRANCISCO PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 



^TOME time about the year 1471, in the city of Truxillo, in the province 
(^y of Estremadura, Spain, was born a boy who was christened Francisco; 
(^ his father being Gonzalo Pizarro, a colonel of infantry, who had served 
with some distinction in foreign wars. According to some authorities, he 
was left, a foundling, on the steps of one of the principal churches of his 
native city; whether this be so or not, it is certain that he received but little 
care during the helpless period of his life; and, so far from being instructed 
in the learning and accomplishments of the period, he was not even taught 
to read and write. As he grew to manhood, he was obliged to undertake the 
lowest kind of labor to support life; and for some years his occupation was 
that of a swineherd. 

He was not more than twenty-one or twenty-two when Columbus returned 
from his first voyage; and even the ignorant swineherd shared in the enthu- 
siasm which swept over Spain. We cannot tell when his intention was 
formed or executed; but certainly he made his way to Seville, where most of 
the adventurers embarked, and there enlisted in some one of the expeditions 
fitted out tp explore and colonize the Kew World. 

In 1510, Alonzo de Ojeda, the gallant cavalier who had followed Columbus 
to Hispaniola, fitted out an expedition from that island to form a settlement 
on the continent. His partner in this enterprise was a Spanish lawyer, usu- 
ally called the Bachelor Enciso, being a bachelor of laws; Enciso remained 
in Hispaniola to gather up recruits and perform various other duties con- 
nected with the founding of the colony, while Ojeda assumed the more dan- 
gerous and adventurous task of finding a place for its establishment. 

The isthmus which connects the continents had been granted to Ojeda and 
a rival, the line between the two provinces being carefully marked out; that 
which was assigned to Ojeda was the more southern, and he had decided 
that his colony should be on the coast of what is now called the Gulf of Da- 
rien. The expedition prospered fairly well; the site was selected, a fort and 
the necessary buildings put up, and Ojeda returned to Hispaniola for sup- 
plies; leaving, as the commander of the garrison, Francisco Pizarro. 

Those who remained at San Sebastian as the colony was called, agreed to 

(375) 



376 



PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 



wait fifty days for the return of Ojeda. Should he uot come or send by that 
time, they were to return to Hispaniola, if they so desired. The time went 
by, and Ojeda neither came nor sent. But here arose another difficulty: the 
two small brigantines which they had would not accommodate the seventy 




Fraxcisco Pizarro. 
men who composed the garrison. The character of Pizarro is shown by the 
determination at which the colonists, threatened daily by disease, famine, 
and the poisoned arrows of the Indians, arrived: they would wait until these 
three agencies had so reduced their numbers that the survivors could find 
transportation on the vessels they possessed. 



PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. • 377 

These terrible days of waiting for each other to die were not many; and, 
killing the four horses and salting their flesh, they made such other prepa- 
rations for the voyage as lay within their means. The two brigantines sailed 
toward Ilispaniola; but one was wrecked in a storm, going down with all on 
l)()ard before the eyes of those in the other vessel, unable to extend a help- 
ing hand. The other, of which Pizarro was the commander, kept its course 
until the harbor of Carthagcna was reached. Here the returning colonists 
fell in with Enciso, who was on his way to San Sebastian with considerable 
reinforcements and the necessary supplies. 

With great difficulty, and by exercising all the authority which the np- 
pointment of the Crown had given him — this most ably seconded by the fact 
that he bad a much larger force, well-armed and well-fed, at his back — En- 
ciso succeeded in persuading Pizarro to return with him to the main land. 
For a while, his history is obscured by the history of the colony; he held so 
low a rank that the chronicler could give him no attention. 

lie attached himself to the fortunes of Balboa; and when that splendid 
figure put on the trappings of the Governor of Darien, Pizarro became one 
of his most trusted lieutenants. He was one of those who followed Balboa 
across the isthmus in 1513, and saw, for the first time, the great Pacific 
stretching away to the South. When Bal])oa fell into difficulties, Pizarro 
seemed to have kept clear of danger ; and attached himself to Don Pedro Arias 
dc Avila. The present writer does not mean to upludd or condemn Pizarro 
for this course; it is hard to see how a faithful follow^n- who has been re- 
garded with affection by his chief can fail to share that chief's misfortunes, 
unless there is cold-blooded desertion of the falling house; but it may be 
urged in excuse that Pizarro had been reared in a rough school; probably 
from his infancy he had been accustomed to fight his way; receiving cuffs 
and curses from those who were stronger than he, and ready to pass them on 
to those who were weaker. 

Employed by Avila in several minor expeditions against the Indians sur- 
rounding the settlement, he gained by these means the training which was 
so useful to him afterward. The most noted of these, in the light of future 
events, was in 1,515, when he was selected as one of the leaders of an expedi- 
tion which was to cross the isthmus and trade with the natives. It was then, 
probal)ly, that he first conceived the idea of extending his journey toward 
that southern Land of Gold of which Balboa had heard. 

It might be thought that after Balboa's death, Avila would have hastened 
to explore the country in which such immense wealth was said to exist; but 
there is a record of only one expedition, before that undertaken by Pizarro; 
and this did not go any farther than the part of the coast which had already 
been explored by Balboa. 

But although this enterprise had not been successful, it had prepared the 



378 riZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

public mind to take a keen interest in the subject of gold-seeking in the 
South. Under such circumstances, Pizarro, who had been assigned, as the 
reward of his military services, a tract of land and a certain number of In- 
dian slaves to work it, formed the plan of heading such an expedition him- 
self. He was too poor, however, to bear all the expenses ; and two others 
became his partners in the venture. One of these was Diego de Almagro, a 
soldier of fortune who was probably a little older than Pizarro, and not 
nnich better off; the third was Hernando de Luque, vicar of Panama, and 
formerly schoolmaster at Darien. The priest furnished the greater part of 
the funds for the expedition, and probably was instrumental in securing the 
permission of the Governor for undertaking such a venture. Authorities 
differ as to whether Avila contributed anything to the expenses or not; but 
certainly he stipulated that he should have a share in the profits. 

Two small vessels were purchased, the larger having been built by Balboa 
for an expedition to the south, but it had lain dismantled in the harbor of 
Panama since his death. This was speedily fitted out, and something more 
than a hundred idle, reckless adventurers, who had not yet made their for- 
tunes in this New W(u-ld, enlisted. Pizarro set sail from Panama about the 
middle of November, 1524; leaving Almagro to follow in the smaller vessel as 
soon as it could be prepared. 

Almagro had counted upon their being able to obtain provisions in plenty 
from the natives as they went on; but they were tossed about on the angry 
waves, and ran short both of food and water. When they at last landed, it 
was only to make their toilsome way through dense forests where no sound 
was heard but the splashing of the rain on the leaves, and of their own foot- 
steps as they sank into the deep oozy mud. For it was the rainy season, 
when discomfort and danger of disease attend the traveler through these 
lands. 

His men began to murnnir loudly; but Pizarro was determined not to go 
back and acknowledge that he had failed. He soothed their discontent with 
a promise of supplies; and sent one of his otficers back to the Isle of Pearls 
with the ship and nearly half of the company. 

No trace of native habitations could be found; and the wretched Span- 
iards were reduced to feeding on such roots and berries as they could find in 
the woods. Some of these proved poisonous; and some of those who re- 
fused to risk death by this means died of starvation. 

More than twenty of his followers had died, yet Pizarro, sharing all their 
discomforts, retained his cheerfulness and resolution; and, by his efforts to 
obtain food for them and his unwearied care of the sick, made himself be- 
loved by these rough soldiers of fortune. 

As they wandered almost hopelessly through the woods, they emerged at 
last into an open space, where they found an Indian village. The inhabitants 



PlZAKllO, THE DISCOVEKKR OF I'EUIJ. 6i\f 

fled at first; und the famished Spaniards, rushing to the huts, seized 
upon the provisions. Gathering confidence as they saw what necessity had 
compelled this deed, and not so well acqainted with the Spaniards in general 
as to know that, hungry or well-fed, they respected no Indian rights, the na- 
tives returned to their village, and naively inquired why the white men did 
not stay at home and cultivate their own land, instead of roaming about to 
rob others. Had they been better acquainted with the new-comers, the poor 
Indians would have known that the rude golden ornaments which they wore 
w(U"emore attractive to the white men, when once their hunger was appeased, 
than all that could be won by agriculture. 

After more than six weeks, the vessel brought the supplies for which it had 
been sent; and the expedition proceeded on its way. Pizarro kept close to 
shore, " wandering in the dark, feeling his way along inch by inch, as it were, 
without chart to guide him, without knowledge of the seas or of the bearings 
of the coast, and even with no better defined idea of the object at which he 
aimed than that of a land, teeming with gold, that lay in the south." 

Having cast anchor off a bold point of land which he named Punta Que- 
mada, Pizarro disembarked, with the greater part of his force, to explore the 
interior, which he believed to be inhabited. Less than a league from the 
coast he found a village, defended by palisades, and larger than any that he 
had seen. It was deserted at their approach, and the Spaniards helped them- 
selves to the golden ornaments which they found in the huts. But the Indian 
warriors had held council; and when the Spaniards attemj)ted to reconnoiter 
the country, they were suddenly attacked by unnumbered foes, springing 
from their ambush in the hills. The fight was a stubborn one, though the 
ground was continually shifted, as the natives would retreat, only to advance 
again to the attack from another and unexpected quarter. Pizarro was 
speedily recognized by them as the leader of their enemies, and directing 
their missiles at him more than at his followers, they succeeded in inflicting 
seven wounds, although he was clad in armor. 

The Spaniards were at last driven back by the fury of their innumerable 
assailants; and Pizarro, as they retreated down the slope of the hill, defend- 
ing themselves as they went, slipped and fell to the rain-soaked earth. The 
boldest of the Indians, uttering their savage war-cry, sprang forward to dis- 
patch him ; but on his feet in an instant, in spite of the heavy armor which 
encumbered him, he struck down two, and held the rest at bay until his fol- 
lowers came to his rescue. The Indian, whether of North or South Amer- 
ica, has a great respect for a man who fights hand-to-hand, rather than with 
missile Aveapons; and, in admiring fear of Pizarro's prowess, they faltered in 
the attack. At this moment, the remainder of the force which had landed, 
which had become separated from him, came up ; and, by the united exertions 
of all, the Indians were driven from the field. 



380 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

It Avas decided, however, by the Spaniards in council, that they were in no 
condition to go on; and the vessel returned to Pananux. Pizarro himself re- 
mained at Chicama; for he was unwilling to present himself before the Gov- 
ernor before he had succeeded. Here he was joiiunl by Almagro, who had 
followed in Pizarro's track, and, having reached the fourth degree of north 
latitude without meeting him, had turned back. A system of notching the 
trees, similar to that by Avhich a North American pioneer "blazes " his way 
through the pathless woods, enabled Ahnagro to identify the places at 
which he had landed as being the same where Pizarro had touched. 

Both felt nuudi encouraged by the success with which they had already met ; 
for although the amount of gold obtained w\as not in itself considerable, the 
linding of such ornaments in outlying villages gave rich promise of the treas- 
ure of the capital. They resolved to fit out another expedition; and, in pros- 
ecution of this resolve, Almagro set out for Panama, to secure the continued 
good-will of the Governor, while Pizarro remained at Chicama. 

Avila was not easily persuaded to consent to a second expedition ; charg- 
ing Pizarro, particularly, with the loss of many of his followers. When he 
iinally gave the desired permission, as Father Luque persuaded him to do, he 
named Almagro as equal in command with Pizarro; although in the first ex- 
pedition there had been a difference made between them. 

A com})act was made, and signed March 10, 152(5, between the three men 
interested in the first expedition. Father Luque W'as the only one of the 
three who could write his name, the signatures of the others being marks, 
attested b.y three respectable citizens of Pan:ima. According to the terms 
of this agreement, the proceeds of the expedition were to be divided equally 
among the men who had planned the former expedition, Pizarro, Almagro, 
and Father Luque; the soldiers were to do the work, while the priest fur- 
nished the money, twenty thousand jjp.ws de oi-o ; other documents of the time 
show that in this he was acting as the agent of another person, to whom he 
assigned all the rights guaranteed him by this instrument. The Governor of 
Panama, who had had, as will be remembered, an interest in the first expedi- 
tion, now concluded that a bird in the hand was worth two in the bush; and 
formally resigned lo the adventurers all claim to a share in their profits, for 
the consideration of one thousand j)c.s'o,s de oro. 

Two vessels were purchased, somewhat larger than those which had been 
used before; and stores were laid in, on a somewhat more liberal scale. But 
it was not easy to get recruits for the venture; nearly one-fourth of those who 
had followed Pizarro and Amalgro to the South had died there; and thecon- 
ditiou of the survivors, ragged and half-starved as they were, did not bear out 
the promise of rich booty to be obtained. Strangely enough, however, some 
of these very men re-enlisted; and about one hundred and sixty, in all, were 
nuistercd. A few horses were bought, and ammunition and military stores; 



PTZARRO, THE DTSOOVERKR OF PERU. 381 

but there was great difficully in ()l)tiiiiiiiig aiiytliiiig of the kind, since every- 
thing must be brought across the rugged barrier of the mountains which are 
continued along the isthmus. 

81aiuling out to sea, they only sailed toward the shore when near the lati- 
tude of the furthest point whicli Almagrohad reached, the mouth of the Rio 
(U; San Juan. Landing here, they attacked an Indian village, and carried off 
a consid(u-able booty of gold ornaments, with a few of the natives. 

The lea(l(U's knew very well that their force was too small; and it was now 
(h'cided that this first success should be used to secure reinforcements. Al- 
niagro returned to Panama, to carry the news of the treasure which they had 
secured; the pilot, Bartholomew Ruiz, with the other vessel, rcconnoitcrcd 
the coast to the south; while Pizarro, Avith the rest of the force, was to re- 
main in the neighborhood of the river. 

Ruiz went as far south as Capo Pasado, about half a degree south of the 
equator; his vessel being the first under the command of a white man that, 
sailing down the Pacific coast, had passed the Line. The one important event 
of this voyage was his meeting with a kind of raft, which was remarkable as 
being the first instance with which the Europeans had met of a native vessel 
with a sail. Intercourse with the Lidians on board only increased his aston- 
ishment; their fine wool garments, dyed in the most brilliant colors, the rich- 
ness of their ornaments and of the gold and silver articles which they were 
carrying to a certain point for trading, even a pair of scales for weighingthe 
|;)recious metals, all these indicated a higher degree of civilization than had 
yet been found among the Indians. In addition to this, his interest was still 
further aroused by the assertion that some degrees to the south there was a 
country, whose fields were covered with large flocks of the animals from 
whose backs the wool for their clothes was obtained, and that gold and silver 
were as common as wood in the palaces of its ruler. Seizing some of these 
Indians, Ruiz returned to the rendezvous; considering that Pizarro had bet- 
t(u- hear the stories from their own lips; and also, that when these captives 
should have learned Spanish, they Avould be valual)le as intei'preters. 

This re[)()rt, and the arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about 
eighty men and acjuantity of supplies, somewhat encouraged those who had 
remained at the mouth of the river with Pizarro, and who had been almost 
on the })oint of deserting their commander. 

As th(\y proceeded on their way, there were many evidences that the long- 
sought land of gold was almost at hand; but the inhabitants appeared to be a 
war-like people, ready to defend their country against the invasion of the 
S[)aniards. On one occasion, Pizarro had landed with a body of his men, 
wishing for a conference with the Indians; but they seemed eager to fight, 
and he could not nuiketh(!m understand that he came in peace; arms and ar- 
mor seemed to tell them that he and his followers were hostile. The Span- 



I'IZARKO, THIO DFSCOVKHKU f)l'^ JMOKU. 38^ 

iarcls, hotly pressed by jiii ciiciny fur outniuTil)cMin<^ them, might hiivc fared 
badly had not one of their cavaliers been thrown by his horse. The Indians 
were so astonished at this division of what seemed a single being into two sep- 
arate creatures, neither of whicdi seemed to suffer by the se[)aration, that 
they f(^ll back, and tlu! 8[)aniards, taking advantage of tin; i)ause, icgained 
their vessels in safi^ly. 

The Spaniards again saw that their force was inadetpiatc to the work which 
(hey liad undertaken. Almagro proposed to rc^turn once more to Panama for 
i-ccruils; Pizarro objected to this division of duties, as he was left to contend 
with hardships, while his colleague was comparativcdy safe from them. Al- 
magro offered to be the one to remain; but the dispute which had aiiscn was 
not easily settled; and they came almost to blows. Finally, however-, it was 
decided that Almagro's first plan should be adopted ; and they set about find- 
ing some safe and convenient spot for Pizarro's quarters. 

To avoid the natives, who appeared everywhere hostile, and tluMininhabil- 
able wastes of forest fai-ther noilh, it was decided to encamp on the little is- 
land of Gallo. But against this, the soldiers who were to remain, protested 
bitterly; and wrote many letters to their friends and acquaintances at Pan- 
ama, to be carried by the vessel in which Almagro sailed. That commander 
defeated their purpose, as bethought, by seizing all letters; but one had been 
too wary for him. A soldier named Sarabia had obtained a ball of cotton, 
which he wished to send to the Governor's wife as a sample of the })roducts 
of the country. It looked innocent enough, and was delivered to the lady; 
who found inside of it a letter accusing the two commanders of having placed 
1 heir followers in the most miserable condition ; and calling on the authorities 
of Panama to interfere by sending a vessel to rescue them. The letter closed 
with a bitter (diaracterization, in verse, of the two commanders as partners in 
a slaughter-house ; the; doggerel is thus rendered by Prescott: — 

"Look out, 8pnor Governor, 

For the drover wliile he's near; 
Since he goes liome to get tlie sheep 

For the butcher, who staya here." 

Don Pedro de los Rios had succeeded Avila as the governor of the colony; 
and he gave orders, as soon as his wife brought this letter to his notice, that 
two ships should bo dispatched to bring home the adventurers. But the 
same vessel carried to Pizarro letters from Almagro and Lupue promising as- 
sistance if he would only renuiin where he was. 

To a man of Pizarro's determination there was only a faint gleam of hope 
necessary. Drawing a line on the sandy beach with his sword he thus ad- 
dressed his wav(!ring followers: — 

" Friends and comrades, on that side are toil, hunger, nakedness, the 
drenching storm, desertion, and death; on this side, ease and pleasure. There 



384 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

lies Peru with its riches; here, Panama and its poverty. Choose, each man, 
what best becomes a brave Castilian. For my part, I go to the South." 

As he stepped across the line, he was instantly followed by Ruiz; then, a 
moment afterward, by Pedro de Candia and eleven others. This conduct 
the officer sent with the vessels regarded as rebellion against the authority of 
the Governor, who had sent for them to return; he refused to leave one of 
the vessels with the fourteen determined men — for Pizarro had dispatched his 
own ship to Panama for repairs — and it was only with difficulty that he was 
persuaded to give them a part of the stores which had been sent for the re- 
lief of the party. He consented, however, to allow Ruiz to return to Panama 
in his ship, to co-operate Avith Almagro and Luque in securing assistance. 

Nor was it easy to obtain from the Governor permission to fit out a vessel 
to go to Pizarro's aid. At length this was accomplished, but only on the 
condition that Pizarro should return to Panama, whatever came about, within 
six months. 

While the vessel was being ])repared, Pizarro and his companions deter- 
mined to move their quarters to the neighboring island of Gorgona, which 
possessed several advantages. Here they remained for seven months; trying 
to give each other courage, and persuade themselves that their mission of 
rapine and blood was under the direct protection of Heaven, by constant de- 
votional exercises. At last the vessel came, but it brought no new recruits; 
and the little handful of men sailed away to the unknown South. 

The first place of any importance where they lauded was Tumbez, on the 
Gulf of Guayaquil. Here they were received very kindly by the wondering na- 
tives; those who had been taken prisoner by Ruiz assuring their countrymen 
that the Spaniards were a wonderful race, who had come thither forno harm, 
but solely to become acquainted with the country and its inhabitants. Per- 
haps these captives believed what they said; buthow much they had been de- 
ceived if they did! 

The Spaniards were visited by a native who was evidently a nobleman, who 
seems to have come officially to investigate the strangers. Pizarro sent one 
of his men to return the visit, accompanied by a negro who had come from 
Panama with Almagro. The Indians did not know whether to wonder most 
at the color of the white man or of the black man; but appeared to think, 
when they found that the dye of the African would not rub off, let them try 
as they might, that he Avas rather the more wonderful of the two. Some swine 
and poultry had been sent by Pizarro as presents to the great man, since neither 
Avas to be found in the New World until brought hither by the Europeans; 
and the natives, Avhen the cock crcAv, demanded to know Avhat hcAvas saying. 

The soldier brought back such Avonderful stories of the temple Avhich he 
had seen, blazing with gold and silver, that Pizarro dispatched a more trust- 
Avorthy messenger the next day, to see hoAv much of this brilliant description 



PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 385 

was true. The man chosen was the good cavalier Pedro de Candia, who had 
followed Ruiz across the line on the sand before any other ; and he was dressed 
in steel armor, Avith his sword by his side and his arquebus on his shoulder. 

Candia returned with a description even more glowing, which was accepted 
by Pizarro as the truth; although one historian of the time says that when 
they returned to Tunibez they found it a lie from beginning to end, except in 
regard to the temple; Candia having given a glowing account of a structure 
which he styled a convent, where the girls intended for the Inca's wives were 
kept. 

It was evident that they had reached the country which they sought, though 
as yet they had only arrived at the northern part. They accordingly left 
Tiimbez, and followed the coast southward, till, passing the Punta de Aguja, 
they found their course alongshore tending toward the east. Everywhere 
they were received with the same kindness, and everywhere they heard the 
same accounts of a powerful monarch, whose palaces were fairly alight with 
the gleam of gold and silver. It is true that they saw but little of these prec- 
ious metals, except in the temples which they dared not violate; but the evi- 
dences of civilization were so many and so strong that they saw there must be 
some foundation for these reports. 

They had passed the point where the city of Truxillo now stands, when 
Pizarro's followers begged him to turn back. They had done enough, they 
said, to prove, not only the existence, but the actual situation of this great 
empire; and their force was too small to attempt anything more. Recogniz- 
ing the justice of what they said, he consented to do so, and sailed to the 
northward. They stopped at Tumbez, where some of the Spaniards, at their 
own request, were put ashore; and a few of the Peruvians taken on board. 
By this means, Pizarro told himself, he would have Spaniards who were ac- 
quainted with the language and customs of the Peruvians, and Peruvians who 
were acquainted with the language and customs of the Spaniards. 

Confident that the measure of success which they had achieved was such as 
to interest the Governor, the leaders of the expedition applied to him for as- 
sistance in organizing another, of sufficient magnitude to undertake the con- 
quest of this country. He replied, coldly, that he had no desire to build up 
other states at the expense of his own;' nor would he be led to throw away 
more lives than had already been sacrificed by the cheap display of gold and 
silver toys and a few Indian sheep, as the llamas were called. 

Luque advised that they should apply directly to the Crown for assistance; 
and, after some discussion, Pizarro was authorized by his colleagues to go to 
Spain and lay the matter before the Emperor. To so low an ebb had their 
fortunes sunk, that they had some difiiculty in fitting him out in proper style 
to go to court ; but finally, fifteen hundred ducats were raised, and in the spring 
of 1528, Pizarro sailed for Spain, taking with him some of the native Peruvi- 



a.sc 



'I/AKKO, THK DTSrOVERKR OF VVAW . 



;ins, two or thvco ll:mi:vs, vui'ious pioccs of cloth, iiiid as many speoimons of 
i^oldand silver aiiiclos, broujiht from Poru,as could easily be obtained; the 
booty, of coiii-se, havinii' bcM'ii (li\ i(h>d miuoiiu- th(> men enuaiiHul in the (>nter- 

1 lll|tl'|1ilP|ll|f11|i« 



lIlllP 



I 




I'l \KKi' I I i: llMITKltK CllAKI.ES V. 

The r>a( lu'h)r Kneiso hai)pened to be in Seville at the time of his landinij:; 
and as ri/arro had been in liisMebt since the days of th.e early colony at Da- 
rien, lu> at once i>roi'ured the arrest ol' the adventurer, and had hiui thrown 
iuti) prison. 

Fortunatt'ly for Pi/ari-o, the l^uue of his achieven\i<nts liadreachedSpaiu at 
least as soon as he did; and the Kini)»>ri)r, hearing of his luisfortunes, i-om- 



riZAKRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 387 

mandcd that he t^hould be released at once, and allowed to proceed on his 
journey. When he arrived at Toledo, where the court then was, and was ad- 
mitted to the presence of Charles V., the Emperor listened with much inter- 
est; being even moved to tears by the story of his lonely stay, with a handful 
of followers, on the island of Gorgona; and commended Pizarro's affairs in 
the most favorable terms, to the consideration of the Council for the Indies. 

But Spanish ofKcials w^cro slow-moving bodies, as many a gallant explorer, 
before and after the time of Pizarro, found; and the future Conqueror of 
Peru might have become heartsick with hope deferred, had it not been for a 
powerful friend. Cortes was then in Spain; and, after the Emperor had left 
for Italy, interested himself in expediting the affairs of Pizarro, who was dis- 
tantly related to him. The Queen, who had been named Regent during her 
husband's absence, accordingly executed the great " Capitulation " which de- 
tincd the powers and privileges of Pizarro. 

In this instrument, Peru was called New Castile; and Pizarro was given the 
right of discovery and conquest in it for two hundred leagues south of San- 
tiago. The offices of Governor and Captain-General were united in him with 
those of Adelantado and Alguacil Mayor, for life; and his services were to be 
rewarded by a salary equivalent, in values of the present day, to something 
like eight thousand dollars a year. Almagro was named commander of the 
fortress of Tumbez; and Luque was appointed Bishop of Tunibez and Protec- 
tor of the Indians of Peru. Euiz was given the titlo of Grand Pilot of the 
Southern Ocean, and Candia was placed in command of the artillery ; the other 
eleven faithful followers of Pizarro were appointed to dignities in prospect, 
wnth the title and rank of hidalgoes and cavalleros in present. 

Pizarro was bound to raise within six months, from the date of the instru- 
ment, or by January 26, 1530, a well-equipped force of two hundred'and fifty 
men ; and he was to be prepared to sail within six months from the time of his 
return to Panama. The Government furnished only a trifling assistance in 
the purchase of artillery and military stores. 

Among the followers whom he enlisted were his four brothers, Hernando, 
Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, and a half-brother by his mother's side, Erancisco 
Martin de Alcantara. But he did not have two hundred and fifty men enlis- 
ted by the time stipulated; he therefore sailed away in one vessel; and when 
the officers of the Crown came to inspect the armament previous to its de- 
parture, to see that the terms of the Capitulation were complied with, the 
number of men who they were told had sailed with Pizarro himself made up 
the required two hundred and fifty. They were easily deceived, perhaps, be- 
cause they were willing to be misled; and the other two vessels set sail for the 
New World. 

When Pizarro rejoined his associates, and told them what offices had been 
conferred upon each, they were not slow to express their discontent. He had 
25 



388 PIZARRO, TlIK DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

promised to consider Almagro's interests as well as his own; and Almagro 
now objected because the great offices were combined in one for Pizarro, 
while he, who should have held an equal rank was given only the command 
of a single fortress. Pizarro urged that in other colonies there had been so 
much trouble between the civil ruler and the military authority, that the 
ministers of the Crown had not been willing, in this case, to invite such trou- 
ble in Peru, by giving the offices of Governor and Captain-General to differ- 
ent individuals. Whether Pizarro had indeed proved a traitor to his associate, 
and been the means of his having only a subordinate office, cannot now be 
told; he had certainly absorbed all of any consequence for himself, excepting 
that which was given to Luque; but a layman could not well be appointed a 
Bishop, which fact perhaps explains why Luque got this high office. 

A reconciliation, or what passed for one, was patched up between the two, 
and the preparations for transporting the cannon and stores across the 
isthmus were begun. By the time that they arrived at Pananui, the required 
force of two hundred and fifty men had shrunk to one hundred and seventy. 
With this little force, with twenty-seven horses for his cavaliers, he embarked 
in three vessels, early in January, 1580, and sailed away from Panama on his 
third expedition to Peru. 

Almagro, as usual, remained behind to secure more recruits. It was the 
intention of Pizarro to steer straight for Tumbez; but contrary winds obliged 
him to come to anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew; where, after consulting 
with his officers, he resolved to disembark the greater part of his force and 
advance alongshore, while the vessels followed closely at a convenient dis- 
tance from the land. 

The first place which they reached was the town of Coaque, where, to use 
the words of one of the old chroniclers, who had taken part in the expedition, 
" we fell on them sword in hand; for, if we had advised the Indians of our 
approach, we should never have found there such store of gold and precious 
stones." 

This was the region in which emeralds were abundant; and Pizarro se- 
cured one of these stones as large as a pigeon's egg. lie sent a considerable 
portion of the gold back to Panama, that the sight of so much treasure 
might allure recruits to his standard. But, as he advanced along the coast, 
his immediate force began to repine at the difficulties which beset them; the 
road was often but a sandy waste, and men and horses, blinded by the sand, 
were scarcely able to keep their footing on the treacherous surface; besides 
this, the tropical sun poured down its beams till they almost suffocated in 
their armor of burnished steel or their doublets of thick quilted cotton. A 
dreadful disease broke out among them, which worked with such rapidity 
that sometimes those who lay down well at night were unable to lift their 
heads in the morning. 



VIZAKRO, TIIK DISCOVERER OF PERU. 389 

Still they toiled on, through aland deserted by its inhabitants at their ap- 
proach; and at last their hearts were gladdened by the sight of another ves- 
sel. Certain high officers had been appointed by the Crown to attend the 
expedition; but Pizarro, when he sailed in such a hurry, left them behind. 
This vessel had them on board, together with some needed supplies. 

Reinforced at Puerto Viejo by thirty men, Pizarro now advanced boldly 
toward Tumbez, which he regarded as the outpost of the Peruvian empire. 
He did not proceed directly to the city itself, but established himself upon 
the island of Puna, in the mouth of the Guaya(}uilliiver. lie was hospitably 
received, and his troops were provided with comfortable quarters; but he 
was warned by his Peruvian interpreters that the islanders meditated treach- 
ery against him. Satisfied of the existence of a conspiracy, he surrounded 
the place where the ringleaders were holding a meeting, and made prisoners 
of the suspected chieftains. These were abandoned to the people of Tum- 
l)cz, who had come in considerable numbers to visit him; and as there was a 
feud of long standing between the inhabitants of Puna and those of Tum- 
bez, although they were now nominally at peace, the triumi)hant party in- 
stantly massacred them before the eyes of the Spaniards. 

The people of Puna were aroused by this outrage; and at once attacked the 
camp of Pizarro. Although they far outnumbered the Spaniards, it was 
naked bodies opposed to cold steel and balls hissing hot from the muskets, 
and darts and arrows falling against steel-coats. They rushed madly at 
the authors of this massacre; but the Spaniards, well-disciplined, received 
them on their long pikes, or swept them down by volleys of musketry. Then 
the little body of cavalry charged into their midst, and drove them into the 
depths of the forests. St. Michael and his legions, said the devout Spaniards, 
fought out again, in the air high over their heads, but still in plain sight, that 
battle with Lucifer which was decided before the beginning of the world; 
and by this example encouraged the Christians Avho Avere contending with the 
followers of the devil. In conmiemoration of this event, the city of San Miguel 
was naujcd by Pizarro for the Archangel. 

Three or four of the Spaniards fell in the fight, and many were wounded. 
\n addition to this, Pizarro was kept in perpetual alarm by the islanders, 
always ready to steal out of their fastnesses on the enemy's camp or on his 
straggling parties. 

But two vessels were soon descried off the island. They brought a rein- 
forcement of one hundred volunteers, under Hernando de Soto, whose name 
is so closely connected with the history of the great river of North America. 
Pizarro now felt strong enough to cross over to the continent and begin his 
career of discovery and conquest. He felt the better prepared for this, as 
he had recently learned that his enemies were divided by internal dissensions. 

Huayna Capac, Inca of Peru, had died some years previously, dividing his 



390 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

great empire between two of his sons. The Incas of Peru were supposed to 
be the Children of the Sun, which luminary was worshipped by the people 
as the chief god. In order to preserve the purity of blood, it was forbidden 
for any one who was not of this lineage on both sides to ascend the throne ; 
so that it became a custom for the reigning Inca to choose, for his lawful 
wife, his sister; and their son was hisfather's successor, no matter how many 
other sons of the sovereign might survive him, 

Huayna Capac had three sons of importance in Peruvian history, Huascar, 
Manco Capac. and Atahualpa. Huascar was, in accordance with the princi- 
ple just stated, the heir to the throne; Manco's mother was a cousin of his 
father's, and therefore of the Inca blood; but Atahualpa's mother had been 
a stranger by birth. It often happens, in such families, that the heir-at-law 
is not the best beloved child; and it was so in this case. 

Huayna Capac had conquered the neighboring kingdom of Quito; the de- 
feated and dethroned monarch had died of grief; and the conqueror received 
his beautiful daughter among his numerous wives. This was the mother of 
Atahualpa; and, when Huayna Capac had felt his death drawing near, he re- 
solved that Atahualpa should rule the kingdom of Quito, while only the 
original dominion on the Incas was left to Huascar. 

For fivx years the two young monarchs ruled their respective realms in 
peace with each other; but difficulties then began which terminated, shortly 
before Pizarro reached Peru, in the defeat and capture of Huascar, and At- 
ahualpa's usurpation of the throne of the Incas. The different accounts 
vary greatly; but it is said that Atahualpa put to death a very great number 
of connections, because he feared their superior title to the crown; but cer- 
tainly he did not put to death his brother Huascar, who was the legitimate 
ruler, or Manco, who Avas the next in succession. 

This had taken place just a few mouths before Pizarro arrived in Peru, 
and the news of it afforded him great encouragement. Such encouragement 
was needed; for theii' first experience, when reaching the main land from 
Puna, was one of disaster and disappointment. Having ordered a few of his 
men to transport the military stores and the commander's baggage on some 
of the native rafts, while the greater part of the force was crossed in the 
ships, Pizarro learned that the men on board one raft, three or four in num- 
ber, had been captured by the natives, carried off to the woods, and there 
massacred. A considerable portion of the stores was rescued only by a de- 
termined sally of some horsemen, who saw the attack made on the raft 
where they were. 

This was surprising behavior on the part of the people of Tumbez, and 
Pizarro was still more surprised to find their town deserted aud almost en- 
tirely demolished. The natives were followed to the woods, and the ofiicer 
governing the city brought back. He assured them that the town had been 



PIZARKO, THE DISCO\'ERER OF VETIV. 



801 



destroyed by tliG wars which they had waged with the people of Puna; and 
deplored the massacre of the three Si)aiiiards as the act of some lawless per- 
sons, who had acted without his knowledge. As there was no way of proving 
that he was lying, and, as he promised obedience in his own name and that of 
his followers to the authority of the Spaniards, Pizarro took no further no- 
tice of his hostile reception; but questioned the chief regarding the Span- 
iards who had been left in the town. 




PizARP.o Axi) His Men ix Peuu. 

Others were questioned at the same time; and while each assigned a differ- 
ent cause for the death of the Spaniards, all united in testifying that they 
were dead. This unpleasant subject being disposed of, the Peruvians began 



392 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

to give a glowing description of the riches of the country surrounding the 
capital. Perhaps, knowing how large an army was maintained by their sov- 
ereign, and that the most of his men were veterans of many fights, they 
wished the Spaniards to press forward to the gold which w^as, in this instance, 
but the bait of a deadly trap. 

But Pizarro's followers did not believe half of what was told them ; they 
had heard that the temple of Tumbez was covered with plates of gold and 
silver, and when they reached Tumbez the temple had been dismantled. Nor 
did they place any faith in a statement on a bit of paper which, Pizarro 
asserted, an Indian had given him, it having been delivered to the native by 
one of the white men who had been left in the country. This was the 
writing: — 

" Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, 
that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay." 

Pizarro was quite capable, morally speaking, of forging such a relic; but 
he could not write, and he was too acute to trust any one to do it for him; 
nevertheless, the paper only excited the ridicule of the soldiers, who, per- 
haps, overrated the scholarly attainments of their captain. 

Pizarro declared that it was the inaction of his troops which was leading to 
mutiny, as giving them time to recount their grievances to themselves and to 
each other. He accordingly determined upon action. Part of his company 
must be left at Tumbez, for they were in such bad health as not to be able 
to endure the hardships they might be called upon to endure in journeying 
through the country; a detachment under De Soto was sent to explore the 
skirts of the mountain-range, while he himself led the remainder of his force 
along the low country of the coast, reconnoiteriug the land before deciding 
upon his plan of operations. 

Maintaining a rigid discipline during the march, andseverely punishing any 
of his men who inflicted injuries upon the natives, he acquired a good name 
among the people of the country, who speedily forgot all the dreadful 
rumors that they had heard concerning him. Everywhere he was received 
hospitably; and the proclamation made wherever he went that he came in 
the name of the Holy Vicar of God and the sovereign of Spain, and required 
the obedience of the inhabitants as true children of the Church and vassals 
of the Emperor, was received without opposition by a people who did not 
understand a word that w'as said; and the notary gravely recorded, as a well- 
attested fact, that these people had submitted to the Pope and the Emperor. 

iPizarro's first care was to find a site for a settlement, which should be the 
base of future operations; and he decided upon a valley some thirty leagues 
south of Tumbez, where the city of San Miguel was founded. A church, a 
magazine for public stores, a hall of justice and a fortress were built, and a 
regular municipal government, patterned after that of Spanish cities, was 



PIZARRO, TITE DISCOVERER OF PERU, 303 

organized. The surrounding ground was portioned out among the inhabit- 
ants, and to each a certain number of Indians was assigned, to assist him in 
tilling the soil; the Spaniards thus asserting, in the midst of the highly civ- 
ilized empire of the Incas, the same right to the services of the people which 
they had claimed among the naked savages of the West Indian Islands. 

Like Cortes, Pizarro persuaded his men to relinquish their share of the 
gold which had already been collected; not as a gift to the Crown, but as a 
loan to himself and his companions in the venture; and dispatched the ships 
back to Panama, sending the gold to pay off the ship-owners and those who 
had furnished stores. He remained at San Miguel for several weeks after 
sending the ships off, in hopes of receiving reinforcements; for, divided as 
the kingdom was against itself , he feared that his little force was too small to 
contend even with one-half of the armies of Peru. 

The whole force now amounted to something less than two hundred and 
fifty men. Leaving fifty at the settlement, Pizarro marched, Sept. 24, 1532, 
from the gates of San Miguel, boldly into the heart of the country where, 
he had been told, he would find the camp of the Inca, with his thousands of 
victorious veterans. 

On the fifth day after leaving San Miguel, he halted his troops to give them 
a little rest and to review them more thoroughly. They numbered one hun- 
dred and seventy-seven men, of whom sixty-seven were cavalry, three arque- 
busiers, and not more than twenty crossbow-men. They were well-equipped, 
and most of them seemed to partake of his own resolute spirit; but there 
were af ew of them who seemed to be discontented. He knew that a little leaven 
of mutiny or discontent can leaven the whole lump, and determined to put 
an end to this spirit at once. Calling them together, he briefly addressed 
them; it was a daring thing, to offer the choice that he gave them; for he 
could not tell how many of them might conceal the same spirit beneath an 
affectation of devotion to him. 

He told them that their affairs were in such a condition, that no man 
should think of going forward who had not his whole heart bound up in this 
expedition, or who had the least doubt of its success. If any one regret- 
ted having come, it was not too late to turn back; San Miguel was poorly gar- 
risoned, and he would be glad to see it stronger. Those who chose to return 
would be placed on exactly the same footing asthose who had been left there; 
while with those who chose to go forward with him, be they few or many, he 
would pursue the adventure to the end. Nine decided to return; the others, 
animated by a new enthusiasm and committed again to the schemes of their 
leader, since they had refused to go back when the opportunity was offered, 
resumed their march toward the camp of the Inca. 

Two days later, Pizarro judged it wise to send a reconnoitering party out 
under DeSoto. They were gone for eight days, and the commander had be- 



;>IM n/,Ai;Kt), iiii". i)ist()\Ki!i:K oi' I'I'.ia'. 

iXuu lo \)c \ iMV uiu'Msy .ilxtiil (luMii, wluMi (h(\v rcturiUMi, Itriiigiiii;- with tluMii 
an riivov from the Iiu-a. Tliis tMiil):iss;ul()r, duly proscut ing ii j^ift of consid- 
erable value, altliouiih far infi'riorto Ihe uiai;iii(ieeui (dTt'riniis of ^[onte/unla, 
brought from Atahualpa a niessa.-:e of welcome, ami an invilalion for the 
strangers to visit him in hismouulain oami); for the fore(>sof hisl)rolher had 
not boon subdued so lon^i; that ho was able to liv(> at ease in his capital. 

Pizarro readily saw that this was but :i device by which th(> liu:i might in- 
form himself fully of thestrength and purpose of the Spaniards; but gave no 
sign of his suspicions, and satistied tho curiosity of Iho envoy in regard to all 
the strange nrtii'les whit'h tho noblo Peruvian now sawforthc lirst time. On 
his dei>arture, Pi/arro presented him withii cap of crimson cloth, some glass 
ornamtMits, and sinnlar trillos; bidiling him tell his master that tho S[)aniards, 
the subjects of a great prince far away, having hoard n)uch of Atalundpa's 
victories, had como to i)ay their respects to him, and to offer their services 
against his enemies. 

Tho report which Dc Soto brought so fully conliruK'd all that they had heard 
or surmised concHMuing lli(> power ol' (he Inca, that th(>y wore ludti in clu'ck 
by thoir wary leader, who slill had hoi)es of- reinforcements. None came, 
however, and they pushed forward to tho foot of tho Andes. 

Iloro two paths presented t luMnselvi>s. One was abroad and easy road which 
led to Ouzco; made smooth by all the t'tigiuceri ug arts which were known lo 
the Peruvians; tho otherwas atortuoussuccession of mountain-[)asses, wIumc 
a handful of men might dispute tho way at almost any point, though an army 
confronted them. INIany wore of tho oi)inionthat tho army should abandon th(> 
route originally marked t)ut, and go at once to Cu/co; but Pizarro's i)urpose 
was not to bo easily shaken. Ho had accoptod the Inca's invitation to visit 
him in his camp, and no weakness or cowardice on theirpartnnist bring upon 
them tho contempt of tho monarch. 

" Lot everyone of you," he cried, " take heart and go forward like a good 
soldier, nothing daunteil by the smallnoss of your numbers. For in the grt'at- 
ostextromity (Jod ever tights for his own; and doubt not that lu> will humI)lo 
the pride of tho heathen, and bring him to (he knowledge of llu> ti'ue faith, 
the great end and object of the conciuest." 

" Lead on! " they shouted, in answer to his appeal; '* Lead on wluMcver 
you think best, antl we will follow. AVo can tlo our duty in tlu> t-aust' of (Jod 
and the Kingl 

At dawn the next morning, Pizarro, with a body of sixty men, went for- 
ward to reconnoiter tho ground. It })ro\ I'd (>vi>n worse than ho had thought; 
and in many places the mountain paths wore so stoop that his horsemen wore 
obliged to dismount and lead their lu)rses; while tho precipices were so sheer 
that they might well have turned the strongest brain. 

As the Spaniards advanced into the heart of tho country, tlu>y founil a civ- 



iMZAitHo, 'IMF- i>isr()Vi;i;i;ii oi" i-Kiti;. .»1)5 

ilizjiliou not iiifoi-ior l(j tliut of McixiV-o; nud llic gigantic public works up- 
|)(iui-od wondoi-ful even to the ignorant soldiers of fortune, who did not 
understand half the difficulties which had been overcome in their construct- 
ion. A great roadway had been constructed, of immense stones, twenty feet 
broad and from fifteen hundred to two thousand miles long; valleys had been 
lilled with stone, streams had been bridged with plaited osiers, steps had been 
cut in precipices, and tunnels, leagues in length, cut through the living rock, 
that this road might be completed; and posts were established at the distance 
of about five miles apart, throughout its length, where runners were stationed. 
By such means, the Inca was enabled, when atCuzco, to feast upon f r(^sh fi.<h 
Ihut had b(!on caught three hundred miles away; and his orders were trans- 
mitted with a rapidity which astonished the Spaniards. 

The buildings constructed by the Peruvians were not so imposing in their 
outward ai)p('arance as those of other countries; but the interiors were 
adorned with a vast treasure of silver, gold, and precious stones; while the 
beauty of the workmanship more than doubled the values of these ornaments. 
It is worthy of remark that the Peruvians had advanced farther in the art of 
fortification than the Europeans of that period; Pizarro was to find, when 
he reached Cuzco, a city walled, not with long stretches of ramparts, but with 
a regular and carefully planned arrangement of re-entering angles, such as 
are used in the construction of modern forts. 

Of the temples of Peru, space does not permit a full description. The 
most remarkable was that at the capital, where the refulgence of gold and 
jewels was such as to " make a sunshine in a shady place;" and where the 
eyes of even the avaricious Spaniards were dazzled with the richness of the 
ornamentation. 

Past mighty fortresses, constructed with a skill that rivalled that of the 
best engineers of the day, they toiled, their spirits rising when they found 
these strongholds untenanted; thus showing clearly that the Inca did not 
mean to dispute their advance. Long accustomed to the heat of the trop- 
ics, they suffered greatly with cold as they ascended the heights; and their 
spirits sank again as they saw no vegetation but the dried, yellow grass 
which, seen from below, has such a glowing golden color, and no sign of ani- 
mal life })ut the condor which seemed waiting to feast on their bodies. 

The rear had been summoned to follow, and the force was reunited when 
they reached the sunmiit. Here Pizarro received another embassy from the 
Inca, with friendly messages. But the descent was almost as difficult as the 
ascent; and it was with great satisfaction that they at last saw just before 
them the little city of Caxamalca, with the white tents of the Inca's army ly- 
ing " thick as snowflakes," as one of the old chroniclers says, along the slope 
of the hills, for the distance of sevei-al miles. 

The Inca's envoy had explained that the city had been abandoned by its 



3d6 PIZAKKO, TllK DISC'OA'KUEK OF I'KIU'. 

inhabilants \o make room for the white men; and Pizarro, as he formed his 
little army into three orderly divisions and marched into it, found not a liv- 
ing thing within its walls. 

Pizarro determined to send an embassy at once to the Inca; and assigned 
De Soto, with fifteen horsemen, to that duty; but afterward, considering this 
too small a number, sent his brother Hernando after the first party with 
twenty cavaliers. Dashing along the wide causeway which, stretching across 
the meadows, connected the camp and the town, they distrusted the strength 
of a wooden bridge which was thrown across a stream surrounding the Inca's 
position; and, plunging into the broad but shallow waters, reached the op- 
posite side in safety; unmolested by the battalion of Indian warriors drawn 
up in line, under arms, at the end of the bridge. 

Conducted into the presence of Atahualpa, De Soto and Hernando Pizarro 
stated their errand; they had come to acquaint him with the arrival of their 
commander and his force in the city of Caxamalca; the}' were the subjects of 
a mighty prince far away, they said, and repeated Pizarro's fairy story about 
helping him against his enemies; finally, they brought an invitation for Ata- 
hualpa to visit the general the next morning. 

The Inca might have been a marble statue for all the sign that he gave of 
understanding one word of the interpreter's version of this; and one of his 
highest nobles answered for him : — 

" It is well." 

The Spaniards, however, insisted upon having an answer from his own 
lips; and he then told them that he was keeping a fast, but that it would end 
the next morning, when he would visit the stranger with his chieftains. 

De Soto had noticed that Atahualpa seemed to be more interested in the 
fiery horse which the gallant cavalier bestrode than in anything else about 
the part; and, making free use of his spurs, he gave the champing war-horse 
the rein, and displayed all tlie beautiful movements of the aninuil as well as 
his own perfect horsemanship. Suddenly checking him so near the point of 
starting that some of the foam from the horse's sides was thrown on Ata- 
hualpa's garments, the astonished Spaniard remarked that not even this dis- 
turbed the composure of the monarch. Some of his subjects, however, drew 
back as the strange animal passed close to them in his mad course; and the 
angry Inca, who had noted this even though he seemed marble, caused them 
to be put to death that very evening for showing such weakness before the 
strangers. 

The embassy brought back such news of the strength and equipment of the 
Inca's forces, that their companions lost heart. Pizarro, seeing how they 
felt, went around among them; and tolling each of the faint-hearted that it 
mattered not what power was on the side of the enemy, the arm of Heaven 
was on theirs. By thus insisting upon the religious nature of the enterprise. 



PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF rKICl'. 3'J7 

he rekindled their enthusiasm, und thoy were once more reudy to follow him 
to the death. 

When this had been accomplished, he called together his officers in coun- 
cil ; not, it seems, to ask their advice, but to acquaint them with the plan 
which he had already formed. This was nothing less than the seizure of At- 
ahualpa, when he came to visit their camp the next morning. The Spaniards 
being fully prepared, and acting in concert, he argued, would be able to ac- 
complish this, even though the Inca should bring a much larger force with 
him than Pizarro commanded. 

Nov. 16, 1532, dawned; and Pizarro, having informed his men of what was 
contemplated, made the necessary dispositions of his troops. All arrange- 
ments having been completed, and every man being fully instructed as to his 
duty, mass was performed with great solemnity, and in all earnestness the 
Spaniards invoked the aid of the God of battles in their act of perfidy. 

A messenger from the Inca informed Pizarro that the monarch would 
come with his warriors fully armed, as the Spaniards had come to visit him, 
and, although the adventurous Castilian might have preferred that he should 
come unprepared for fighting, he dared not object. It was noon before the 
Indians were on the way; and when they arrived within half a mile of the 
city, they coolly pitched their tents, and Pizarro received word that they 
would remain where they were for the night, and enter the city the next 
morning. 

The Spanish leader, knowing well how hard it would be to maintain hie 
men in the same readiness in which they had held themselves since dawn, 
l)rotested against this change of purpose; sending the Inca word that every- 
thing had been prepared for his entertainment. Atahualpa at once declared 
that he would come at once, but attended only by a few of his people, and 
without arms. Against this change of purpose, it may be supposed, Pizarro 
did not protest. 

Preceded by some hundreds of servants sent to clear the way, and attend- 
ed by soldiers robed in scarlet, white, or azure, on a throne of massive gold 
which was born on a litter lined with the plumes of tropical birds and stud- 
ded with plates of gold and silver, Atahualpa entered the city a little before 
sunset. The procession entered the great square; and the well-drilled sol- 
diers formed in lines to the right and the left, to allow the palanquin, with 
its immediate attendants, to be borne forward. Not a Spaniard was to be 
seen, as, in the midst of profound silence, the monarch traversed the square. 

" Where are the strangers?" he asked, in natural surprise. 

In answer to the query, Pizarro's chaplain, a Dominican named Fray Vi- 
cente do Valverde, stepped forward with his breviary — or a Bible, according 
to another account — in one hand and a crucifix in the other ; and proceeded to 
expound to the great Peruvian sovereign the whole Christian doctrine, show- 



oJtS IMZAHKO, THE PlSfOVKKKK OK VVMV . 

iiig most oloarly, as ho thought, hoNV Pi/,:\iro ckn-ived his authority to con- 
quer and eonvort the people of this country from St. Peter himself. His 
teachings were interpreted by one of the Indians who had been taken prison- 
er by the Spaniards, whom they had named FelipiUo; and he gravely ex- 
plained to the Inca, when the great doctrine of the Trinity was touched up- 
on, that the Christians had three Gods and one God, which made four. 

However inaccurate the interpreter's version may have been, the priest's 
call to the Peruvian monarch to acknowledge himself the vassal of Charles 
V. and abjure his heathen gods for the Christian faith could not be misun- 
derstood. 

"• 1 will be no man's tributary," rejtn'neil the indignant and insulted Inca : 
'*! am greater than any prince on earth. Your Emperor may be a great 
prince; I do not doubt it when I see that he has sent his people so far across 
the waters; and I am willing to hold him as a brother. As for the Pope of 
whom you speak, he must be crazy to talk of giving away countries which do 
not belong to him. For my faith, I will not change it. Your own God, as 
you say, was put to death by the very men whom he created. But mine still 
lives in the heavens, and looks down on his children." 

Atahualpa demanded the priest's authority for saying these things, and was 
shown the book which he held. The Inca took the volume, turned over its 
pages hastily, then threw it down and exclaimed: — 

" Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account of their doings in 
my land. I will not go from here, till they have given me full satisfaction for 
all the wrongs they have committed." 

The priest hardly stayed to hear the interpretation of this speech: but, 
picking up the sacred volume which had been so insulted by the sun-wor- 
shiper, sought out Pizarro. 

"Do you not see," he said to the leader, " that while we stand here wast- 
ing our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the tields are 
tilling with Indians? Set on at once; I absolve you." 

Thus urged to action by the representative of the Church, Pizarro gave the 
signal to the gunner; the piece was fired, and instantly, from every quarter, 
the Spaniards, uttering their war-cry of ''Santiago and at them!" rushed 
into the square. The Indians, taken wholly by surprise, deafened by the dis- 
charge of the cannon and muskets, and blinded by the sulphurous smoke 
that rolled along the square, were panic-stricken. They had no arms with 
which to resist the assault of these dread riders with their gleaming swords, 
even had they been less surprised by the suddenness of the attack. They 
choked every avenue of escape; and when these were barred by the bodies 
of dead men and the living wretches who vainly endeavored to force their 
way, others, pressed back against the w:dl of the plaza, actually burst through 
that structure of stone and dried clay, and made an opening more than a 



r'IZAIUlO, Tin-: discoverer of PERU. 



591) 



litiiidrcd paces wide, through which the wretched natives pressed, only to be 
foUowcd and cut down by the cavalry. 

Throned on his gorgeous litter, Atahualpa beheld the slaughter of his sub- 
jects. Some of the Spaniards, afraid that he might, aftei' all, escape them, 
assaulted the sovereign. 




Ataiitai.pa Takk.v riiisoNKit r.v ]'i/.ai;i!0. 
{From an Old EngrarirKj.) 
" Let no one who values his life strike at the Inca!" thundered Pizarro; 
and stretched out his own arm to avert a blow which would have proved 
fatal. It was too late for the soldier who aimed it to stay his hand; and the 
stroke fell, although with less force than had Pizarro not spoken. It inflicted 
on the hand of the leader the only wound received by a Spaniard during the 
Hction. 



400 PIZAKUO. rilK 1>1SIH>VKK1 K OK I'KKl'. 

Slill tho nobles who surrouiuloil tho littor as a iruard inailo soino effort to 
defend their master; but one by i>ne they fell before the swords and muskets 
of the strangers, and Atahualpa was ajnisoner. Tho massaere — for it eould 
not be ealled a battle — had lasted barely half an hour; yet the slauiihter is 
estimated, by eontemporary historians. at ivom two thousand to ten thous:ind 
Peruvians. 

A banquet was served in the great square that night, before all the bodies 
of the slain had been removed; and Atahualpa was seated beside his eaptor. 
If we may believe the Spanish historians, he exj^ressed his admiration of 
their adroitness in entrapping him in the midst of his army, lie told them 
that their progress had been eonstantly reported to him; but that he had not 
opposed it, for he had intended to seleet sueh of them as he ehoso for his own 
serviee, seeure the wonderful arms and horses, and put the men whom he did 
not choose to death. Sueh, at least, was the aeoount of his motives with 
whieh they were furnished by their interjireter. 

The great army of the Inea melted like snow befiu-e the sun; his soldiers 
seemed to have lost all heart when they heard of his eapture; and they 
looked with superstitious awe upon the men who eould so audaeiiuisly seize 
the Child of the Sun in the very midst of his dinninions. 

So great was the number of prisi>ners, that the question of dis}H)sing of 
them became a serious one. Some of Pizarro's followers considered that the 
safest plan would be to put them to death; others tlunight it would be 
enough to cut off the right hand of each, that they might be disabled from 
using arms; but Pizarro himself decided upon a more humane course; and, 
retaining a considerable number of them to Avait on him and his followers, 
dismissed the others to their homes, with the assurance that they slu>uld not 
be harmed if they offered no resistance to the white men. 

Pizarro dispatched a messenger to San Miguel with the news of what liad 
been achieved; and set to work, since he did not wish to ailvance upi»n tlie 
capital until he had rcceiveil some reinfcn-cements. to }>ro\ ide his soldiers 
with a place of worship. Whether they actually built ;i church or only 
adapted some existing building in Caxamalca to this purpose, mass was regu- 
larly performed by the Dominican fathers, though we have no evidence that 
the soldiers became anymore humane as the result of this regularity. 

Atahualpa was doubly anxious to regain his freedom; for he could not tell 
when his bri>ther lluascar would bribe his guards and assume the title td" 
Inca, which Atahualpa had usurped. 

'* If you will set mo free," he said to Pizario one day. *' I will gi\ e you as 
much gold as will cover the floor of this room." 

For he had learned that the Spaniards valued gold alune everything else. 
He received no answer but a smile, which seemed to scoff at his iiiomise as 
being impossible of fullillnient ; and he said with more emphasis: — 



PIZAKKO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 401 

" I will not only cover the floor, but will fill the room with gold this high ;" 
and, as he spoke, he extended his arm high above his head, standing on tip- 
toe to reach the highest point possible. Still they regarded it as an empty 
boast, though they had heard, from Atahuulpa and others, such glowing de- 
scriptions of the richness of the country. However, it was safe to accept the 
offer; retaining the Inca a prisoner, of course, until the precious metal 
should be Vjrought. Drawing a red line along the wall at the height indicated, 
Pizari-o caused the terms of the proposal to be recorded by the notary. In 
two months' time it was to be accomplished; the articles to retain their 
original form, and the Inca to have the benefit of the intervening spaces; 
and he further agreed to fill a certain smaller room twice with silver. 

It is only by reducing this proposal to figures that we can comprehend fully 
the vastness of the treasure which Atahualpa proposed to pay for his free- 
dom. The size of the room is variously given; but the smallest dimensions 
stated by any authority are seventeen by twenty-two feet, while they agree 
that the red line was nine feet from the floor. The total cubic contents of 
such an apartment would be more than three thousand cubic feet; but from 
a single cubic foot of gold, more than three hundred thousand standard 
United States dollars could be coined. If we accept the smallest estimate, 
and allow more than three-fourths of the space for interstices, the treasure 
would still be more than all the wealth of the Vanderbilts and the Astors. 

But as soon as Huascar heard what a ransom bad been offered by his 
brother, he sent word to Pizarro that he would pay even more for his own 
liberty. The Spanish leader announced his intention of sitting in judgment 
between the two brothers; Atahualpa, alarmed by this, and fearing that the 
Spaniard would reinstate Huascar, as a more pliant tool in their hands, at 
once dispatched his orders to his adherents who had Huascar in charge; for 
he w^as permitted to communicate freely with his subjects. In obedience to 
this mandate, Huascar was drowned in the Andamarca River, declaring, as 
his guards were about to complete their assigned duty, that the white men 
would avenge him, and that Atahualpa would not long survive him. 

Atahualpa pretended the greatest surprise and indignation when he heard 
that his brother had met with a violent death ; but although this did not de- 
ceive Pizarro, he had no means of proving the Inca's guilt, and could not 
punish him without forfeiting all hope of the promised treasure. The re- 
turns came in slowly, for distances were considerable and roads often diflicult ; 
and Atahualpa, as anxious as Pizarro to hasten matters, urged that a party of 
Spaniards be sent to secure the gold in the great temple of Pachacamac. Her- 
nando Pizarro and twenty horsemen undertook the errand; they failed to 
secure an amount which corresponded with their ideas of the expectations 
of the Inca; for the priests, receiving warning of their coming, had made off 
with most of the treasure. 



■iO'2 V1/,.VK1U», rilK lMS(-()\ KKFK OF rKKl". 

But hoaring- that thogroat gonoral of tho liu'a.C'halK'iu'hinia, was not faroff. 
Pi/arro dotorniiuod to oapturo liiiu : and niaivliod upon his oanip. On tho 
way, tho liorsos oxporiorn'od groat dithoulty on tho vtnigh and stt>ny giountl; 
forthoir shoos wore quilo winn out. Iron was noi ohtainahU^; but thoro was 
plenty of silver; and with silver the lun'ses were aeeordingly shod. Tho mis- 
sion was eonipletely snooessful ; as the wily Spaniards persuaded t he general to 
aeeonipany him on a visit to tho Inea. 

Tho great temple at Cuzeo affin-dod an immense amount of treasure, al- 
though tho Spaniards, at tho request of tho Inea, spared the golil-end)iissod 
ehairs in whieh tho royal nuimmies wore seated; and the great golden eorniee 
was too tirmly imbedtled in tho walls to bo removed. Seven hundred jilatos 
of gold were torn from this temple; besides a vast quantity from other buihl- 
ings. Tho natives eagerly des[Hnlod tho eity, in order to bo rid tho sooner of 
tho messengers, who bohavotl with the most disgusting rapaeily and wanton 
iusolenoo. 

"While tho ransom of Atahual}ia was being eolleotoil, Almagro had arrived 
with about two hundred men, i>f whom tifty were mounted. He reaohed 
Caxamalea about tho mitldlo of February, l.');>o; and, in si>ite of many offt)rts 
whieh had been made to sow diseord between him and ^izarr(^ they seemed 
resolved to bury all past differenees. 

Atahualpa ahme saw in this reinforooment a new swarm of oniMnios; and. 
looking np to the sky, where a eomet had reeently made its appoaranoe, ex- 
elaimod that sueh a sign had boon seen shortlybefore the death of his father; 
and. from that day, beeame possessed of a brooding sadness. 

Tho rieh spoil of tho ransom was divided among the soldiers: Almagro's 
followers reeeiving a small share of it. whieh still amountoil to a eonsiilorable 
sum, so great was tho total. But Atahualpa was not released. Pizarro had 
eaused tho notary to rooord tho terms of the offer, but had evaded giving any 
promise on his own part. Of eourse, in allowing Atahualpa to proeoetl, and 
in insisting npon the fultillment of his part of the agreement, tho Spaniard 
had virtually agreed to release the monareh when tho ransom should have 
been paid; bnt he still retained the eaptive, and added insult io injury by ao- 
ensing him of instigating a rising of his people against the Spanianls. 

"Am I not a poor eaptive in your hands? '' he said to his aeeuser. " llow 
eould I harbor the designs of whieh you suspeet me, when I should be the tirst 
vietim of the outbreak? And you little know my people, if you think that 
such a movement would bo made without my orders, when tho very birds in 
my dominions would scarcely venture to fly contrary to my will." 

But tho Spaniards, particularly the recent recruits, clamored for his death. 
There were some who opposed any such measure, and Pizarro seonuHl to be 
one of them; the chief opponent of any such violence was De Soto; and it 
shows the insincerity of Pizarro, who pretended to resist the importunity ()f 



i'iZA);i:o, TJIK DiHCOVKitJJt oj I'fjn;. 40.'i 

hi.s bhiody-rnindod followers, that, ho sent Do Soto on a rcconrioitrM-irig oxpo- 
clition at thin time. 

During his absence, Atahualpa was brought to trial. lie was charged with 
having caused his brother Iluascar to be murdered; with having squandered 
the public revenues since the Spaniards had entered the country; with idol- 
atry, and with having indulged in a plurality of wives; and finally, in having 
attempted to excittfan insurrection against the Spaniards. 

It matt(;rs not what the charge may be, when the judges have determined 
beforehand on the verdict and the sentence. Atahualpa was found guilty, 
and condemned to be burned alive in the center of the plaza of Caxamalca, 
that very night. 

" What have I done, or my children, that I should meet such a fate? " 
asked the Inca, when the sentence was communicated to him; "and from 
your hands, too, you, who have met with friendship and kindness from my 
people, with whom I have shared my treasures, who have received nothing 
but benefits from my hands I" 

Pizarro, visibly affected, turned away from the Inca; for, against the voice 
of the army, he had no power. Atahualpa, finding his entreaties vain, offered 
double the ransom which he had already paid; but the Spaniards were deaf 
even to the offer of gold; and, recovering his composure, he submitted to his 
fate. 

Two hours after sunset on the 21^th of August, 153.^, the Inca was led out 
to the square, chained hand and foot; Father Valverde at his side, making a 
last effort to convert him to the religion of his conquerors. The victim was 
bound to the stake; and the priest, not ceasing his ministrations even then, 
})esought him to embrace the cross and be baptized; promising him, not life, 
but a milder foi-m of death if he would consent. Atahualpa inquired if this 
were true; and Pizarro confiimed the words of his chaplain. Then, in order 
that he might be garroted instead of burned, the prisoner consented to adopt 
the faith of the stranger; and Valverde baptized him by the name of Juan de 
Atahualpa. Immediately afterward, he was executed; meeting his death 
with a calm dignity which the Spaniards, remembering his terror of the stake, 
had hardly expected. 

Many of the followers of Atahualpa, especially his wives and sisters, rushed 
into the church where his funeral services were being held, and declared their 
intention to sacrifice themselves on his tomb that tliey might bear him com- 
pany to the land of spirits. The Spaniards, horrified at this expression regard- 
ing a man who had died aCatholic, caused the woinento be excluded. Several 
of them, however, carried out their intention, and actually killed themselves. 

De Soto heard with astonishment and indignation, on his return, that the 
Inca had been executed; for he had been sent to ascertain what truth there 
was in the lumor of a conspiracy against the Spaniards. 
.20 



IMZAI'JiO, THE I>IS<'OVEKEIi OF I'EKI'. 405 

*' You have acted rashly," he said, bluntly, to Pizarro; "Atahualpa has 
been basely slaudorc'd; there is no rising of the natives. I have met with 
nothing on the road but demonstrations of good Avill, and all is quiet. If it 
was necessary to bring the Inca to trial, he should have been taken to Castile, 
and judged by the Emperor." 

Pizarro tried to excuse himself by saying that this action had been forced 
upon him by some of his associates; these associates in turn denied the ac- 
cusation ; and the dispute ran so high that they actually gave each other the 
lie. 

There is a story which is told of Pizarro which explains his conduct toward 
the Inca by personal resentment. The Inca had asked a soldier to write the 
name of God on his fingV^r-nail ; the request was complied with ; and the mon- 
arch, showing it to several persons in succession, thought it but little short 
of a miracle that all should read it alike. Pleased as a child with a new toy, 
he displayed the writing to Pizarro; theSpanish general remained silent when 
asked to read it, and never forgave the exposure of his ignorance. 

It is probable, however, that the guilt Avas divided among a great number, 
and that Almagro's followers had no small share of it. Their consciences, 
however, were not troubled; but they marched as gaily toward Cuzco as if 
they had never broken the moral law. 

Crossing the Abancay, and nearing the sierra of Vilcaconga, he learned that 
a considerable body of Indians lay in wait for him among the mountain passes ; 
and, while the Spaniards were trying to get across the sierra before nightfall, 
these enemies fell upon them in a furious assault. Their attack was not up- 
on the main body, but upon a party of sixty horse, commanded by De Soto ; 
and this strong body of cavalry was nearly defeated by the Indians. Night 
came on, however; and De Soto sent a messenger to Pizarro to ask for help. 
The general dispatched Almagro with a reinforcement and the increased force 
routed the Peruvians the next morning. 

This attack was charged to a conspiracy in which Challcuchima was a prin- 
cipal; and that captive chieftain was, like his master, brought to trial, sen- 
tenced to death, and executed. In his case, however, there was no commuta- 
tion of the sentence; it was death by fire, with all its horrors. 

As they neared Cuzco, a Peruvian noble came in state to visit Pizarro. It 
was young Manco, the claimant to the throne of the Incas, since the death of 
his two elder brothers. He announced his pretensions to ithe throne, and 
claimed the protection of the strangers. The Spanish chieftain, seeing in this 
the submission which he had desired, received him with great cordiality, and 
promised him the protection which he requested. 

Late in the afternoon of Nov. 14, 1533, they came in sight of Cuzco ; and 
the next morning the Spaniards entered the Peruvian capital. On entering, 
Pizarro issued an order, forbidding the soldiers to offer violence to the dwell- 



406 nZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

ings of the inhabitants; but the spoil was too tempting for a Spaniard to re- 
sist plundering temples and palaces. Even the sepulchers were invaded and 
robbed of the ornaments which had been placed upon and around the dead. 

What was the value of the treasure here obtained, is a matter which is dif- 
ferently stated by different. historians; but the adventurers accounted to the 
Crown for a sum equivalent to nearly seven millions of dollars of United 
States money; as the spoil of the public buildings of this single city. Only 
the gold is reckoned in this sum; one part of the silver which they secured 
consisted of ten great solid bars, twenty feet long, one foot wide, and two or 
three inches thick. These alone, which were intended to be used on the resi- 
dence of a Peruvian noble, were worth about a half million of dollars; and 
money then would purchase about three times what the same amount would 
secure now. 

The booty being divided, Manco was placed upon the throne with all the 
ceremonies usually observed by a Christian prince on the eve of his coronation. 
The supremacy of the Castilian Crown over Peru was asserted and acknowl- 
edged; and Pizarro's next duty was the formation of a municipal government 
for Cuzco. He now assumed, for the first time, the title of Governor. 

There was some difficulty with the natives, who made their last stand un- 
der a chief whom his own soldiers, worn out by the hardships of the campaign 
against the Spaniards, finally murdered. Pizarro's next danger was from 
that Alvarado who had been one of the followers of Cortes, and who had con- 
ceived the idea of exploring and subduing the territory to the north of Peru. 
This danger, however, passed away, for Alvarado endured such hardships on 
his march across the mountains that when he was confronted with the hardy 
veterans of Pizarro he was glad to acknowledge the claims of the Governor of 
Peru, and return to his own territory of Guatemala. 

Pizarro's next care was to decide upon the site for a capital; for Cuzco 
was situated too far inland, and was too difficult of access. He selected a 
site in the valley of Eimac, where he began, January 6, 1535^ the Ciudad de 
los Reyes, or City of the Kings, as he called it from the fact that it was begun 
on the festival of Epiphany, when the visit of the Three Kings to the infant 
Saviour is commemorated. The sounding Spanish name has long since been 
discarded for acorruption of the native name for the valley; for Lima is the 
capital which Pizarro founded. 

Hernando Pizarro was now sent to Spain, to bear the royal fifth of the 
treasure that had been collected, and to report Avhat had been done. He 
was received as graciously as the golden success of the expedition warranted ; 
and the former grants were fully confirmed. In addition to the honors which 
had been conferred upon Almagro, that cavalier Avas authorized to take pos- 
session of a tract two hundred leagues in extent, south of the territory occu- 
pied by Pizarro, whose limits were extended seventy leagues southward. 



PIZARRO, THK DISCOVERER OF PERU. 



407 



A fleet, greater and better appointed, probably, than any since the time of 
Ovando, sailed for the New World, to bear those who had newly enlisted un- 
der the banner of Pizarro; but the vessels were scattered by the winds; and 
when they arrived off the coast of the Isthmus, being detained there for sev- 
eral months before they could cross the mountains, they suffered from fam- 
ine and disease. 




PiZARKO ANT) Al.MAGKO SwKAUIX 



The news of the grant to Almagro reached Peru before the document was 
actually transmitted there; and Pizarro was at once filled with anxiety lest 
Cuzco should be within the limits of his rival's jurisdiction. He removed 
Almagro from the government of the city, and placed his brothers in charge; 



408 riZAKRO, THE discoverer of peri'. 

a measure whieh was the cause of a bitter quarrel between the two. But this 
was tinally patched up, the reconciled contestants solemnly swearing on the 
sacrament that neither would malign the other to the Emperor, or attempt 
to hold communication with the Government of Spain without the knowl- 
edge of the other. 

The extension of his own territory was not known to Pizarro when he 
feared that the capital would fall into the hands of his rival; and that knowl- 
edge set his mind at ease. Almagro, levying such recruits as were willing to 
desert the proved riches of Peru for possible greater treasure to be found in 
the South, departed for his dominions; and Pizarro turned to the new diffi- 
culties which beset him. 

The Peruvians, seeing the dissensions of the Spaniards and the weakening 
of their force by the departure of Almagro, formed a plan for a general ris- 
ing. The Inca Manco left the city by stealth to put himself at the head of 
the movement; but unfortunately there was a body of Korthorn Indians, the 
subjects of the Incas, but too recently conquered to be attached to them, in 
Cuzeo; and they noted and betrayed the absence of the monarch to Juan Pi- 
zarro. He was pursued and discovered in a thicket of reeds, arrested, and 
brought back a prisoner to Cuzco, where he was placed under a strong guard. 

But Manco had made friends with Hernando Pizarro, who caused him to 
be given a greater degree of liberty; and even, when Manco told him of a 
statue of pure gold and life-size which had been erected to his father, 
Huayma Capac, permitted him to go, with two Spanish soldiers as a guard, 
to the secret fastnesses of the mountains where it was hidden, to bring it 
back as a gift to the Spaniard. 

After a week had gone by, and Manco had not returned, a force of sixty 
soldiers was sent to search for him. They met the two soldiers who had been 
his guard, who informed them that the country was in arms and that Manco 
was at the head of his army. 

Juan Pizarro, the leader of this detachment, met the Peruvians in battle 
shortly afterward; but the first day's tight was not decisive; the Indians 
drawing off at night into their fastnesses. The Spaniards reckoned it a vic- 
tory, but it had cost them dear; and the next morning showed them that their 
enemies were as resolute as ever. 

Another day was spent in similar unprofitable hostilities, when a hasty 
summons came, bidding him return at once to Cuzco, which was now besieged 
by the enemy. He obeyed, to find that city surrounded by a countless horde of 
the natives; who, not content with desperate assaults, shot fiery arrows and 
threw stones wrapped in cotton which had been soaked in some bituminous 
product and set on fire, into the city, and thus kindled a conflagration which 
the Spaniards were powerless to extinguish. 

But although the whole force of the besieged did not number more than 



PIZAKRO, THK DISCOVERER OF PERT' 



409 



two hundred white iiieii, they resolved not to abandon the eity; it would, 
indeed, have been as dangerous to attempt to fight their way to the coast as 
to remain in their present quarters. 




Batti 



Juan Pizarro was killed at the head of his men, and many other brave 
Spaniards bit the dust; their loss but imperfectly balanced by the death of 
ten natives for each white man that fell. Weeks passed away, and famine 
added its horrors to the siege; while the fact that the Governor did not come 
to their rescue led them to believe that he had perished, and they were left 
alone in the midst of these hordes of barbarian enemies. 

Pizarro the Governor had indeed been threatened by the insurgents, but 
had repulsed them from the valley of Rimac. He made several efforts to re- 
lieve the garrison of Cuzco, sending four different detachments, numbering 
more than four hundred men in all, to its assistance. In two cases, not a 
man returned to tell the story; in two others, a few stragglers made their way 
back to Lima to tell of their surprise and defeat by vast numbers of natives. 



410 PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 

Pizarro's immediate followers began to talk of the wisdom of returning to 
Panama; but he cut short all that kind of talk by sending every vessel under 
his command to the Governors of various provinces, describing his condition 
and asking aid. 

Five months passed away; and the besiegers as well as the besieged were 
in danger of famine. The Inca therefore sent the greater portion of his 
forces back to their homes, to till the fields, that a supply of food might be 
secured. The Spaniards took advantage of this lessening of the blockading 
force to make desperate sallies in search of food; and secured a sufficient 
number of Peruvian sheep to place them above all danger of want for some 
time to come. Yet these sallies were not made without danger, but constant 
skirmishes took place. 

While these disasters were befalling the Spanish arms in Peru, Almagro 
Avas not more fortunate; but having reached a point some thirty degrees 
south of the equator, and finding nothing but hardship, his men insisted on 
returning. Nor was he averse to making claim once more to the rich city of 
Cuzco, which is not more than a league from the boundary line between the 
territory assigned to him and that assigned to Pizarro. He marched north- 
ward, and arriving before Cuzco while it was beleaguered by the Indians, en- 
tered into negotiations with Manco. At the same time, he summoned the 
commander of Cuzco to yield possession of the city to him, the rightful 
Governor of this province. The authorities of Cuzco answered that they 
must consult certain learned pilots about the position of the Santiago Eiver, 
from which the distances were measured; and employed the time thus gained 
in strengthening their position. 

Almagro, hearing what they were doing, and also that, in consequence of 
Pizarro's appeal, Alvarado was sending a force to relieve Cuzco, took advan- 
tage of a stormy night to enter the city, in violation of the treaty, and make 
himself master of it. This was accomplished April 8, 1537. 

But Pizarro's appeal for aid had been answered by others as well. Espi- 
nosa had sailed from Panama with a corps of two hundred and fifty men, and 
Cortes had sent provisions, military stores and other necessary supplies from 
Mexico. With a force of four hundred and fifty men, half of whom w^ere 
cavalry, the Governor marched from Lima toward Cuzco. Scarcely had he 
set out before he learned that Almagro had taken Cuzco and thrown his 
brothers into prison; and that Alvarado's force had been disastrously de- 
feated by the captor of the city. 

He returned to Lima and there prepared to defend himself. At the same 
time, negotiations were begun by him, which terminated in an interview be- 
tween the two commanders at Mala, November 13, 1537. At this confer- 
ence it was settled, after much warm discussion which more than once came 
near merging into blows, that the captive Pizarros should be released, and 



riZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF TERIT. 411 

that Almagro should retain possession of Cuzco until the arrival of definite 
instructions from Castile. 

Almagro had scarcely left when Pizarro called his officers together and re- 
counted all that he had suffered at the hands of his rival — the capture of 
Cuzco, the imprisonment of his brothers, the defeat of his troops — and de- 
clared that the time had come for revenge. He deputed the command to his 
brothers, saying that he was now too old to take charge of the campaign; 
and, after urging that he had entered into certain agreements with Almagro 
before his release, Hernando Pizarro accepted the duty laid upon him by his 
brother. 

Almagro was notified that the treaty was at an end ; and the army of Pizarro 
followed his own toward Cuzco. He reached the city about the middle of 
April, 1538; the Pizarros and their forces about ten days later; and, on the 
26th, there w^as a bloody struggle which ended in the defeat of Almagro's 
forces, and the capture of that leader himself, prostrated by illness. 

He w^as treated with every attentionby Hernando Pizarro, who assured him 
that he only waited to obtain formal permission from his brother to release 
him. But while the captive was thus consoled by kind treatment, the captor 
was securing accusations against him from all sides. The process was com- 
pleted July 8, 1538, and Almagro was pronounced guilty of levying Avar 
against the Crown, of entering into conspiracy with the Inca, and of dispos- 
sessing the royal Governor of the city of Cuzco; and condemned to death. 
Then, and not until then, did he receive intelligence of the trial which had 
been conducted. 

By the terms of the royal grant, Almagro was empowered to name his suc- 
cessor in the government of his province. He bequeathed these rights to his 
son, naming Diego de Alvarado administrator during his minority; and all 
the property that he had accumulated, in Peru or elsewhere, he left to the 
Emperor; hoping by this means to secure the monarch's favor for the boy. 

It is doubtful what part the Marquis Francisco Pizarro, for the royal grant 
had given him that title, had in the execution of Almagro. According to 
some accounts, he was surprised and shocked when he heard what had been 
done. According to other authorities, a messenger had come from Hernando 
Pizarro, asking what should be done with the prisoner; and the Governor 
had returned this answer: — 

" Deal with him so that he shall give us no more trouble." 

Hernando afterward shielded himself from blame in regard to Almagro's 
death by instructions wdiich he said were received from the Governor. It is 
certain that had Pizarro wished to do so, he might have prevented the death 
of Almagro. 

When he did reach Cuzco, Diego de Alvarado applied to him on behalf of 
his ward, young Almagro, for the government of the southern provinces. 



412 WZARRO, Tllli blSCOVEREK OB' PEUr. 

"The marshal, by his rebellion, has forfeited all claims to the govern- 
ment," was the stern reply. 

Alvarado persisted; but Pizarro bluntly broke oft all pleadings by the dec- 
laration : — 

" Our own territory covers all on this side of Flanders." 

And doubtless he swore when he said it some such oath as are associated 
with the name of " our army in Flanders." 

Pizarro now assumed more the manner of a conqueror and of a tyrant than 
ever; treating the natives with great severity, and the followers of Almagro 
with much contempt. Hernando Pizarro was about to goto Spain again; 
and, before he went, he counciledhis brother to "beware of themen of Chili," 
as Almagro's men were called; and characterized them as desperate men, 
who would do anything for revenge. The Governor, however, laughed at 
his fears, saying that " every hair in the heads of Almagro's followers was a 
guarantee for his safety." 

Hernando sailed from Lima in the summer of 1539. The story that he had 
to tell was not wholly pleasingto the Court; but it was difficult to take action 
to correct the evils without making them worse by the effort. It was obvious, 
too, that only one side of the story had been presented. The Crown accord- 
ingly sent the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, a member of the Royal Audience of 
Valladolid, to Peru as a royal judge, to consult with Pizarro concerning the 
best method of amending and preventing evils, and to transmit to Spain a 
fair account of the state of the country. In case of Pizarro's death, he was 
to produce the royal warrant by which he was named Governor of Peru. 

Meanwhile Pizarro busied himself in building up the province of which he 
was the Governor; despising the scattered followers of Almagro too heartily 
to take any precautions against them. They were indeed very poor; so that 
it is said of twelve who lived in one house, that they had but one cloak among 
them, and while one of them went out and wore that in his turn, the other 
eleven remained at home, too proud to acknowledge that they had no cloak. 

When these men heard of the appointment of the royal judge, their spirits 
were greatly raised; for they hoped that their young leader would be put in 
possession of the government of Chili, and that all their wrongs would be re- 
dressed. Two of them, dressed in mourning, were deputed to wait on him as 
soon as he should arrive. 

But his coming was long delayed; and at last the news was received that 
the squadron had met with heavy storms, that most of the vessels had foun- 
dered, and that the commissioner had doubtless perished. Their last hope 
of legal redress was gone; and the desperate men resolved to take the law 
into their own hands, and revenge the death of their leader upon the Gov- 
ernor who had allowed him to be executed. 

The dav fixed for the assassination of Pizarro was Sunday, June 2(5, 15')!. 



PIZAURO, TH15 DISCOVERER OF PERU. 41.^ 

Eighteen or twenty of them were to assemble in Almagro's house, and fall 
upon him as he came from mass; a white flag flying from an upper window 
was to summon their comrades to their support. 

But there was one of the conspirators who found this plot too heavy a bur- 
den for his conscience. He revealed it to his confessor; and the priest told 
Pizarro's secretary, Picado. The Governor himself was informed. 

"It is a device of the priest's," he replied, scornfully; "he wants a 
miter." 

Pizarro repeated the story to Velasquez, the judge; but he seemed no more 
anxious about it than the Governor. 

"You need have no fear," he assured the ruler, " for no harm shall come 
to you while the rod of Justice is in my hands." 

Yet he took no pains to trace the conspirators or prevent their meeting. 
The sole precaution that was taken was that Pizarro, under pretense of ill- 
ness, remained at home that day, instead of going to church as usual. 

The conspirators, when they learned of this change of plan, were uncertain 
what to do. While they were debating what course would be best, one of 
them, throwing open the door of the house where they had met, cried out: — 

" Follow me, or I will proclaim for what purpose ye have met," and rushed 
out, toward Pizarro's house, followed closely by his comrades, reanimated by 
his example. 

It was noon, the fashionable dinner-hour of the sixteenth century. As they 
rushed along, the streets were nearly deserted ; but many came out to see what 
the excitement was about. There seems to have been now no effort at con- 
cealment of their purpose, but still there was no interference; Pizarro was 
not popular. 

Two domestics, loitering outside his door, were met, and one was struck 
down; the other escaped into the house, and gave the alarm. 

" Help ! Help ! The men of Chili are all coming to murder the Marquis ! " 

Pizarro, surrounded by a party of friends, made no effort to escape, although 
most of them made their way into a corridor which overlooked the gardens, 
and let themselves down that way. Thus deserted by nearly all, Pizarro 
called out to an officer in his antechamber to secure the door, while he and his 
brother buckled on their armor. Had this order been obeyed, the conspira- 
tors could have been kept at bay; but the officer parleyed with the assassins, 
who forced their way past him, running him through the body as he resisted. 

" Where is the Marquis?" they shouted; " Death to the tyrant! " 

There was a brief but bloody struggle, Pizarro and his few companions 
fighting desperately against the equally desperate conspirators. Two of them 
fell by his own hand; but their numbers were so far superior that they could 
relieve one another in the hand-to-hand combat, and thus wear out the strength 
of the defenders. At last the chief of the conspirators cried : — 



414 



PTZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 



" Why are we so long about it? Down Avith the tyrant ! " 
A moment more, and Pizarro reeled and fell to the floor, a sword having 
wounded him in the throat; instantly the swords of the chief and several of 




The Killing of Pizaero. 



his men were plunged into his body. Tracing a cross on the bloody floor with 
his finger, the wounded man bent down his head to kiss it; when, even in this 
moment of devotion, he received another blow, and that proved fatal at once. 
Thus died the Conqueror of Peru. 



PIZARRO, THE DISCOVERER OF PERU. 415 

The men of Chili hastened to recognize young Almagro as Governor and 
Caj)tain-General of Peru, and to install their own partisans in the government 
of the city; but there were no acts of violence. Some of them desired to 
drag the corpse of the late Governor to the market-place, and set the head 
upon a gibbet; but this was prevented by the more moderate of the party, and 
Almagro gave his friends permission to inter him. 

One faithful attendant assisted his wife in wrapping the body in a piece of 
cotton cloth, and a few black servants removed it to the cathedral. Here a 
grave was hastily dug in an obscure corner, and by night and in secrecy, the 
darkness around them made visible by a few small tapers, the bloody corpse 
of Pizarro was buried, while, in the words of the old chronicler, " there 
was none even to say, 'God forgive him! ' " 

A few years later Pizarro's remains were removed to a conspicuous part of 
the cathedral; and in 1607, his bones were removed to the new cathedral, 
where they have been permitted to rest. 

With the death of Pizarro closes the history of the discovery and conquest 
of Peru. What followed is national history, which has no place in the pres- 
ent pages. 



FERDINAND DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OE THE 
MISSISSIPPI RIYER. 



(3 



UTHORITIES differ as to the year in which Ferdinand De Soto first 
saw the light; some historians assert that it was in 1496; someplace 
an interrogation point after this date; and others say that it was four 
years later. It is most probable that he was born in 1500; since he was evi- 
dently but a boy when he first sought the hand of a noble Spanish lady. 

Of that, however, there shall be more hereafter; our first concern must be 
with the circumstances of his childhood and youth, before he had any idea 
of being a squire of dames. He was a native of Xeres, a small town about a 
hundred and thirty miles southwest of Madrid. The town is walled, not 
only by battlements reared by the hand of man, but by rugged hills which 
completely surround it. On the summit of each hill rises an ancient castle, 
the residence of some noble Spaniard of the long ago; but these are all in 
ruins now. One of them, at least, was not far from that condition four hun- 
dred years ago ; it was that which sheltered the Soto family; their fortunes 
as ruined as their castle. 

Ferdinand was a younger son, so that in any case he would not have suc- 
ceeded to a fortune; but as it was, his father was so poor that he could not 
afford to give his son even the education of a gentleman of the time. As we 
have elsewhere noted, it was the custom then to place bo^^s of good birth 
under the protection of some great noble, who, in return for a certain sum 
of money paid him, had the boy educated in his household as a page and later 
as a squire; interesting himself, when the youth had achieved the dignity of 
knighthood, to see that he had opportunities to acquire distinction, or was 
given some lucrative post by the Crown. Young De Soto, however, had no 
such advantages ; whatever he learned of Latin — then a necessary part of ev- 
ery gentleman's education — and the polite arts Avas probably derived from 
the village priest; his acquaintance with the manly accomplishments in 
which he was such a proficient was picked up from the training of sonie old 

servant who had been in the wars, as every man of the times was apt to have 

(416) 



DE SOTO, THE DI8COVEKEK OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



417 



been, and from some brief advice of his father. Fortune denied him every 
advantage ; but nature gave him all that it was in her power to bestow. 

Tall, well-built, graceful, active, the youth had the good fortune to attract 
the attention of Don Pedro Arias do Avila, or Pedrarias, as he is frequently 
called; the very tyrant by whose command the gallant Balboa had been ex- 
ecuted. Pedrarias could be generous as well as cruel ; and he sent young De 
Soto to the University, where he might acquire some of the education which 
had seemed to be denied him. The youth does not seem to have remained 
there long; for in 1519 we find him thirsting for adventure in the New World. 

Pedrarias had been recalled from his post 
as Governor of Darien, but in the year men- 
tioned had again been appointed to that high 
office, and was about to sail to the scene of his 
rule. In the midst of his preparations, young 
De Soto, who had always been treated by him 
and his household as a beloved child, sought 
an interview with the high official. He did 
not ask for preferment, however; his suit was 
of another kind. 

Pedrarias had, six years before, betrothed 
his eldest daughter to the unfortunate Balboa 

his second daughter was now growing up to 

womanhood, and had seen and been seen by Flkdi.n \.nj^ Dl Soio. 

the youthful dependent on her father's bounty. De Soto and Donna Isa- 
bella had fallen in love with each other, and the young man asked her father's 
consent to their marriage. 

The haughty old Spaniard started like a spirited horse under the lash. This 
penniless adventurer, this beggar who fed from his bounty, marry Isabella 
de Avila? Never. The boy was surely mad; as for the girl, she would come to 
her senses before long. 

But Donna Isabella vowed that before she would marry any one else she 
would retire into a convent. The threat was an alarming one; for against it 
the father was powerless. If the girl chose, in a momentary fit of resentment, 
to enter a convent, he, as a good Catholic, could not oppose her; if she de- 
cided to become the bride of Heaven, he would be worse than a heretic who 
would attempt to prevent her. The affair was one to be managed very care- 
fully. 

Rating but lightly the lives of those who stood in his way, the first impulse 
of Pedrarias was to cause De Soto to be assassinated ; but reflection convinced 
him that this would not do at all; Donna Isabella would, in grief for her mar- 
tyred lover, retireto the convent at once; and Pedrarias doubtless had some 
richer and more powerful noble in tow to whom he designed to give her. 




4^.¥ 



418 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

In the meantime young De Soto had gone home to his father's house, burn- 
ing -with the remembrance of the insults which the angry Pedrarias had heaped 
upon him; and was brooding over the poverty which had caused him to be 
rejected. For his family was as noble as his lady love's, his character was 
above reproach ; it was poverty alone which made him the butt of her father's 
contempt. How should he remedy the evil? How, but by seeking fortune 
in the New World, where so many others had found it? Who could tell what 
incalculable wealth mightlie hidden somewhere in the far interior of the great 
continent? Cortes and Pizarro had not yet undertaken their careers of con- 
quest; but every European devoutly believed in the enormous possibilities of 
America. 

While he was thus dreaming, and casting about to find some means of reach- 
ing the Golden Country, he was astonished to receive from Pedrarias himself 
an invitation to join the expedition to Darien which he was then fitting out. 
De Soto could not imagine the reason for this sudden change, unless the stern 
father really meant to relent at last, and was giving the suitor an opportun- 
ity to show his worth. In fact, Pedrarias had no such intentions. He knew 
perfectly well that there are many dangerous errands to be done by the fol- 
lowers of the ruler of a new country, and that dangers are sought as honors 
by the brave. It was his benevolent purpose to honor De Soto in this way 
until he should succeed in getting the young man killed by the natives. Isa- 
bella would doubtless mourn for a while; but she could be persuaded that it 
was her duty to submit to an overruling Providence, and would in time for- 
get her gallant young lover. 

It was probably about this time that De Soto went to an astrologer, who 
consulted the stars on his behalf and informed him that he should not live 
longer than the gallant and ill-fated Balboa, w^hose life his own would re- 
semble. As this gave him something like twenty 3'ears yet to live, the young 
man decided that it was sufiiciently favorable, and accepted with thanks the 
invitation of the crafty hidalgo. 

He received a captain's commission, and his outfit was provided by 
the generosity of his early patron, Pedrarias. They set sail, and arrived 
at Darien in safety. Once there, De Soto felt that Pedrarias had indeed re- 
stored him to favor; for every dangerous and difficult mission Avas intrusted 
to him. There was constant trouble with the natives who, under Balboa's 
benign rule, had been peaceful and unoffending; for it was the policy of Pe- 
drarias to provoke them by wanton cruelty, and then to punish their outbreak 
by confiscation and slavery, if not by the kinder infliction of death. Ko 
tongue can tell what the aborigines endured at the hands of the early Span- 
ish settlers; and the heart sicl^ns at the meager recital sometimes given. 

But De Soto'shands were clean; often he disobeyed the orders of the gov- 
ernor, anxious as he was to win that governor's approval, and to insure wealth 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVEEER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 419 

for himself. There has come down to us one instance of such disobedience, 
and the manner in which the crafty Pedrarias tried to turn the tables upon 
De Soto, and get rid of his troublesome young protege. 

Pedrarias had resolved that a certain native village should be destroyed; 
his reasons matter little now, but it was an outrage, pure and simple, which 
he designed. He detailed the plan to a certain Captain Perez; the huts must 
be burned, and every living creature slain; and bade him carry to De Soto 
orders to proceed against the place. De Soto, who was on the frontier, as 
we should say, received the messenger, and listened composedly to what he 
had to say; the whole plan of the governor was laid before him. 

"Go back and say to the governor, Captain Perez," returned De Soto, 
forcing himself to such calmness as becomes the soldier receiving the com- 
mands of his superior, "that my life and services are always at his command 
when the duty to be performed is such as may become a Christian and a gen- 
tleman. But in this case, Captain Perez, I think that he would have shown 
more discretion by intrusting you with this commission, instead of sending 
you with the order to me." 

Pedrarias had not expected that De Soto would obey the order; had disci- 
pline been stricter, he might have punished him for refusing; but then, too, 
there was another reason why he should not treat De Soto as he had treated 
Balboa. He simply shrugged his shoulders, smiled slightly, and said to Perez, 
who was a noted duelist, and never missed his man i:i such a rencontre: — 

"Well, my friend, if you, who are a vigorous young soldier, can patiently 
endure De Soto's insolence, I see no reason why an infirm old man like my- 
self should not show equal forbearance." 

The hint was so broad that a less fiery soldier than Perez might well have 
seen it; and he lost no time in challenging his comrade. To decline such a 
challenge was impossible for any man who did not wish to be rated a coward, 
no matter in what other ways he had proved his courage; and De Soto valued 
his honor too highly to think of avoiding such a quarrel. But Perez, who 
had always killed his man in previous duels, met his match this time. The 
duel took place in the midst of all the ofiicers and gentlemen of the colony, 
and was a rare exhibition of skill in fencing. Much to the mortification of 
Perez, a clever stroke of his antagonist's sent his weapon spinning from his 
hand. Disarmed, he was too much ashamed to beg for his life, but main- 
tained a sullen silence when De Soto demanded that he should ask for 
quarter. 

"A life that is not worth asking for is not worth taking," exclaimed the 
victor, sheathing his sword, and turning disdainfully from his prostrate 
antagonist. 

Perez, mortified at his defeat by a mere youth, who had not yet achieved 
distinction as a soldier, resigned his commission and returned to Spain. De 
27 



420 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

Soto remained at Darien, resolved to achieve fame and wealth, but not to 
sacrifice his honor. DeAvila's hatred for him increased daily; and a friendly 
astrologer warned the young man that the utmost caution would be neces- 
sary if he would avoid a disgraceful death. This hint was given in return for 
Soto's having saved the diviner's life; but although it was pretended that 
the information was gathered from the stars, it is far more probable that the 
astrologer had secret knowledge of de Avila's intentions, which he dared not 
betray, but against which he wished to Avarn his benefactor. 

Five years Avent on in this manner; but the lover had received not a w^ord 
from his lady, nor she from him; the power of the governor had been used 
to intercept all letters of the kind. The enmity of the official grew more 
open as time went on ; the term for which he was appointed was almost at an 
end, and the hated suitor still lived. Something must be done. 

Such was the condition of affairs when a certain man was tried for some 
offense, and sentenced to death. He had been unfortunate enough to pro- 
voke the governor's resentment in some way, and his trial was the merest 
mockery; the trumped-up charge was proven to the satisfaction of the pre- 
judiced judge, and the so-called justice was about to take its course. But De 
Soto was truly a brave man; his courage showed itself, not on the battle-field 
alone, but in the city and in the court as well. He protested vehemently 
against the execution of an innocent man ; and de Avila, enraged at his pre- 
sumption, caused him to be arrested and thrown into prison. The attempt to 
prevent such an outrage against justice was dubbed treason, since he was try- 
ing to interfere with the royal court; and the gallant defender of the inno- 
cent was himself sentenced to death. Only the timely arrival of the new gov- 
ernor, de Avila's successor, saved him from Balboa's fate at the hand of Bal- 
boa's deadly enemy. 

It may readily be believed that De Soto was not anxious to follow his for- 
mer patron to Nicaragua, of which Pedrarias had now become governor; nor 
was he desirous of remaining at Darien; ten years' residence there had con- 
vinced him that not on the isthmus was fame to be won or wealth to be se- 
cured. It had not been his privilege to be enrolled among those daring spir- 
its who had followed Cortes to the gates of Mexico, and after such unheard 
of adventures had become the conquerors of the Montezumas; but there was 
another adventurer who had more than once invited De Soto to become one 
of his followers, proffering him a high command in his little army. But De 
Soto, as proud and high-born as he was poor, had always hesitated to enroll 
himself as a follower of the base-born, illiterate, cowardly, cruel Pizarro. 
NoAV, however, it seemed to be the only thing left; and when Pizarro, organ- 
izing that last and successful expedition against Peru, offered De Soto the 
second place in his little army, the offer was accepted. 

We need not follow the progress of the Spaniards here; it has already been 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 421 

detailed in the chapter devoted to the leader of the expedition against Peru. 
What part De Soto took in the war cannot now be determined; we know that 
he reserved to himself the right to disobey orders, the carrying out of which 
would, according to his ideas, have left a stain upon his honor; and we know 
that Pizarro frequently contrived some means of getting him out of the way 
whenever a particularly disgraceful action was contemplated. When the 
cruel and perfidious Spaniard, for instance, had determined that the unfor- 
tunate luca should die, De Soto Avas sent upon an errand of a military nature 
which Avould keep him away until they should have had time to perpetrate 
the outrage. In this case, again, the reader is referred to other pages for the 
account of De Soto's resentment when he discovered the truth. 

Yet we cannot hold our knight blameless in this matter. It was his manly 
bearing which led the Peruvians, many times, to repose a trust in his country- 
men which they were far from placing in the others. However he may have 
abhorred their practices, he continued to be one of Pizarro's followers; and 
although he tried very hard to lessen the amount of ransom which the luck- 
less Atahualpa was condemned to pay, we do not read that he protested 
against accepting that part of it which was allotted to him as his share of the 
spoils. 

The story of the expedition reached Spain, where it was told with more 
truth than might have been expected. With what delight Donna Isabella, 
who still remained faithful to her knight, heard that to him was due much of 
its success, we can better imagine than describe; and Ave maybe sure that she 
did now weigh against his courage, his prudence and his humanity any 
thoughts of Avhat he might have done had he been more consistent. 

Disgusted Avith the character of Pizarro, and resolved that he Avould no 
longer folloAV the leadership of such a rufiian, De Soto returned to Spain, 
laden Avith his share of the spoils. "An hundred and fourscore thousand 
ducats," says the old chronicler, made up the fortune Avhich he carried from 
Peru to Castile; a sum equivalent to nearly four hundred thousand dollars 
of United States money. This Avas at a time Avhen the purchasing power of 
money Avas about three times as great as at present, so that Ave may fairly con- 
sider De Soto a millionaire Avhen he returned to Spain. 

He Avas noAV a highly desirable "catch" for Donna Isabella de Avila, Avho 
must have been somewhat passee by this time, and Avho Avas still faithful to 
him. They Avere married; and the happy couple settled at Madrid. De 
Soto had been received at court with the highest marks of favor, and created 
a marquis in recognition of his services to the Crown in the conquest of Peru. 
It seemed that they had nothing to do but to live happy ever afterward in 
their magnificent mansion. 

But the mansion proved a little too magnificent for their fortune, vast as 
it Avas; and two years had barely passed Avhen De Soto found that his capital 



422 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

had been diminished to one-half the original amount. This was not to be 
endured; he had no mind to retrench, lest he should become the laughing- 
stock of his associates and flatterers; so he determined to seek new adven- 
tures, new honors, and a new fortune in the world beyond the waters. 

He had tried the isthmus, and found that no wealth was to be acquired 
there; he had tried South America, but was convinced that those who were 
already in possession, his former comrades, would hold with a firm hand all 
that was to be found there; Cortes and his followers were masters of Mexico; 
it was farther to the north that he must seek distinction and wealth. Surely, 
in the vast stretches of the northern continent there must be at least one 
more Peru, with its incalculable treasures of gold and silver and gems; that 
would he find for himself, his actions untrammeled by association with men 
of Pizarro's stamp; there would be found an empire, which if not — 
" Broad-based upon his people's will, 
And compassed by the inviolate sea," 

should be loyal to the King and beneficent to the people. 

There had been some previous attempts to explore the northern continent. 
Ponce de Leon was the first whose name is connected with its history. He 
had been a companion of Columbus on the second voyage of the great dis- 
coverer, and had been by him appointed to the governorship of the eastern 
part of Hispauiola. In 1508 he had sailed on an expedition to Porto Rico, 
which he conquered, and of which he became the duly appointed governor in 
the succeeding year. His rule there was marked with such vigor that the 
Columbus family exerted all their influence to have him removed from this 
high position, as one whose administration was calculated to disarrange all 
the affairs of neighboring islands. In 1512, he sailed from the scene of his 
late rule to search for the fabled Fountain of Youth, of which his advancing 
years made him feel the need. This was supposed to exist somewhere in the 
Bahamas; but a search among those islands failed to disclose its where- 
abouts. Ponce de Leon then sailed for the main land, and, on Easter Sun- 
day, 1512, arrived off the coast of the continent of North America. The 
shores of that peninsula which extends southward toward Yucatan were cov- 
ered with a profusion of beautiful foliage and flowers, and from their ap- 
pearance, and from the Spanish name for Easter — the Feast of Flowers — he 
named the new found land Florida. 

The designation has since become restricted to the peninsula alone, but in 
the days of which we write it was applied to the whole northern continent. 
The discoverer, therefore, when he received the title of Governor of Flor- 
ida, became the nominal ruler of all North America. His efforts to colonize 
his possessions, however, were ill-fated; wounded by one of the natives, he 
returned to Cuba, where he died shortly afterward. The colony, it is need- 
less to say, did not long outlive its founder. 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 423 

Fifteen years afterward, that same Pamphilo de Narvaez who had gone to 
Mexico after Cortes and had been defeated by the great conqueror of Mon- 
tezuma, made an attempt to found a second colony on the coast of Florida; 
having received the royal commission as governor. Four hundred men fol- 
lowed his standard ; but contrary to their expectations, they found the coun- 
try sparsely populated, the people poor. He met with such bitter hostility 
on the part of the war-like tribes whose country he attempted to invade, that 
he and his men were glad to escape from the inhospitable shores in rude 
boats, which they constructed hastily. Their proposed destination was Mex- 
ico; but a storm overtook them near the mouth of the Mississippi, and the 
greater part of the adventurers, including the leader, were lost. A handful 
of them escaped, and spread abroad the story of their effort. 

Disastrous tliough its results were, these returned adventurers did not al- 
together blacken the character of the country in which they had met with 
misfortune. They rather intimated that had they had a different leader, or 
had he been willing to follow their advice, the expedition would have met 
with success. Certain it is that De Soto became fired with the idea of plant- 
ing an empire on the northern half of the lately discovered continent, and 
requested the royal permission to undertake the colonization of Florida. 

As he gave the royal officers distinctly to understand that he proposed to 
fit out this expedition at his own expense, and asked nothing whatever from 
the royal treasury, the desired permission was not withheld; and he was duly 
invested with the sounding titles, dear to a Spaniard's heart, of Governor of 
Cuba and President of Florida. 

Eecruits flocked to his standard; many came because they thought it of- 
fered an opportunity of gaining such wealth as De Soto himself had acquired 
in Peru; others came because there must be honor in following De Soto, a 
knight sans peur et sans reproche; and whether they went for gold or glory, 
they felt assured of success, because their leader risked his own wealth and 
reputation. Everything was sacrificed to procure suitable outfits; one man 
found himself obliged to take his wife with him, since after procuring the 
needful articles for his journey, there was nothing left for her to live upon. 
From the army of those who offered, De Soto selected six hundred; it was 
impossible to take a larger number; and some of those who had sacrificed 
their estates to fit themselves out were denied the privilege of accompanying 
the expedition. According to some authorities, four hundred of them per- 
suaded him to relent in their favor, so that his total force numbered a thou- 
sand. Certain it is that he had ten ships in the fleet which set sail, in the early 
part of April, 1538. 

What became of the Donna Isabella? She would not deny her husband his 
right to seek new adventures in that New World where he had achieved dis- 
tinction and won the wealth which brought her father's tardy consent to their 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 425 

marriage; but she would not let the broad Atlantic separate them again. 
With true wifely devotion she accompanied him as far as Cuba, where the 
adventurers spent sometime in feasting and merry-making, as well as in more 
serious preparation for the journey. 

A supply of excellent horses was obtained here, the descendants of the ani- 
mals brought from Spain by the first settlers; a prominent Cuban, who was 
anxious to secure a fresh supply of Indian slaves to work his mines, be- 
came lieutenant of the expedition; and May 18, 1538, they sailed from 
Havana. 

It was a week before they came in sight of the coast of Florida, so stormy 
was the weather; and the shallowness of the water prevented them from ap- 
proaching within two leagues of the shore. Upon the beach, stretching away 
to the north and the south, beacon-fires shone through the darkness of the 
night ; a sign that their coming was perceived and regarded as a danger by the 
natives. In truth, the Indians had only too good cause to look upon the 
white man as an enemy ; such had been the treatment which they had received 
at the hands of those composing the two previous expeditions. Narvaez and 
Ponce de Leon had sown the wind, and De Soto Avas to reap the whirlwind. 
Morning showed the Indians gathered upon the beach near which the Span- 
iards had cast anchor for the night, and many hostile demonstrations showed 
the white men that they would not be permitted to land without opposition. 
De Soto judging that in this case discretion was the better part of valor, and 
hoping that if an immediate conflict were prevented, he might be able to 
make friends with the natives, gave orders to proceed about two leagues 
farther up the bay, and there try to effect a landing. 

They had anchored in Hillsboro Bay, a branch of Tampa Bay. They suc- 
ceeded in landing without coming into collision with the aborigines, and De 
Soto dispatched several strong parties inland on reconnoitering expeditions. 
One of these, having gone about ten miles, captured two or three fugitive 
Indians, and took them to the leader. He questioned them, by signs and by 
the help of some West Indian natives who had accompanied him ; and learned 
from them something of the inhumanities practiced by Narvaez and his fol- 
lowers; theirchief, Ucita, had been mutilated, his mother had been murdered, 
and a thousand nameless indignities been offered his unoffending people, who 
had received the strangers with much kindness. 

It is said that De Soto now saw for the first time why the Indians received 
him with such hostile demonstrations; it seems hardly credible when we re- 
flect that he had been in Peru at the time of its conquest, and knew that two 
other expeditions had preceeded his own. He endeavored, however, to con- 
ciliate the natives; and loading the captives with presents, bade them return 
to their chief. The message which that justly indignant warrior returned was 
not reassuring: — 



42G DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

" Bring me no speeches or promises from these men," said he; " I want 
only their heads." 

De Soto recognized the importance of being on good terms with this pow- 
erful coast tribe, so there would be no enemy between him and the sea if he 
were compelled to retreat; but Ucita was obdurate; neither gifts nor fair 
words could move him; and the Spanish leader's lieutenant, Vasco Porcallo, 
the Cuban, asked and received permission to punish the stubborn and hard- 
hearted chief. 

When he returned to camp, Porcallo announced, he would bring with him 
Ucita and as many of his people as could conveniently betransported to Cuba; 
and, arraying himself in a suit of glittering armor which might have become a 
knight at a tournament, he set out. Nothing could check the impetuosity of 
his advance; and even when he came to the edge of a bog he determined that 
he would not listen to his followers, who advised him not to attempt to cross 
it, since it would not bear horsemen as heavily accoutered as they were. He 
rode forward at the same rate of speed as when his way lay over dry ground; 
but was soon forced to adv^ance more slowly. Gradually he became more and 
more deeply involved; his horse sank beneath his weight, and floundered 
helplessly about in the mud; and it was all that his followers, nearly 
overcome with laughter at his position, could do to get him out of the 
mud. 

Porcallo resigned his commission and returned to Cuba; a difiiculty well 
out of De Soto's way, since the presence of a determined slave-hunter could 
not but be a source of danger to him and his followers. He had, in a previous 
expedition, however, accidentally served his leader well; for he had come 
upon a certain Juan Ortiz, a Spaniard who had been a follower of Narvaez, 
and who had been captured and condemned to death by Ucita. The chief's 
daughter, bowever, pitied the captive, and assisted him to escape — not, in- 
deed, to his own people, but to the village of the chief to whom she was be- 
trothed, and on whom she naturally exercised more influence than upon her 
father. Through Ortiz this friendly chief, Mocoso, became their friend, and 
provided them with a guide when it became necessary. 

De Soto now prepared for a journey inland; and sent his ships back to Cuba 
with orders to return at a specified time with such supplies as would be needed 
by his men. He then left forty men as a guard far the ships when they should 
return, and advanced to the north, sending an advance guard under Don 
Balthasar Gallegos before the main body, under the guidance of a friendly 
Indian of Mocoso's tribe. This party had reached a point some fifty miles 
north of the main camp when they came upon an Indian village, the inhabit- 
ants of which had fled at their approach. Messengers soon came, on behalf 
of the chief of that village, offering any service in their power. As an answer 
to these friendly advances, Gallegos caused the messengers to be loaded with 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 427 

chains, and required tbeni to tell him where he could find a land abounding in 
gold and silver. 

Indian craft proved equal to Spanish cruelty, and the captives gravely told 
him of a land far to the northwest, where there was eternal summer, and 
where gold was so plentiful that the people wore hats or helmets of it. The 
Spaniards greedily swallowed these stories, and Gallegos at once sent eight 
of his men to carry the welcome news to De Soto; the leader and all his sol- 
diers, says the worthy chronicler, "were very much comforted by the assur- 
ance that their toils were about to be rewarded by the discovery of another 
Peru." 

De Soto, with the main body, at once hastened forward, to hear again the 
welcome news of the riches of the country which lay beyond. Many diificul- 
ties beset his way. Mocoso, the only chief who was at all friendly to the 
Spaniards, had been persuaded by his allies to refuse to furnish any more 
guides to the strangers; the actions of Gallegos had been such as to make 
bitter enemies of the Indians through whose country he was now advancing; 
and they harrassed his movements in every possible way. A thousand times 
the warriors, concealed behind the trunk of a tree, fired upon the advancing 
army of Spaniards; or a body of nimble Indians, rushing from the forest, 
would discharge a flight of arrows among the Spaniards and retreat to 
its shelter again before the white men had fairly laid hold of their weap- 
ons. 

Nor were the swamps a small part of the diificuities which impeded their 
advance. Several days were consumed in searching for a path by which they 
could cross Long Swamp, which is more than three miles wide; and at last 
they set themselves to building rafts for the purpose. Even with that help, 
they were two days in crossing it. Mounted men were sent ahead as scouts, 
but were frequently ambushed by the Indians, and their fate known only when 
their dead bodies were found. More than once, captives were made to serve 
as guides ; but they literally chose to die rather than to guide the strangers 
into their own country; for they misled the Spaniards, pretending to have 
lost their way, and calmly met death at the hands of the enraged whites. 

De Soto now resolved to change his policy; and having, after crossing a 
second morass and a sluggish stream where they lost several men by the ar- 
rows of concealed enemies, taken some prisoners, he caused them to be load- 
ed with gifts and sent to their homes ; trusting that they might persuade their 
chief, the cacique of Aguera, to conclude a treaty with him. The chief re- 
plied that with such as the Spaniards he wished to be always at war, and that 
the only kindness they could do him or his people was to leave the country. 
All De Soto's arguments were unavailing; and, finding that the Spaniard 
would not take " no " for an answer, the Indian began to threaten the stran- 
gers. These threats were emphasized by bloodshed wherever white men were 



428 t)E SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

found alone or in sm:ill parties; and De Soto lost fourteen men inside of 
twenty days. 

Despairing of drawing the Indians into an open battle, in which his followers 
would have stood some chance, the knight withdrew at last to Ocala, forty 
miles farther north. They had hoped to find provisions here, but were disap- 
pointed; for the village, the largestthatthey hadyet seen, was deserted. The 
Spaniards had consumed almost their whole stock of food, and for some time 
the prospect before them included, among other hardships, starvation. 

As they advanced northward, however, they were encouraged by the sight 
of extensive corn-fields, which promised an abundance of food for them- 
selves, their horses, and the vast drove of hogs which they had with them, 
to supply meat for their party. The ground, too, was firmer; no morasses 
beset their way; but still the natives were as unfriendly as ever; nor did they 
learn that they were near the summerland whose inhabitants wore hats of 
gold. 

They seemed, however, to have met with a friend; a chief named Yitacu- 
cho invited them to visit him, and entertained them in rude magnificence. 
But his purpose was a treacherous one; let the Spaniards once be lulled into 
a feeling of security, and he and his people would massacre every one. 

Four of the Indians Avho acted as guides to De Soto were taken into the 
secret, Vitacucho supposing that they would be as anxious as he to rid the 
country of these invaders. They had been kindly treated by their new mas- 
ter, however, and that had won their gratitude; they betrayed the counsel of 
the chief to him; he feigned ignorance of the plan, and trusted that when the 
chosen time should come he should be able to save himself and his men. 

Vitacucho perfected his plans, and then invited De Soto to witness a dis- 
pla}^ of his forces. The invitation was perforce accepted, and De Soto, un- 
der pretense of showing greater respect for the chief, ordered his soldiers to 
appear armed as for actual battle. The chief did not like this any better 
than the Spaniard had liked the invitation, but had no better reason for ob- 
jecting, so accepted the compliment. With the greatest friendliness of man- 
ner the two commanders walked side by side to the field Avhere the double 
display of warlike strength was to take place. 

An impenetrable thicket was on one side of the place where the Indian 
force was drawn up, several thousand strong;on their other hand were two 
small lakes. They were all well-formed, athletic men in the prime of life; 
and their plumes, which once had decked the swan and heron, made them 
appear of the stature of giants; but they were wholly unarmed. Opposite 
them were the Spanish foot-soldiers, and ranged between the two infantry 
forces was the Spanish cavalry. At a suddenly given signal from Vitacu- 
cho, the Indians snatched up the bows and arrows which they had hidden in 
the long grass at their feet, and rushed upon the enemy. De Soto instantly 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 429 

sprang upon his liorso, and gave the signal for the cavalry to advance; while 
the twelve soldiers wlio formed his body-guard seized and bound the faithless 
chief. The onslaught of the cavalry was slightly dchayed by the fact that the 
leader's horse was shot almost as soon as he had mounted; but quickly dis- 
encumbering himself from the dead animal, Do Soto mounted another and 
charged furiously upon the Indians. Their line of battle was soon broken, 
and they fled in confusion; but many of them plunged into the lake, and 
from beneath the broad water-lily leaves shot arrows at the Spaniards; keep- 
ing up this singular species of warfare for ten hours. At last, however, they 
were either killed or captured, and Vitacucho and many of his tribe re- 
mained as prisoners in the hands of the Spaniards. A week later, however, 
in a desperate attempt to regain their liberty, they met the kinder fate, 
death. 

But the Spaniards, victorious as they were, were disheartened by the death 
of so many of their comrades and by the stories which the Indians had told 
them of the hardships and difficulties which they had yet to encounter. They 
insisted upon returning to the coast, to sail for Havana as soon as the ships 
should return. De Soto alone, "astern man, and of few words," was de- 
termined to advance; and it proved that his inflexible will ruled his hun- 
dreds of followers. 

"You who are so easily discouraged," he said, "may stay behind. You 
have never yet seen me shrink from the post of danger; and I will now ad- 
vance, with two hundred men, or even a smaller number, and meet all the 
enemies that are likely to offer any opposition to our progress." 

Had he asked each individually to accompany him, he could scarcely have 
found two dozen, much less two hundred; but, in the face of such deter- 
mined courage as he displayed, each man was ashamed to back out; and they 
encamped for the winter at the head of Appalachee Bay. From this point a 
message was dispatched to Cuba, directingthat supplies be sent thither early 
in the spring. The winter passed without event; and the spring brought 
the expected supplies. What is of more interest to us, now, is the letter 
which Donna Isabella wrote to her husband at this time. She urged him to 
give up the effort to penetrate into, conquer and settle the country, if it 
must be accompanied by the same cruelties which similar efforts had been 
attended by elsewhere; she had probably heard for the first time, since her 
coming to Cuba, of the treatment which the natives usually met from the 
hands of her countrymen. " Not for all the riches of the country would I 
have you commit one act, the remembrance of which would be painful to you 
hereafter," wrote this devoted woman. De Soto probably shared, to no 
small extent, the humane feelings which made these actions seem so horri- 
ble to her; but he had become callous by long habit, and he had gone too 
far to retreat; to go back now, meant ruin. He who had won such wealth 



430 BE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

and renown could not bear the thought of going back to poverty and obscur- 
ity. 

They left their winter quarters in March, 1540, and proceeded on their 
journey; the leader refusing to believe that the stories of the country's 
wealth were untrue, until he had seen with his o^Yn eyes the poverty of its 
people. They were really on the w^ay to the gold fields of Georgia, and at 
one time were assured by their guides that they would reach the land of gold 
in four days; but for some reason they turned aside, and those mines re- 
mained undiscovered. 

The food with which they had been supplied by a friendly chief began to 
run low; and the path which they had followed through the forest failed 
them. Almost starving, they wandered through the trackless wilds, and, after 
enduring hardships that can scarcely be imagined, entered a more open and 
cultivated country. At last they came in sight of an Indian town, Cofachiqui, 
situated at the confluence of the Broad and Savannah Rivers. On the river 
bank they were met by a deputation of the principal men of the tribe, who 
crossed in canoes, and who, after many salutations which the Spaniards only 
partly understood, demanded to know if the strangers came in peace or in 
war. De Soto replied as usual that he wished to be at peace with the people, 
and desired to secure further supplies of provisions. The embassadors re- 
answered that their last crop had been so small that they scarcely had food 
for themselves; but that his request should be made known to the maiden 
who was their ruler. 

Unfavorable as it may seem, this answer greatly raised the -spirits of the 
Spaniards; for it was one of the characteristics of the golden country of 
Avhichthey had been told, that its people were ruled by a young girl. When 
she visited their camp, a few hours later, her appearance confirmed their 
hopes; for she was richly adorned with ornaments of great value. She re- 
peated what her ministers had told them of the failure of the crop; but added 
that one of her two magazines of grain should be appropriated to the use of 
the strangers; and jDreseuted her necklace of valuable pearls to De Soto. 

The governor now showed himself a worthy disciple of Pizarro. Instead 
of treating this Indian princess as her generosity and her position among her 
owm people demanded, a strict guard was set upon her, while the temples and 
tombs of her people were sacked for such treasures as they might contain. 
In truth, the gallant and knightly De Soto had become so engrossed in the 
pursuit of wealth that he was ready to adopt any means of obtaining it. 

His followers were anxious to turn back with the booty which they had se- 
cured; but convinced that there must be more beyond, he refused to do so. 
They proceeded on their journey, taking the unhappy princess a captive in 
their train, and compelling her to make her subjects furnish assistance of 
every kind, from the providing of food from the scanty stores to the carrying 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



431 



the baggage of the sokliers on their backs. A few days after setting out, 
however, she contrived to escape; and De Soto, at last ashamed of his treat- 
ment of her, Avoukl not permit her to be pursued. 




Thk Fight at Mobile. 



Their treatment of the gigantic chief, Tuscaloosa, came near resulting 
in their own destruction. He had been invited, after their stay at his vil- 
lage, to accompany them; and a Spanish guard of honor given him. It was 
thought that he did not suspect himself to be a prisoner, they treated him with 
so much deference ; but he knew his real position as well as they. As they 
approached Mobile, a village then occupied by a chief who was tributary to 
him, he sent forward a messenger to order that a grand reception should be 
prepared for his friends the white men; sending at the same time a token 
which told more than the words of the message. 

The chief of Mobile lost no time in mustering his warriors for the rescue 
of Tuscaloosa. As the Spaniards approached the town, they were astonished 
at the strength of the fortifications, and not a little alarmed at the prepara- 



432 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



tions made for their reception. They were welcomed with warmth, however, 
and Tuscaloosa, having shown the Spaniards to their quarters, excused him- 
self, having, as he said, some directions to give to his people. It was impos- 
sible, under the circumstances, to control his movements; but De Soto, hav- 
ing given orders that breakfast should be prepared for them — for they were 
accustomed to eat at the same table — sent again and again to summon the 
chief to the meal. At last Gallegos commanded his presence. 




De Soto's Encampment in the Forest. 

"What would these unmannerly people have with my chief?" was the angry 
demand of a warrior who heard the order; '"Down with the villains! We 
can endure their insolence no longer!" 

Gallegos raised his cutlass*, and with a single stroke cleft the Indian's skull. 
It was the signal for the fight to begin. The flint-headed arrows of the na- 
tives penetrated the joints of the armor which the Spaniards wore, and De 
Soto saw his men falling fast around him. To fight longer was impossible; to 
retreat was to invite pursuit and massacre. Snatching an axe, and followed 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 433 

by a faithful few who understood his purpose, he rushed toward the wooden 
walls of the town which defended the Indians from the fire of his men ; and 
by vigorous and desperate strokes made a breach wide enough for the admis- 
sion of his cavalry. The Indians retreated to the houses, to which the Span- 
iards set fire. Something of the horrors of the scene may be imagined from 
the single fact that more than a thousand women were burned to death. Tus- 
caloosa and a few of his faithful followers made a stand in the market-place, 
where not even the charge of the cavalry could disperse or put them to 
flight. Once De Soto and Tuscaloosa came face to face, and it seemed that 
the fight might be decided by a single combat between the chiefs. But his 
people loved the Indian chief , and were ready to defend him; again and 
again devoted warriors threw themselves between their chief and his mail- 
clad antagonist, and thus saved Tuscaloosa from the encounter with the 
knight. When at last they met, Tuscaloosa raised his mighty war-club for a 
deadly blow; but lowered it harmlessly when he saw an arrow strike De Soto 
between the joints of his armor. De Soto concealed this wound, for fear of 
dispiriting his followers; and the fight continued with unabated fury. 

At last Tuscaloosa, seeing that the case was hopeless, rushed into a house, 
where he was almost instantly buried by the falling timbers. Not an Indian 
escaped to tell the tale of the battle by which the Spaniards gained possession 
of the ruined town. 

About the middle of November they marched forward, having spent al- 
most a mouth in recruiting the strength of the wounded. Their encampment 
for the winter was probably at a point in the northern part of the present 
state of Mississippi, although the place cannot be more exactly identified. 
This was reached only with considerable difliculty, as the Indians disputed 
their advance, and every step was harassed by their hostility. 

Much of their baggage had been lost at the burning of Mavilla, or Mobile; 
the remainder was destroyed when the Chickasaws, in one of whose villages 
they had established themselves for the winter, chose to burn their homes in 
order to dislodge the hated invaders. Had they been as resolute as Tusca- 
loosa's warriors, they would have been successful in their attack upon the 
encampment, but they speedily withdrew into the forests. Here they re- 
mained for a week, which time the Spaniards employed in erecting forges, 
tempering swords, and fashioning lances; so that when the natives finally 
summoned up enough resolution to attack them again they were prepared 
for resistance. 

The fire in this Chickasaw village had destroyed what they had saved from 
the flames of Mavilla, and the force that marched northward in the 
spring of 1541, then, was a miserable remnant of a once gallant army, 
their gay doublets replaced by skins and mats of ivy. For seven days they 
struggled through a seemingly impenetrable forest; then, from the height on 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



435 



which stood an Indian viUage, De Soto gazed upon that mighty yellow flood 
which sweeps down from the far North and from the equally far West the 
rich alluvium which has made its valley the garden spot of the western world; 
for the first time in the history of the world, a white man beheld the Mississippi. 











Indian Fleet Meeting De Soto. 



His arrival awakening much curiosity 
among the Indians who lived on the west 
'^■zy bank of the river, they came out in a great 

multitude, armed with bows and arrows, and gaudily painted, and crowned 
with nodding plumes, their chiefs sitting under the awnings of two hundred 
large canoes, and bringing gifts of food to the Spaniards. 

They encamped here for nearly a month, building boats on which to cross 
the river. The Indians at first appeared inclined to be hostile, but were evi- 
dently a little impressed by the numbers and arms of the white men. At 
length eight large scows were built, and in these the river was crossed. 

Their route lay toward the northwest, and they reached a point probably 
near the White River, about two hundred miles west of the Mississippi. Their 
treatment by the Indians had at first been inspired by a reverential fear; they 
were called the Children of the Sun, and the blind were brought to the stran- 
gers, to be given their sight. 

"Pray only to God," the leader gravely told the savages, "for whatsoever 

you need." 

28 



436 DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

Their Avintcr, however, was spent among those who regarded them with less 
awe; and, although we cannot get at the whole truth, since we have only the 
narrative of the Spanish historians, it is not improbable that they were more 
than once defeated by the Indians. It is quite certain that many Indian vil- 
lages were burned by order of De Soto during this winter. 

As the days grew shorter, hope grew less; and when the sun turned upon 
his path, and the days again became longer, there was no change in their for- 
tunes. At last, even Do Soto saw that there was nothing to be done but that 
which his followers had so often urged him to do ; sadly he gave the necessary 
orders for breaking camp in the spring; for the only course open to them 
was that over which they had come. The enterprise must be given up. 

If their forward march had been attended with dilHculties and dangers, 
what shall be said of their retreat? At one time, they spent eight days in the 
effort to penetrate the cane-brakes, and advanced but thirty miles. Re- 
membering the mistake which had been made by some of tlie Indians, De 
Soto said to a chief from whom he hoped to obtain assistance that he was 
descended from heaven. 

" Dry up the river, and I will believe that you are a child of the sun," an- 
swered the Indian, insolently; and he never forgave the attempt to deceive 
him. 

De Soto was in the midst of avast wilderness; more than half of his army 
had})erished by disease, accident and the devastation of war; and nearly all 
who survived looked upon him as the author of all their sufferings. They 
had hoped to be cured of their diseases by drinking of the hot springs of Ar- 
kansas, whither the natives had directed them ; there, they thought, might be 
that Fountain of Youth which Ponce de Leon had sought, and perished in the 
seeking; but this hope, too, had been in vain. The behavior of the cacique 
on whom he had tried to practice the deception mentioned above, was insult- 
ing in the extreme, and two years before, his land would have been laid waste, 
his people murdered. But now, the proud Spaniard must submit to every 
effront — revenge or resentment could not be his. 

Nevertheless, many of the natives reverenced De Soto as something more 
than human; it was only when sickness overtook him that they saw that he 
was subject to like infirmities with themselves, and therefore of the same 
clay. Oppressed by sickness of body and heart at once, De Soto looked 
about him and saw that of all the remnant of his host, there Avas not one who 
could inspire the Indians with a wholesome fear. Worn out, he sank under 
the disease, and at last a monk of considerable medical skill, who had accom- 
panied the expedition, told him that there was no hope. With the courage 
of a truly brave man, he called his officers about him and l)ade them choose 
his successor; intrusted one of them with a message for Donna Isabella; and 
having thus set his house in order, and made his peace with Heaven, he 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOA^ERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 



437 



closed his eyes upon the weary wilderness which he had hoped to subdue. 

May 21, 1542, was the date of his death. His followers concealed it from 
the Indians, and dug his grave secretly, by night, lest they should discover it. 
Announcing the next day that their leader was better, although not yet able 
to leave his tent, they instituted a kind of tournament, in rejoicing over his 
recovery; and rode backward and forward over the grave which had thus se- 
cretly received its tenant. 

But the searching questions of the Indians showed that they suspected the 
truth ; and fearful that the Indians would desecrate the grave of him who 
had caused the tombs of their people to be rilled and defiled, the Spaniards 
exhumed the body of their leader, and wrapping it in a winding-sheet heav- 
ily weighted Avith lead, lowered it, at midnight, into the waters of the Mis- 
sissippi. 




Thus died De Soto, and thus was he buried. Of his followers, but little 
more need be said. 

No longer led by the spirit that would press onward, no matter through 
what difficulties and dangers, the Spaniards resolved to proceed towardsNew 
Spain without delay. It was unanimously decided that a journey by land 
would be less dangerous than one by water, and they undertook to find away 
to Mexico through the pathless forests. After wandering two hundred miles 
west of the river, they turned back in despair, and sought the banks of the 
Mississippi again. Here they devoted themselves to the construction of brig- 
antines, no easy matter for men in their condition, and, more than a year 
after De Soto's death, were ready for their voyage. Seventeen days after 
their departure, followed by the arrows and the hate of the Indians, they had 
traveled the five hundred miles to the mouth of the Mississippi, but thirty- 



DE SOTO, THE DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 439 

three more had passed before they reached Paniico, a town on the coast of 
Mexico about two hundred and sixty miles from the boundary of the jiresent 
state of Texas. Here they remained for a considerable length of time, 
quarreling among themselves so much that, after three hundred and elev- 
en of them had perished by each other's hands, the viceroy was compelled 
to interfere. 

What of Donna Isabella? The story is not complete till we have told what 
became of the heroine. For three years after the return of the ships she 
waited for news ; at first hopefully, then doubtfully, then despairingly. At 
last, some one came from Mexico who had seen the few survivors and heard 
their story; from him she learned what had been the fate of her husband; 
and three days afterward, she closed her eyes forever. 



JACQUES CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 



N an island less than three miles in circumference, at the mouth of 
the Eanee River, in the modern department of Ille-et-Vilaiue, which 
is a part of the old province of Brittany, is an old fortified sea-port 
of France, St. Malo. The tall houses are crowded closely together, 
completely shadowing the narrow streets; and modern observers say that 
these same streets are not kept as clean as they might be. The place has its 
advantages for all that; it has an excellent harbor, large and well-sheltered; 
and is so defended by forts that it could scarcely be captured by the most 
determined enemy. 

It is now, in commercial importance, the twelfth sea-port of France; but 
there are more sailors registered there than at any other town, and those ad- 
vantages of which we have above spoken gave it great repute in the fifteenth, 
sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, when wars were of much more frequent 
occurrence than they are in the nineteenth; and when piracy was a thing of 
present and frequently recurring danger. But these are not the circum- 
stances which commend St. Malo to our consideration; of more interest is 
the fact that, preserved in the public museum of the town, are portions of 
the ship which first bore Jacques Cartier to the shores of the New World ; 
treasured there with a jealous care, because he was of Breton birth, and St. 
Malo was the port from which he sailed. 

He was born near the village of Limoilin, not far distant from the strait 
which separates the island town from the main land, in the year 1494. Like 
so many of the great navigators of his time, his youth is shrouded in obscur- 
ity; of his education we know nothing; but the people of all the surround- 
ing country had the love of the sea born in them; and it is fair to suppose 
that young Cartier was no exception to the general rule. According to the 
custom of the place, even his early boyhood was passed upon the sea: and 
he was a veteran sailor before the down shaded his lip. 

In the chapter devoted to what we know of Henry Hudson, will be found 
an account of the first American voyage of John Verazzano, an Italian navi- 
gator in the service of King Francis I. of France. It is a curious circum- 

(440) 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 441 

stance that the discoverer of the New Workl, the discoverer of North 
America, and the first explorer of the Athmtic coast of what is now the 
United States, shoukl have been Italians in the employ of other governments 
than their own ; and upon the discoveries of Columbus, Cabot, and Verazza- 
no, the latter supplemented by those of Cartier, the nations of Spain, Eng- 
land and France should base their claims to the AVorld of the West. 

It is possible that Cartier accompanied Verazzano on this voyage of discov- 
ery; but he certainly did not make one of the number who went on that tra- 
ditionary voyage of the Italian, when captain and crew fell into the hands of 
the savages, and were killed and eaten. 

But Verazzano's discoveries were for a time neglected; for, during his 
absence, the King had been engaged in war with his great rival, the Emperor 
Charles V. Francis was defeated and taken prisoner in 1525 ; in his absence 
no new enterprise could be undertaken; when he was released he was intent 
upon other battles in which he might turn the tables upon his enemy. The 
discoveries on the American coast, however interesting they might be from a 
scientific point of view, brought no money into the royal treasury; and 
money has always been esteemed " the sinews of war." It is easy to see, 
then, that the Government— that is, the King — would not care to advance the 
interests of discovery in the New World. 

But Verazzano had brought home news that there were vast shoals of fish 
frequenting the waters around the northern part of the coasts which he had 
explored. This was quite a different matter from the advancement of geo- 
graphical knowledge; it meant flourishing business relations; and business 
men at once began to look after their interests. It was decided that settle- 
ments near the fishing-banks would be advantageous ; and Chabot, who was 
Admiral of France at the time, and a favored counselor of the King, advised 
that such settlements should be made as soon as possible. 

It is probable that Cartier had been with Verazzano, because he was at once 
chosen as the leader of the expedition which was to be fitted out; although 
he may have been a favorite of Chabot's for some other reason. Certainly 
he was an experienced and skillful seaman when he was commissioned to ex- 
plore the country and find a place for a colony. 

April 20, 1534, he sailed from St. Malo with two ships and one hundred 
and twenty-two men. On the 10th of May he came in sight of the coast of 
Newfoundland; but it was so blocked up with ice that he found it impossible 
to land without greatly endangering his vessels. He accordingly stood out to 
sea again, and, steering southward, entered a harbor which he called St. Cath- 
erine's. Here, while waiting for fair and warmer weather, he fitted his boats 
for voyages close in shore and up the river. 

Proceeding northward as soon as the weather permitted, he explored the 
harbors and islands of the coast of Newfoundland; naming Bird Island from 



442 



CARTIETJ, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 



the circumstance that he and his crews huuled here and shot a great number 
of birds which were beginning to nest. They ate all that they could, and salted 
and packed ten or twelve barrels besides for future use. 




CaKIII'.K IVNTI 



Skirting the coast of the great island he came to the Strait of Belle Isle and 
continued his voyage along the coast of Labrador, giving his own name to a 
sound which he enthusiasticall}' declared afforded the best harbor in the world, 
though, he added, the country about it was the land to which Cain had been 
banished for killing his brother. Whether the eldest son of Adam was the first 
inhabitant or not, it was certain that the country was now peopled by a wan- 
dering tribe, whoso chief occupation seemed to be catching seals. 

The inhospitable coast of Labrador afforded no promise of a suitable situ- 
ation for the colony which France desired to establish, and Cartier turned 
southward; and, crossing the Gulf of St. Lawrence, anchored in a bay wdicre 
the warmth of the waters and air was such, after his late experience of the 
cold currents of air and water along the coast of Labrador, that he named it 
the Bay de Chaleurs — the Bay of Heat. Here he found wild berries and roses 
in abundance, meadows clothed with grass, and plenty of salmon, — a confir- 
mation of the experience of one explorer, who states that he found salmon in 
various rvers, but whose experience is not upheld by that of modern fishermen. 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 443 

Proceeding eastwardly along the coast as far as Gaspc, he was detained for 
twelve days by a terrible storm, during which he durst not risk voyaging 
along these unknown shores. Here he took formal possession of the country, 
in the name of his patron; causing a cross thirty feet high to be erected on a 
suitable point of land, bearing a shield on which were engraved the royal 
arms of France and the legend : Vive le 'Boy de France! 

When this had been prepared, Cartier and his followers kneeled reverently 
before it, and with heads uncovered, hands extended, and eyes lifted to heaven, 
solemnly invoked the divine blessing upon the right so asserted, and protec- 
tion against all rival powers. The natives gathered around them in silent 
admiration for a time, doubtless wondering what it Avas all about; but as the 
meaning began to dawn upon them, an old man, dressed in a bearskin robe, 
vehemently protested by signs, against the strangers assuming any authority 
or ownership over the land of which he was the chief. With the duplicity 
which has so often marked the white man's dealings with the Indians, and 
which we have no wish to excuse, Cartier assured the chief that the cross was 
intended only as a mark of direction, for his guidance when he should return 
the next year; and promised to come with gifts of all manner of articles made 
of iron, for the chief and his followers. 

The chief, whose name was Donacona, allowed himself to be misled by these 
representations, and entered into the most friendly relations with the stran- 
gers. Cartier invited him and a number of his followers onboard the ships, 
and entertained them with the most flattering hospitality ; sending them away 
loaded with presents of the trinkets which the untutored mind of the savage 
valued so highly. These visits were frequently repeated, and Cartier returned 
them, a fact which was hardly less flattering than being so well received on 
board the vessels. Having thus w^on the favor of the chief, Cartier begged 
that Donacona's two sons, stalwart young warriors, should be permitted to 
go to France with him, to return the next year. Permission was granted, and 
the two young men, full of the gayest anticipations, embarked. 

Leaving the Bay of Chaleurs, Cartier sailed into the St. Lawrence Eiver 
until he could see land on both sides his vessels. Here was another disap- 
pointment; like many another European of his time, he greatly underestim- 
ated the width of the American continent, and fully expected to find some 
sort of easy passage by which he could enter the Pacific Ocean. Such a pas- 
sage he had expected to discover when he entered the Bay of Chaleurs, at- 
tributing the warmth of the air and water to the influence of the South Sea; 
but further exploration of that inlet convinced him that this was a mistake. 
The St. Lawrence had brought renewed hope; but as the land closed upon 
him, and he perceived that the water, removed from the influence of the tides, 
was fresh, he knew that it was no use to ascend this river any further. The 
summer was rapidly passing away, and the weather was becoming boisterous; 



444 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 



he accordingly judged that to make any other attempts at exploration would 
lead into danger of being locked in by the ice all winter; and, to escape this, 
determined to return to France at once. He coasted a part of Newfoundland 
again, and then, spreading his sails, stood boldly out to sea, and steered 
straight for France. 




Doxacoxa's Sons. 

Arriving at St. Malo September 5, 1534, he was received with much favor, 
not unaccompanied by curiosity, by those in authority. The war was now 
taking a turn a little more favorable to France; and the King felt better able 
to spend more in fitting out an expedition for the exploration of this new 
country, with a view to colonizing it and drawing a revenue from its fisheries. 
Three ships were fitted out, of one hundred and twenty, sixty, and forty tons' 
burden, respectively, and many young men of high family distinction embarked 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 445 

their fortunes in the enterprise, of which Cartier, of course, was the leader. 
On Whitsunday of the year 1535, they went in solemn procession to church, 
as a preparation for their long voyage; and May 9, they sailed from St. Malo. 

They were scarcely out of sight of land before the ships were scattered by 
a storm. Fortunately, Cartier had taken the precaution to appoint a rendez- 
vous for such a case, at Bird Island; and there was at least one skillful navi- 
gator who had sailed with him on his first voyage on each of the three vessels, 
who could direct the course to that point. 

He pursued much the same course as before, and entering the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence, bestowed that name upon it. He then ascended the great river as 
far as the mouth of the Saguenay, when he determined to explore thoroughly 
the northern coast of the gulf. 

Going ashore, he saw with some concern that the natives fled at his ap- 
proach; for he wished very much to enter into treaties w^ith them, to secure 
their opinions as to the most favorable location for a settlement, and their 
friendly feelings toward such a settlement when it should be established. It 
was now that he felt the advantage of having taken the two sons of Dona- 
cona to France, and treated them with such consideration as to make them 
firm allies. They spoke to their frightened countrymen, and reassured them ; 
and the Indians, to show their friendly disposition, came to the white men 
with presents of eels and other fish, and corn in ears. 

Cartier made suitable acknowledgments of their protests of good feeling, 
and returned their presents with others of European manufacture. It w^as 
while they were thus engaged that they were visited by the Chief Donacona, 
who came with twelve boat-loads of attendants; ten of these, however, he 
considerately left at a distance, while he, in one boat, with a few warriors in 
another canoe, approached the ships. He welcomed the French most cor- 
dially; and listened with interest as his two sons told what they had seen in 
France. He then approached Cartier, kissed his hand with affection, and laid 
his arm about the Frenchman's neck, in token of gratitude for such kind 
treatment of his sons. 

Cartier was now anxious to find a harbor for his ships ; for the season 
during which exploration was possible would soon be ended. He accordingly 
communicated his wishes to the Indians, who replied by an entertainment 
which partook somewhat of the character of a theatrical performance. The 
rude drama may be briefly described as follows : — 

Three men, selected for the purpose by Donacona, attired themselves gro- 
tesquely in black and white skins, stained their faces black, and arranged 
horns upon their heads. It w^as very plain to the Frenchmen that these were 
to act the part of demons. Entering a canoe, these actors passed the ships, 
returning again and again to row around them, constantly haranguing the 
whites, although the latter, of course, were unable to understand what they 



446 CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 

were saying. Pursued by Donacona and his people, they were forced to hand ; 
upon touching the ground, they fell down, as if dead, and were carried away 
by the chief's attendants. When they had reached the point selected, there 
ensued a dialogue, the substance of which had evidently been arranged before- 
hand. In this scene, the demons informed their listeners that they were the 
attendants of the god of Hockelaga — the capital of the country, as Cartier 
had already learned from the Indians — and that he did not wish the white 
men to come to see him ; for the country was full of ice and snow, and should 
they try to reach his dwelling, they would perish miserably with the cold. 

It was intended that this should be a sufficient warning for the white men ; 
but, like many others who listen with amusement to what is designed for their 
instruction, they enjoyed the representation, and disregarded the advice which 
was given. Cartier caused a pinnace and two boats to be made ready, and 
September 19, began his voyage up the river. 

The water was low at that season of the year, so that it would have been 
impossible for him to have advanced to any considerable distance with even 
the smallest of his ships; with the smaller boats, however, he anticipated no 
difficulties; and might, indeed, had no lack of time or provisions prevented, 
have reached the head of navigation. October 2, he arrived at the island 
which the natives called Hockelaga, situated opposite the mouth of a smaller 
river, tributary to the mighty stream which he was ascending. 

His coming had been announced by runners, sent by Donacona; and a 
thousand Indians came to meet him, bringing presents of fish and the other 
products of the country. Cartier had provided himself with an ample sup- 
ply of trinkets, chiefly beads and knives, since these were the articles of Euro- 
pean manufacture most valued by the Indians; and the exchange of com- 
pliments and presents went on at a lively rate. 

At night, the French sought the shelter of their boats; while the natives 
amused themselves and their guests, thus seated afar off, by their outlandish 
dances. Gradually, however, they reached the town on the island; Cartier 
and twenty-five of his men landed, and were received, together Avith this na- 
tive escort which had met them dow^n the river, with great honor. 

The chief came in person to meet them, although he was badly crippled, 
by the palsy. The French soon found that they were regarded as heavenly ' 
visitants, and possessed of more than mortal powers. The Indians seemed 
to think that one power, particularly, was possessed by these strangers; they 
could cure diseases by the simple process of touching those affected. This 
did not seem so strange a belief to the French, for many Europeans of that 
day believed that such powers were possessed by certain persons; and, long 
after the death of Cartier, it was thought that the King of England, whoever 
he might be, was able to cure scrofula, called " the king's evil," from that 
very circumstance, by simply touching the person affected. 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 



447 



In accordance with this belief on the part of the Indians, the visitors were 
besought to touch tlic bodies of the crippled chief and the sick members of 
his tribe. Cartier assented; and, repeating some parts of the service in the 
prayer-book, laid his hands on the chief, and then raised them in supplica- 
tion. His action seemed to impress the spectators very favorably, for he 
soon found many imitators among them. 

He caused his drums and trumpets to sound, which still further delighted 
the natives; and they fell to dancing to this strange new music. Like the 
others with whom they came in contact, these Indians brought him such 
presents as they could, and received in return the various articles used by 
explorers for gifts to savage races. 







1 




Plan op Hockelaga Fort. 
{From cm Old Engraving.) 

From these Indians, Cartier learned that gold and silver were to be found 
in a country to the southwest. These metals were recognized by them, when 
they saw the arms which the French carried decorated with the more valua- 
ble minerals. They also informed him that copper was to be found in large 
(quantities near a great inland sea of fresh water, which lay almost directly 
west. The country where gold and silver were found, they told him, was a 
fertile, pleasant land, free from ice and snow. These statements show that 



448 CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 

the Indians of Hockelaga were fairly well acquainted Avith the geography of 
North America for a considerable portion of its extent. 

Their town was built on the flat coast of the island, just under the shelter 
of a hill; and this elevation Cartier dignified with the name of the Koyal 
Mount — Montreal — a name which it still bears and has given to the city of 
white men which has succeeded the Indian village. It was from the summit 
of this hill that Cartier saw the course of the broad winding river, and stood 
by the Indians who pointed out the direction in which lay the mines of silver, 
gold and copper. 

Only two da3's were spent at Hockelaga, and on the 4th of October he again 
descended the river. He reached his ships a week later, and found that the 
men left in charge had occupied themselves in building a rampart and palis- 
ade, near where the ships were anchored, in such a way as most effectually to 
protect the vessels from an attack by land, should the savages, for any reason, 
become hostile. 

Donacona was frequently entertained by them, and invited them to visit 
him, when he amply repaid the hospitality Avhich had been shown to him. 
One habit of the Indians, however, was very offensive to the Frenchmen; 
they had a sort of bowl, made of a corn-cob sometimes, or sometimes fashioned 
of burnt clay, which they fastened on the end of a hollow reed. In this they 
placed the dried leaves of a certain plant, and lighting them, seemed to de- 
rive much enjoyment from inhaling the smoke of the burning weed. The 
French could not imagine what pleasure the Indians could find in this prac- 
tice; perhaps their decendants can understand it better. 

It was at this time that they become acquainted with another practice of 
the Indians, far less innocent than that of using tobacco. They saw in the 
wigwams certain bits of skin, having hair attached; and perceiving that these 
were treasured articles, and that the greatest and most respected warriors 
appeared to possess the largest numbers, made inquiry concerning them ; and 
received in return a description of the process of scalping, as practiced against 
the fallen foe. 

As the autumn wore on, scurvy, that dreadful disease of the era before can- 
ned vegetables, made its appearance among the Indians; and shortly after- 
ward it was found that the same diet which caused it among the natives had 
produced it among the newcomers. It raged for two months, or from the 
middle of January to the middle of February. At one time out of one hun- 
dred and ten men, fifty were sick; and eight or ten died before it abated. 

Knowing no remedy for the disease, Cartier appointed a day of solemn 
humiliation and prayer. A crucifix was placed upon a tree, and all who were in 
any way able to walk joined in solemn procession, singing the seven peniten- 
tial psalms, and engaging in other religious ceremonies; hoping by this pil- 
grimage through the ice and snow to avert the Avrath of Heaven, thus mani- 



CARTIER, DISCOVERER OF CANADA. 



449 



fested by sending disease upon them. At the same time, Cartier vowed to 
make a pilgrimage to a certain shrine as soon as he should return to France. 
It is related of a certain Prime Minister of England, that when a deputa- 
tion called upon him to ask him to appoint a day of fasting and prayer be- 
cause of the sickness which had recently visited their town, he advised them, 
instead of praying, to spend their time in improving the sewerage. The re- 
ply offended them very much; and the statesman was severely criticised for 
his irreverence. Cartier, however, was of different mould; he was determ- 
ined to work as well as pray. 



W^-^^ 



i 




Men Preparing to WI^TER at ORLEA^s Island. 



Confident that exercise would do much to relieve the complaint from which 
they were suffering, and fearing lest the Indians, suspecting the weakness of 
his force, should be tempted to attack him, he informed the natives that his 
men were all very busy inside the inclosure and upon the ships ; and that no 
one of them would be permitted to go outside until the Avork was done. In the 
meantime, he set the men who were well, or comparatively so, to hammering 
and chopping, that the noise which they made might deceive the Indians, and 
give color to his words. Whenever the Indians came near the inclosed space 
especially, the hammering and sawing was redoubled. 

Their help was to come, however, from these very Indians whom they 
sought to deceive; for their prayers were answered, not by any miracle, but 
in the common, every-day manner which we are apt to ignore as an answer. 



450 CAKTIKH, PISCOVKKKK OF CANADA. 

Cartier, who had wholly escaped the disease, was walking in the woods 
one day, when he met one of the young Indians who had aeeompanied him to 
France. The savage, he knew, had suffered severely from the scurvy iluring 
the early part of the winter, and Cartier was surprised to llnd him still alive: 
much more, to see him well and strong. The white man demanded to know 
how he had been cured; the Indian replied that there was a certain tree, 
known to his tribe, the leaves and bark of which were good for this purpose. 

Interested at once, Cartier remarked that one of his men had had the dis- 
ease, and he would like to know a cure for it. They turned and went toward 
the Indian vilhige, at the invitation of the young chief, and two women were 
sent to procure a quantit}' of the leaves and bark. As smm as they retununl, 
the white man was instructed in the art of preparing :uul using it ; and do- 
parted, happy at having obtained a remedy for the disease from which so 
many of his followers were suffering. 

The tree Avhich was thus recommended as affording a cure was certainly an 
evergreen, since its leaves formed a part of a remedy used in winter; and 
modern scientists have agreed that the spruce-pine possesses qualities which 
would fit it for this purpose. Whatever it was, it effected a cure of the 
dreadful disease, although not before twenty-five men had died of it. 

At last the long, bard winter showed signs of breaking up. The ships had 
been frozen up from the middle of November until the middle of ]March; 
and upon a level, where it had not drifted, there was snow four feet deep. 
Early in May, Cartier took formal possession of the country, erecting a cross 
thirty-six feet high, bearing a shield Avith the royal arms, and an inscription 
in Latin: Fmnciscus Primus, Dei Gratia Francorum, Hex Ixegnat — " Fran- 
cis First, by the Grace of God King of the French, Eeigns." 

This ceremony took place May 3; and, after the cross had been erected, Car- 
tier entertained Donacona and his two sons, with a number of his other follow- 
ers, on board ship with suitable festivities. Here the chief and his sons were 
urged to go to France with Cartier, who had made all preparations to sail in 
a few days. They hesitated somewhat, but were partly persuaded, partly com- 
pelled, to assent to the wish of the Mhite men. "When this decision was C(nn- 
municated to their families, the grief of the Indians Avho remained behind 
was even more touching than the reluctance of the others to leave them. 
Cartier promised them faithfully thatthey should return within twelve months, 
and bade them remember how he had kept his agreement in regard to bring- 
ing back the two younger men. Partly from these arguments, partly from 
their natural aversion to giving vent to their feelings before others, the In- 
dians soon suppressed all evidence of grief, and departed stoically calm. 

The little fleet sailed May 6, and arrived at St. Malo just two months later. 
The authorities were somewhat disappointed at the result of this voyage. 
There was no evidence that Cartier was instructed to do more than to find a 



TAKTIKIi, I^J.S<'OVKJ{KK OF CANADA. 4.j1 

Huitable location for a colony, and complete such treaties with the Indians as 
might bo necessary or desirable before attempting a settlement; but the news 
of the splendid booty secured by Pizan-o and Cortes had made all other na- 
tions envious of Spain and desirous of finding some other jjortionof the con- 
tinent which would afford as rich a field for conquest as Mexico or Peru. So, 
because Cartier did not bring with him gold or silver, he was not regarded 
with as much favor as if he had secured ever so little of the precious metals. 
That ho had a lich cargo of furs, obtained by trading with the Indians, coun- 
ted for but little ; nor did the French of that time realize what a great source 
of wealth would be found in the fur trade. 

It was for this reason that Cartier did not meet with any recognition for 
some time, and the sul)ject of settlement in New France was dropped. How 
he occupied himself during the four years after his return, we do not know. 
Tlie sole record that we have of any of the company is that concerning the 
three Indians, whom he promised, and intended, to return to their country 
within a year from the time that he sailed away. These were all baptized, 
having made profession of the Christian faith; and their conversion was es- 
teemed a great triumph of the Church. But the wild children of the forest 
pined in the distant land where all were strangers to them, and died there 
within the period of four or five years. 

In 1540, or 1541 according to some authorities, the war between the King 
and Emperor having been laid aside for a time, there was some leisure and 
money for other things. The question of a settlement in New France was 
again considered; Chabot was still Admiral of France, and enthusiastic as 
ever over the successes achieved by his friend and protege. Monsieur Jacques 
Cartier. But the bluff sailor, whatever might be his capability as a seaman 
or his fame as a discoverer and explorer, was no fit representative of the dig- 
nity of the Crown of France; that must be a duty assigned to a nobleman of 
high rank. 

Accordingly, Avhen it was finally resolved to send out a colony, Francis de 
la Koche, Sieur de Kobcrval, was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Canada 
and Ilockelaga, with many a high-sounding title besides; and plain Jacques 
Cartier, who had braved many dangers and hardships, and knew the country 
as no other living white man knew it, but who had not had the good fortune 
to be of noble birth, was named pilot of the fleet. Five ships were prepared 
for the voyage. 

For some reason, the figurehead of the expedition was not ready to sail at 
the appointed time; and Cartier, with the five ships, left St. Malo May 2'6, 
1540, according to Hakluyt; 1.541, according to some other authorities. He 
encountered strong adverse winds, which so scattered his fleet that they did 
not reunite for some time; but at length all arrived safely at that harbor 
wjiifh, on his first voyage, he had named St. Croix. This was xVugust 23. 



452 



CARTIEK, DISCtn'EKEK OF CANADA. 



As soon as the natives discovered the presence of the vessels, they came to 
inquire after their chief and his two sons, who had been gone for several 
years beyond the time when their return was expected. Cartier feared the 
result of telling them that all three were dead; and informed them that Do- 
nacona was dead, but that his two sons had married French ladies, and were 
now great lords in France, irfiisiim lo rcdiiii to their old wild forest life. 





^^ 



,^ 




f^fji^ 



Caktier at thk St. Charles Kher, near Quebec. 

How great was the mistrust which these assertions produced in the minds 
of the Indians, we shall never know; but it is certain that the statements 
were not received with favor. The Indians were evidently suspicious of the 
man who had carried away three of their number, and who, although he had 
promised so faithfully to bring them back at the appointed time, had failed 
to bring them at all. The colony founded under such circumstances did not 
prosper as it might have done had the natives proved friendly as before. 



CAKTIER, DISCOVKREK OF CANADA. 453 

It was nearly a year after the departure of Cartier with his vessel before 
M. de Roberval was ready to leave France. lie sailed from Rochelle April 
16, 1542, with three ships and two hundred colonists. On entering the har- 
bor of St. John he espied three ships entering the same harbor; what was 
•his surprise to find that they were commanded by Cartier, and held all the 
survivors of those who had left St. Malo the preceding May! He angrily or- 
dered Cartier to return to Canada with him; but the pilot had had quite 
enough of colonizing, and so had all his followers; he escaped from the har- 
bor under cover of night, and sailed to France. 

Roberval, finding his lieutenant had thus deserted him, continued his jour- 
ney and landed before Cape Rouge. Here he caused his followers to build 
an immense structure, half barrack, half castle; large enough to accommo- 
date under one roof all the workmen of his colony. But the settlement was 
far from being a prosperous one. Like Cartier's men during the winter 
spent in Canada, they suffered nmch from disease. Then their stock of pro- 
visions ran low and famine set in. While enduring these hardships the rule 
of the governor was not in the least relaxed. A man was hanged for a petty 
theft; quarrelsome men and scolding women Avere punished at the whipping- 
post; "by which moans," says the quaint old chronicle, "they lived in 
peace." 

But order procured by such severe means was not durable; society thus 
governed is liable at any moment to a revolt which will overturn all govern- 
ment. Roberval's settlement was only saved from such a fate by the arrival 
of Cartier, who had been sent to bring the governor and his followers home; 
because the King had use for the noble Sieur de Roberval in France. Thus 
ended the first colony in New France. For half a century there was no 
further attempt to settle it made by the French. 

Cartier does not seem to have incurred any disgrace by having deserted 
Roberval before that oflScial arrived in Canada; on the contrary, his various 
services to the Crown were rewarded by a grant of the title and privileges of 
Sieur de Limoilin, his native village. He made no more voyages after that 
fourth one across the Atlantic, but settled down to the enjoyment of his new 
dignity. 

How long after this he lived, is not certain; for there is no record which 
gives us the date of his death. All that we know is that he was alive in 
1552; but as he w^as then but fifty-eight years old, we cannot suppose that 
the hearty, bluff sailor was then enfeebled by the approach of age. 



JUAN FERNANDEZ, THE DTSCOYEREH OF ROBINSON 
CRUSOE'S ISLAND. 



"ifN the chapter dcvotod to Pizarro, the discoverer and conqueror of Peni, 
X ^^ '^^ ^^^ found a brief account of Ahnagro's appointment to the govcni- 
T ment of Chili. Before his time the country had been conquered by the 
Incas; but of course, on the overthrow of the power of Atahualpa, Pizarro 
having failed to assert his dominion over them, the Chilians, or Araucanians, 
as they were called, regained their independence. Almagro met with such 
determined resistance that he found it best to go back to Peru: and here he 
became involved in the civil wars which cost his own life and that of Piz- 
arro. 

But before the latter event, Don Pedro dc Valdivia was disi)atchcd to take 
possCvSsion of this country, and establish a colony there, in accordance with 
the Governor's plan of colonizingthe whole coast; and Pizarro was preparing 
to follow him with a larger force when Almagro'sfollowers, the men of Chili, 
as they were still called, entered his palace and nuirdered him. Valdivia, 
although this aid had not reached him, founded the city of Santiago, and 
later, the town bearing his own name; and governed Peru for twelve years. 

There was constant intercourse between Peru and Brazil, much of it by sea. 
But voyages southward were not so easily performed as they would have been 
were it not that the winds near the coast blow constantly from the south. 
For many years the mariners of Peru and Chili contended with this difliculty, 
without finding any means of evading it. 

Amongthcmostskillful pilots engaged in this traftic, was Juan Fernandez. 
AYe have no record of his early history; but it is probable that he was a son 
of that Juan Fernandez who had been a follower, first of Pizarro, then of 
Alvarado, then of Pizarro again; and had been honored by the latter with the 
command of a vessel. This elder Spanish mariner of this name had been one 
of the leaders of an expedition of the Spanish Government against the Island 
of Trinidad; tempted by the rumors of gold to be obtained, they had, instead 
of obeying orders, landed on the main land, where incredible hardships were 
endured by all, and Fernandez and his companion in the leadership died be- 
fore the winter was over. This was in 1538. 

(454) 



I'KKNANDKZ, 'IMK DISCO VKKKU OF KOI',INSON ruiSOK S ISI.AM). 4;K) 

Tvvonty-fivc years afterward, the youiigc^r Juan Feriiaridc;/, having a consid- 
erable experience as a pilot betwecm Peru and Chih', and liaving frequently 
been delayed by the contrary winds, b(!gan to consider some path by which 
Chili might be reached without encountering this trouble. He was not ac- 
quainted with the Pacific Ocean except along the western coast of South 
America, ajid knew nothing, either from his own expei-ience or fi-om the 
teachings of science, about the currents of wind and water elsewhere; }>ut it 
seemed to him worth while to try the experiment of putting to sea before 
steering southward. 

To tiie igncH-ant and narrow-minded men of that day, the man who accom- 
plish(!d anything more than others could do was an object of some suspicion; 
the iiivst [)rinters were accused of deriving assistance fr(Mn the devil, because 
they multiplied books so rapidly; and it was so in the case of Juan P^ernandez. 
He made the voyage from Peru to Chili, by adoptingthe plan outlined above, 
in such a wonderfully short time that his rivals concluded there could be but 
one explanation : he had sold himself to the devil — is not he called the Pj-incc 
of the Power of the Air? — and by his assistance had been enabled to sail in 
the very teeth of the wind. Th(! accusation was formally made, and Fernan- 
dez was actually brought to tiial. At first, he seems to have wished to keep 
his s(!cret; for there were business rivalries in the sixteenth century as well 
as now, and the pilot who could bring a ship into port in advance of others 
was a notable man in his line of life; but this prosecution brought out the 
truth; he was obliged to disclose to his rivals the secret of his success. Per- 
haps they kept him in prison while a vessel was sent to make trial of it; cer- 
tainly it was something unusual for a man accused of such a deed to be 
cleared. 

P^ither in this first voyage out of the beaten track or in one made shortly 
afterward, he came in sight of a mass of precipitous rocks, rudely piled into 
irregular blocks and pinnacles, and rising abruptly out of the waters. His 
observations told him that this was about four hundred miles west of the 
coast of Chili, and very nearly in the latitude of Santiago. He named this 
island Mas-a-Tierra, and the neighboring one, nine miles farther west, Mas- 
a-Fu(!ra, the names meaning, respectively, " Nearer the Land," and "Nearer 
the Sea." 

Feinandez petitioned the Spanish Government to grant him the islands 
which he had discovered, and his request was not, according to the })est au- 
tiiorities, refused. As the larger body of land is only thirteen miles long by 
four miles wide, his request was a modest one. He settled there, thinking 
that he would devote himself to the quiet and i)leasant life of a farmer; and 
imported stock of various kinds. Of these animals, however, only the goats 
seem to have prospered. 

But however pleasing some men may iiud it to be " monarchs of all they 



Ill, ,ii ' .s 








i 



i 



i 






'1 


T 


:S# 


' , j;: 





FERXANDKZ, 'VUE DISCOVEKKR OF ROBINSON C^RUSOk's ISLAND. 457 

ourvcy," when the all is a little island far out of sight of land, the quiet 
shore-life did not suit the roving nature of the seaman; and the attempted 
settlement was abandoned by him. He again engaged in his old work as pilot 
of a vessel along the western coast of South America. 

While some writers fix the date of the discovei-y of these islands as early 
as 15G3, others place it nine years later. The truth is probably that they 
were discovered in the earlier year, but that the attempt to settle them lasted 
for several years. When Fernandez finally returned to the continent, his 
coming would awaken some interest in the place, practically unknown to 
others, where he had been living; and thus it would be said that he then dis- 
covered these islands. 

Two years after his return, he made a voyage between the two countries in 
which, as was now usual, he stood out to sea before proceeding southward; 
and discovered two other islands, to which he gave the names of St. Felix 
and St. Ambrose. Mas-a-Ticrra and Mas-a-Fuera had now become better 
known by his own name, although, properly speaking, it is Mas-a-Tierra which 
is the Island of Juan Fernandez. 

At some time after the settlement on the islands was abandoned, there 
seems to have been another effort to colonize it; but the settlers found that 
the goats left there by Fernandez had nmltiplicdto such an extent as to make 
the island incapable of producing anything beyond their food. A number of 
dogs were accordingly placed there, in the hopes tha'^ they would exterminate 
the goats, or at least greatly decrease their numbers; but this did not prove 
completely successful; for the descendants of those very goats still roam the 
island to-day. 

In 1576 Fernandez made still another voyage of historical interest. As all 
that is known of this voyage is contained in a document usually called the 
" Memorial of Arias," the date of which is sometime after 1709, we intro- 
duce here the portion of this authority relating to Juan Fernandez; using the 
translation of Alexander Dalrymple : — 

"A pilot named Juan Fernandez, who discovered the track from Lima to 
Chili by going to the westward — which till then had been made with much 
difficulty, as they kept alongshore wdiere the southerly winds almost con- 
stantly prevail — sailing from the coast of Chili about the latitude of forty 
degrees, a little more or less, in a small ship with some of his companions, 
in courses between west and southwest, came in two months' time to a coast 
which he judged to bo that of a continent, of a climate most agreeable, in- 
habited with white people, mighty yveW disposed, clothed with very fine 
clothes, and so peaceable and civil that in every manner they could express 
they offered everything in their power, and of the riches and fruits of the 
country, which appeared very rich and plentiful. But, being overjoyed to 
have discovered the coast of that great continent, so much desired, he re- 



458 FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERER OF ROBINSON CRUSOE S ISLAND. 

turned to Chili, intending to go back properly fitted; and to keep it a secret 
until they and their friends could return on the discovery. It was delayed 
from day to day, until Juan Fernandez died, when with his death this matter, 
so important, sank into oblivion. 

"In regard to this, it must be observed that many have related this dis- 
covery of Juan Fernandez in the following manner, affirming that they had it 
thus from himself, viz, : That going to the westward from Lima to discover 
the track to Chili, seeking times for it, and getting off shore — where almost 
always the winds are from the south — a certain space of longitude, which ho 
would at a proper time declare, and then standing south, with little deviation 
to the adjoining points, he discovered the said coast of the Southern Conti- 
nent in the latitude which he would also tell when expedient, from whence 
he made his voyage to Chili. 

"Other relations, much worthy of belief, place this discovery as before re- 
lated; but whether it happened in this or the other manner, or two different 
discoveries, it is a thing most certain that he did discover the coast of the 
Southern Land; for so it has been testified by persons of much credit and 
authority, to whom the said Juan Fernandez communicated the account, with 
the above-mentioned circumstances of the country and people which he dis- 
covered; and one of these witnesses, whom I can here mention to Your Ma- 
jesty, was Maesse de Campo de Cordes, a man extremely worthy of credit, as 
is known, and he has been employed in Chili near sixty years, who heard it 
from the said pilot, and saw the description he brought of the said coast. 

" On this coast Juan Fernandez saw the mouths of very many large rivers, 
from whence, and from what the natives intimated, because they were 
people so white, so well-clad, and in everything so different from those of 
Chili and Peru, he concluded it certainly was the coast of the Southern Con- 
tinent, which appeared much better and richer than that of Peru." 

It is unfortuate for historical geography that Fernandez did not leave some 
memorandum of the latitude and longitude of the coast which he claimed to 
have discovered, that his statements might have been verified. The direction 
he took, and the time that is said to have been taken for the voyage, would 
point to New Zealand or Australia; but there the probability of its having 
been one of these bodies of land ends. But where, the reader asks, is there 
another island that answers the description? There is no other. No other 
navigator has ever found, on an island south of the equator, a race of people, 
white in color, and more civilized than the people of Peru; to whom the in- 
habitants of these lands were especially compared by Fernandez, thoroughly 
familiar with the history of the Incas and their successors. 

There is but one island of the South Pacific which gives any traces of such 
a civilization — Easter Island, called by the old navigators Davis' Land. But 
this would not require two months' time to reach it; it could not be mistaken 



FKKNANDEZ, TIIK DISCOVEKEK OF KOHINSOxN Clil .SUE S IbEAM). 



4. V.I 



for a continent by any moderately careful observer, if any time was spent on 
its coast; and although the people who produced the strange sculptures 
there found may have been in possession toward the latter part of the six- 
teenth century, a very few years after Fernandez reached it saw it in the pos- 
session of a much lower race of savages, who regarded the relics of former 
civilization with but little reverence. 




Natives of Easteu Tsi.axd. 

There arc two other explanations which may be offered of the statements 
(juoted above: the continent which was discovered by Fernandez sank into 
the ocean again, leaving only scattered islands to show where its mountain 



4()0 FERNANDEZ, THE l)lSC()\'KKKli OF J;( )I',IN S( >N CKl SOlfs ISLAND. 

peaks still emerged; or the account which he gave is wholly or partly false. 
He probably discovered Australia or New Zealand; but his statements as to 
the natives being white, well-clad, and so on, were probably fabricated for 
the purpose of arousing more interest in an effort to seek them out again 
than would be manifested had he admitted that they w^ere dusky savages. 

The explorations of Juan Fernandez are of importance, as showing how 
early the Spaniards became acquainted with the entire western coast of South 
America. He was certainly a brave man to venture out from shore upon the 
broad Pacific; for many a Spanish mariner of that time looked with horror 
upon this ocean. Had it not brought evil to all who had anything to do 
with it? And in support of his belief the superstitious sailor would reckon 
the dreadful misfortunes which had befallen those whose names are connect- 
ed wnth its history: Balboa, its discoverer, had been beheaded; Magellan, 
who first sailed upon it from the south, was killed by infidels — and it was 
reckoned a great deal worse to be killed by infidels than to be slain by those 
of one's own faith — and the mariner on Magellan's ship who had first des- 
cried the boundless waters from the strait through which the vessel had long 
been journeying, had become a renegade, and was actually a ISIohammedan 
for many years before he died. It shows something of the strength of mind 
possessed by Juan Fernandez, that he should have been able to set all these 
things at defiance and venture boldly into the blue waters. 

To lovers of books of adventure, that discovery which he undoubtedly 
made is connected with an incident of much interest. After the abandon- 
ment of the island of Juan Fernandez by the Spanish, it was visited by Dam- 
pier, that wild sea-rover who was so nearly a pirate. The captain of one of 
his vessels quarreled with a large number of his men, and actually put five of 
them ashore. These men renuiined here for several years; and four years 
after they were landed their ship again touched at the island and took two 
of them on board ; the others having been captured by the French. At this 
time, 1704, the captain of this vessel had a violent quarrel with his sailing- 
master, one Alexander Selkirk, who had been a " ne'er-do-weel " in his Scot- 
tish home, and had run away to sea rather than answer for some youthful mis- 
demeanor. This quarrel ended by Selkirk declaring that he would rather go 
ashore than serve under such a captain any longer; the captain was glad to 
get rid of him, and ordered that he should be left on the island. Duly pro- 
vided with certain necessities, he was put ashore. But his courage failed 
him, and he begged to be taken back on board. This request was refused, 
and the ship sailed away, leaving him to the companionship of the goats. 

Five years passed; and he learned patience in that time, as well as the 
means of extracting a certain amount of enjoyment from this solitude, be- 
coming as fleet-footed as the goats which he hunted for his food. It is related 
that one day he chased a goat so eagerly to the edge of a precipice, which was 



FERNANDEZ, THE DISCOVERKll OF 



ROBINSON Crusoe's island. 4(jl 
over together, until they 



concealed by bushes, that they rolled over and 
reached the bottom. 

Then, for the first 
time since his com- 
rades had left him, 
a ship touched at 
the island. It was 
an English vessel, 
the Duhe , c o m - 
manded by Capt. 
WoodRodgers. Sel- 
kirk was taken on 
board, and they re- 
turned to England, 
where he became the 
hero of the day. 

His story reached 
the ears of Daniel 
DeFoe, and proved 
his inspiration. On 
this foundation of 
a solitary sailor left 
alone for several 
years upon an unin- 
liabited island, he 
built that story 
which has been the 
delight of so many 
generations of boys ; 
and "Eobinson Cru- 
soe," although his 
imaginary island 
was placed in a dif- 
ferent position, is SMK^K^OIIO^^.T^I:Go.TsTooFu' 

thus inseparably connected with the islands of Juan Fernandez. 




THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISIIER. 



^J~'HE parish register of the town of Doncaster, Enghind, contains many 

^^J entries of the baptism of members of the Frobisher family; but, as it 

^|r does not go back quite to the middle of the sixteenth century, there 

is no record there which would enable us to guess at the time when 

Martin, the son of Francis Frobisher, Mayor of Doncaster in 1535, was born. 

It was a family that had long been prominent in the history of the place; 
for the great-grandfather of Francis Frobisher had been recorder of Don- 
caster in his time, and had married the daughter of a landed proprietor in 
the neighborhood. 

Of the boyhood of the discoverer we have no accounts; Campbell, in his 
Lives of the Admirals, says that he was bred to the sea; but this bare state- 
ment is all. 

There seems no doubt that he followed the sea at an early age; for in 1566 
he was brought before the authorities on suspicion of having fitted out a 
vessel to go to sea as a pirate. Of this charge, however, he was acquitted; 
being bound upon a voyage to Guinea. His errand, most probably, was to 
procure slaves; but this was not looked upon as wrong at that time. 

Before the time of Columbus it had been supposed that the torrid zone was 
uninhabitable, by reason of its great heat; and it will be remembered that 
the Council of Salamanca had urged this as one reason why his project was im- 
practicable. The great navigators of the last decade of the fifteenth century 
and the first half of the sixteenth had proved that this was not so; that it 
was quite possible to support life in the torrid zone. 

The same authorities who had declared life could not exist between the 
tropics, had also maintained that there could be no living near the poles on 
account of the great cold. Since one assertion had been disproved, what was 
more natural than to refuse to believe the other? Thus it came about that 
many persons believed an open sea to exist around the poles, and the climate 
of the far north to be much less severe than had been supposed. 

"Thoroughly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere, and all other skills 
appertaining to the art of navigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of 

(462) 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 



4(i3 



the same by mauy years' experience, both by sea and land," Captain Fro- 
bisher resolved that there must be a nearer passage to India than that which 
the Portuguese had discovered, and were then using, by the Cape of Good 
Hope. He tirst settled the matter in his own mind, and then proved to his 
friends that this passage lay by the northwest, and was easy to be performed. 
"And further, he determined and resolved with himself to go make full 
proof thereof, and to accomplish, or briugfull certificate of the truth, or else 
never to return again, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that 
was yet left undone, whereby a notable mind might be made famous and 
fortunate." 




^^Ilt Martix Fkobisher. 

There was, however, something very necessary that was lacking; before he 
could set out upon this great enterprise he must have ships and men, both of 
which required a well-filled purse. According to the account of George 
Beste, who in 1578 published an account of his voyages, the first efforts to 
obtain these necessaries was in 1561, fifteen years before he succeeded. He 
first addresssd himself to the merchants; but they were unwilling to risk 
their money with no better security of return than Frobisher could furnish; 



464 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 

SO after many vain endeavors in this direction, he concluded to apply to noble- 
men who might be willing to help him for the sake of having their names 
associated with great discoveries as patrons. 

The first who listened to him with favor was Ambrose Dudley, Earl of 
Warwick; and by his persuasions many others were induced to contribute to 
the enterprise. It was no very expensive outfit that was furnished ; two small 
vessels, one of twenty and one of twenty-five tons' burden, and a pinnace of 
ten tons, completed the fleet. Food and other supplies, in quantities sufli- 
cieut for a year, were provided; and a number of adventurers having been 
enlisted, and seamen employed, the Gabriel and the Michael set sail from 
England, June 15, 157G. 

Sailing northward from England, he sighted land July 1. He believed this 
to be Freeseland; but the shore was so bordered with ice that it was not safe 
to attempt a landing. In addition to this, they were in the midst of a dense 
fog; during which their pinnace was lost sight of, Frobisher supposing it to 
have been swallowed.up by the sea; and the Michael, the crew thinking the 
same thing of the larger vessel, went home again, and reported that the mas- 
ter had been lost at sea. 

But although his mast was sprung and his topmast blown overboard, Fro- 
bisher continued his course toward the northwest; knowing, says the old nar- 
rative, that the sea must have an end and the land a beginning somewhere. 
His faith w^as rewarded July 20, by the sight of land which he named Queen 
Elizabeth's Foreland. - 

Sailing farther north, he saw another " foreland," with a great bay or pas- 
sage dividing, as he thought, two continents from one another. With some 
difficulty he advanced into this passage, determined to explore it to the end. 
It is plain, however, from the representation of Frobisher's Strait on the 
maps of the period — for he named this passage after himself — that he did not 
go very far from the open sea. In such maps, the strait appears to be a 
broad and open passage, with coasts but slightly indented, connecting the two 
oceans; its width is about equal to that of the Mediterranean at the wildest 
part, thought the old cosmographer. 

Landing at a favorable point, " he saw mighty deer that seemed to be man- 
kind, which ran at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, 
where he was fain to use defense and policy to save his life. In this place he 
saw and perceived sundry tokens of the people resorting thither, and being 
ashore upon the top of a hill, he perceived a number of small things floating 
in the sea afar off, which he supposed to be porpoises or scales, or some kind 
of strange fish; but coming nearer, he discovered them to be men in small 
boats made of leather. And before he could descend down from the hill cer- 
tain of these people had almost cut off his boat from him, having stolen se- 
cretly behind the rocks for that purpose, ^vhere he speedily hasted to his boat 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 465 

and bent himself to his holbert, and narrowly escaped the danger and saved 
his boat."' 

A closer acquaintance with the Esquimaux, however, showed that there 
was no need to fear them. They came on board the ship and exchanged their 
sealskins and bearskins for bells and looking-glasses; and tried in every way 
to convince the Englishmen of their friendship. So thoroughly did the crew, 
despite the advice of Frobisher, trust the natives, that five of them went 
ashore in the boat, probably to meet the Indians at some designated point; 
but they were never heard of again. This was a serious loss, for the crew was 
but a small one, and there were scarcely enough men left to handle the ship. 
Nor could Frobisher attempt any rescue of his men; for the one boat of the 
ship had been used to take them ashore, and those now on the vessel had no 
means of approaching the land. 

The wary natives did not come near the ship now; and Frobisher w^as at a 
loss how to obtain possession of one of them, since he desired to capture at 
least one, in revenge for the loss of his five men; besides, it was almost a point 
of honor with these old voyagers to bring home some of the natives, that it 
might be seen what strange lands they had visited. He accordingly rang a 
low bell, which he declared, by signs, when the Esquimaux assembled at a 
safe distance to listen to its voice, he would give to any one who w^ould come 
and fetch it. Still they held back; and Frobisher, anxious to reassure them, 
threw a bell toward them. He purposely fell short of them; and the bell 
was lost in the sea. He then rang a louder bell, until, at last, unable to with- 
stand the temptation any longer, one of the Esquimaux swam to the side of 
the ship to receive the bell. 

Frobisher extended his hand to him; and when the savage would have 
caught at the bell, let that drop into the sea and seized the hand of the Esqui- 
maux, dragging him into the ship. "Whereupon, when he found himself in 
captivity, for very choler and disdain, he bit his tongue in twain Avithin his 
mouth." 

This one poor Indian formed one of the chief results of the voyage; for he 
wasaliving proof of the "captain's far and tedious travel toward the unknown 
parts of the world." Content with having taken this prisoner, and with hav- 
ing discovered the great Strait, as they supposed, they returned home, arriv- 
ing in England in August, 1576. 

Some of the crew had brought wnth them flowers, others even bits of grass, 
as souvenirs of the strange country which they had visited. Frobisher him- 
self, having nothing better, brought a piece of black stone, so heavy that it 
seemed to contain some kind of mineral. Yet he did not think it of any im- 
portance, keeping it only for a memento of the place w^here it had been 
found. 

Arrived in London, his friends and acquaintances were not slow to ask him 



466 THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 

what he had brought home with him from this northern voyage. He had 
nothing but this black stone, and he divided it among them with careless 
generosity. A piece of it was given to the wife of one of the gentlemen who 
had assisted Frobisher to fit out his vessels; she accidentally dropped it in the 
fire; but managed to get it out, and to cool it, dropped it into some vinegar. 
It glistered yellow; and it was taken to certain gold-finders in London to be 
assayed. These experts pronounced it to be gold, in quantities that paid 
very well for the working. 

The effect was magical; those prudent gentlemen the merchants, who had 
declined to have anything to do with the first voyage, were now anxious to be 
allowed to contribute toward the fitting out of an expedition. The gold-find- 
ers who had made the assay offered to explorethe parts where this was found, 
at their own expense; and some sought to obtain, by secret influence, a lease 
of these lands from the Queen. 

Interest having been thus increased, preparations for a second voyage were 
begun and rapidly pushed to completion. To the two vessels that had been 
fitted out before was added a third, the ^4?VZ; and Frobisher was commissioned 
to employ one hundred and twenty men, of Avhoin thirty were to be miners, 
refiners, and merchants. Provisions for seven months were supplied; and 
Frobisher was instructed to fill his ships with ore if he could, leaving all un- 
necessary things behind him ; if he failed to find enough to lade all the vessels, 
the Aid, which was a ship of two hundred tons' burden, Avas to return to 
England, while he, with the two smaller vessels, followed the strait which 
had now been formally named after him — and which existed only in his im- 
agination and on the maps — till he came to Cathay. 

They set sail upon the last day of May, 1577; and on July 4, the Michael, 
which was in the lead, fired a gun, as a sign that land had been descried. The 
fog was so thick, however, that no land was really visible, although the 
smooth black water-gave a sure indication that it could not be faroif. 

They had reached the outposts of northern Europe, the Faroe Islands, 
which Frobisher and his contemporaries call Freeseland. But the mists were 
so dense around these islands that there was great danger that the vessels 
would be separated from each other; and there was considerable danger from 
the great masses of ice which came driving along the shore; so the three ves- 
sels again sailed to the westward. 

Scarcely were they out of sight of the Faroe Islands before they encoun- 
tered a storm in which the il//c/!«e? suffered severely; but, persisting in their 
course, they reached land near the entrance of the straits July 17. The first 
landing was made upon that island where the specimen of gold-bearing quartz 
had been found; but a most diligent search failed to reveal another piece. 
Other islands, however, yielded some of the black stones which were now so 
eagerly sought, and the searchers returned to the vessel in good spirits. 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 467 

All elevation upon Hall's Island, which had been discovered and named on 
the preceding voyage, was called Mount Warwick, after the chief patron of 
the enterprise; and the sailors heaped a column of stones there, by way of 
marking it for the benefit of future voyagers. As they returned toward their 
boats, they saw a number of the natives on the summit of this mount, signal- 
ing to them. Frobisher answered them, and made signs that he would send 
two of his men to meet two of theirs in the space between the larger forces. 
They readily assented to this, and the four men, all unarmed, met and traded 
their respective valuables with great friendliness. Nothing could persuade 
the natives, however, to trust themselves on board the ships; nor could an}'- 
thing induce the Englishmen to accept their newfriends' invitation to go far- 
ther inland with them. 

Frobisher was not content, however, with the trading; he desired to cap- 
ture the two Indians to take them aboard the ship. He would then dismiss 
one wnth presents of clothes and those toj's which had always proved so at- 
tractive to uncivilized people, retaining the other to serve as an interpreter. 
In accordance with this plan he sent his two men to the boat, while he and 
the master of one of the vessels advanced from the shore to the spot where 
the Indians stood. Some exchanges had been made, when suddenly, at a sig- 
nal that had been agreed upon, Frobisher and his lieutenant laid hold of the 
Esquimaux, and tried to drag them to the boat. 

"But the ground under feet being slippery, w^ith the snow on the side of 
the hill, their handfast failed; and their prey, escaping, ran away and lightly 
recovered their bow and arrows, which they had hid not far from them in the 
rocks. And being only two savages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, 
and with such fury assaulted and pursued our general and his master, being 
altogether unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtilities, that they chased 
them to the boat, and hurt the general in the back with an arrow, who the 
rather fled speedily back, because they suspected a greater number behind 
the rocks." 

So thoroughly alarmed were the gallant general and the companion of his 
danger that they called to the men in the boat to fire upon the Indians; and 
the sound of the discharge of a single musket most effectually routed these 
determined foes. The Englishmen, reassured by the flight of their enemies, 
gave chase; and a certain Cornishman, who excelled in wrestling, overtook 
one of the natives, and showed him "such a Cornish trick that he made his 
sides ache against the ground for a month afterward. And so being stayed, 
he was taken alive, and brought away, but the other escaped." 

While this conflict, brought about by the treachery of the English and the 
" subtiltie " of the natives, Avas going on, a storm had arisen, Avhich pre- 
vented the boats from returning to the ships that night; and with some dif- 
ficulty they made their way to an island about a mile aAvay, where they spent 



•168 



THE t]ikp:e voyages of sir martin frobisher. 



the night "upon hard cliffs of suow and ico, both wet, cokl and comfort- 
less." 

In the meantime the ships had been in great danger; for the cook having 
made a great fire in the kitchen of the Aid, a defective flue came near being 
the means of destroying the whole vessel. Fortunately the fire was discov- 
ered before it had gained too great a headway, and was "with great labor 
and God's help extinguished." 




Queen Elizabeth of Engi^vnd. 

The storm continued all night, and it was not until the middle of the next 
day that the boats reached them. They then sailed for the southern shore of 
the straits, as they considered the land which lies just north of Hudson's 
Strait; for that small inlet at the southeastern extremity of Baffin Land is 
all the foundation that there w^as in reality for the magnificent fiction of Fro- 
bisher's Straits, a wide passage connecting the two oceans. 

Here they found, as they thought at first, a large quantity of the valuable 
black stones; but when it came to be tested, it was seen to be, much to their 
disgust, nothing more than plumbago, or black lead, as it was then called. 
They spent considerable time in exploring the surrounding islands, Avith a 
view to finding whatever there might be of mineral wealth in them. 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 469 

III these searches they came upon a number of the dwellings of the natives; 
from which, however, the people had fled at their coming. In these tents 
they found a doublet of canvas, and three shoes of European manufacture — 
evidently a portion of the clothing of those five who had been captured by 
the natives the year before. The Indian whom they had captured, and who 
seems to have become fairly contented onboard the vessels, M^as asked about 
these, and admitted that he had known of the prisoners being taken; when 
asked, however, if his countrymen had killed and eaten them, he persistent- 
ly denied the charge. 

On another of their expeditions on shore, they captured two Avomen, one of 
whom carried a young child in her arms. The other was so old and ugly 
that they thought she must surely be a -witch; so they put her ashore again; 
])ut the other woman they thought would be a good wife for their male pris- 
oner. Their matchmaking, however, did not prosper; for although their 
two prisoners became very good friends, it seemed that each was faithful to 
some partner on shore. 

This woman confirmed what their other captive had told them of the five 
Englishmen. At the time of discovering the doublet and shoes, they had 
left in the tent, beside them, pen, ink and paper, and also a number of trink- 
ets to put the Indians in a good humor, and induce them to permit their 
captives to communicate with their friends. Nothing had been heard from 
them, however, and it was almost concluded that they had fallen victims to 
the cruelty of their captors or the severity of the climate. Frobisher, how- 
ever, resolved to make one last effort to communicate with them; and a num- 
ber of the natives having come to the ships to trade with the strangers, Fro- 
bisher told them that he was willing to exchange the man, woman and child 
whom he held, for those five Englishmen who had been in captivity for the 
past year; and wrote the following letter, which they agreed to deliver to the 
prisoners and return with an answer within three days: — 

" In the name of God, in whom we al beleve, who, I trust, hath preserved 
your bodyes and souls amongst these infidels, I commend me unto you. I 
will be glad to seeke by all meanes you can devise, foryour deliverance, eyther 
with force or with any commodities within my shippes, whichi will not spare 
for your sakes, or anything else I can do for you. I have aboord of theyrs a 
man, a woman, and a childe, which I am contented to deliver for you ; but the 
man I carried away from hence the lasteyeare, is dead in England. Moreover, 
you may declare unto them, that if they deliver you not, I wyll not leave a 
manne alive in their countrey. And thus unto God, whome I trust you do 
serve, in haste I leave you, and to him we will dayly pray for you. This Tues- 
day morning, the seaventh of August, anno 1577. 

" Yours to the uttermost of my power, 

' ' Martin Frobisher, ' ' 



470 THE THREE "VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIX FROBISHER. 

"I have sent you by the.se bearers, penne, incke, and paper, to write back 
unto me agayne, if personally you cannot come to certifye me of your 
estate." 

Frobisher had determined not to attempt any further explorations, judging 
it best to obey literally his orders, which bound him to look for metalliferous 
ore as long as there was any prospect of finding it; so he gave orders that a 
number of the men should busy themselves with making a small fort on one 
of the islands near where they had anchored. A position of great natural 
strength was chosen, being enclosed on three sides by the sea, above the level 
of which the cliff rose like a wall. The side Avhich faced the land was pro- 
vided with a bulwark of casks full of earth; and the whole, being properly 
garrisoned, afforded a safe place from which they might advance to treat 
with the Indians, without having to return to the ships, in case of hostilities, 
in the midst of a shower of arrows. 

Here they awaited the return of those natives who had undertaken to act 
as letter-carriers. On the Saturday after the letter was written, they showed 
themselves on the side of the hill, and called to the whites. It was plain that 
there were a great many of them there, most of them concealed, or partly so, 
behind rocks; and all their wiles to persuade the whites to come to a confer- 
ence with them proved useless. 

After some time, Frobisher sent a man from one of the vessels to meet one 
of theirs; for the Indians were not yet aware of the presence of the fort, 
where they were closely watched by the garrison. But the only result of this 
conference was a trade, in which the savage exchanged a great bladder for 
a looking-glass. 

The male prisoner whom they had on board asserted that this had been 
sent to him to keep water in ; but the Englishmen were rather inclined to be- 
lieve that his friends meant him to use it as a life preserver, should he have 
an opportunity of escaping by swimming. They were rather suspicious of 
him, because both he and the w^oman had made several attempts to escape, 
loosing the boats from the stern of the ship, so that their captors would have 
nothing in which to pursue them. Unluckily for the wild children of the 
west, however, their efforts had always been detected in time to frustrate 
them. 

When Frobisher found that this was all that they intended to offer in trade, 
and was warned by those in the fort that the Indians who had been concealed 
were slowly closing upon him and his immediate force, he gave the signal to 
return to the ships, although he had not been able to get any news of the five 
captives. "When he had left the Indians they mustered themselves in full 
sight on the top of a hill, twenty in a rank, and began a dance which we, with 
a closer knowledge of the North American Indian's habits tiuin Frobisher 
could have possessed, can only conclude was a war-dance. This was kept uji 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROIMSIIER. 471 

until night, accompanied by those unearthly noises which the Indians call 
their songs; and it was onh^ stopped when a cannon was tired from one of the 
ships. " It thundered in the hollownesse of the hygh hylles, and made unto 
them so fearefull a noyse, that they hadde nogreate wyll to tarry long after." 

Another encounter with the natives failed to get them any news of their 
captive comrades; and, having procured almosttwo hundred tons of the black 
stones from which gold was to be extracted, they resolved to set sail home- 
ward; their stock of i3rovisions being almost exhausted. August 23 they left 
the mouth of the strait, and the next day, being clear of the land, they steered 
to the south, resolved to bring themselves the sooner under the latitude of 
their own climate. 

Before they reached the seas where milder weather prevails, however, they 
were obliged by the wind to lie by all night; and in the morning, August 
though it was, they found snow half a foot deep on the hatches. 

Stormy weather followed them across the Atlantic; and the Aid, being 
" higher in the poop, and a tall ship, whereon the wind had more force to 
drive," outsailed the smaller vessels so far that they lost sight of each other, 
and the leader was forced to leave his consorts " to God and the good fortune 
of the sea." The Aid arrived at Milford Haven September 23; and, after 
the men had rested a little from their long voyage, left for Bristol, which 
was reached a month later. Here they found the 6r«i?-/e?, which, having 
no good seamen on board, the master having been lost overboard before the 
ships parted company, had had the good fortune to fall in with a Bristol ves- 
sel at sea, and been conveyed thither. At this port they also heard that the 
Michael had safely reached a port in the north. 

"While the ore that was brought home did not yield as rich a harvest as had 
been expected, judging from the specimen that had been brought on the re- 
turn from the first voyage, there was still enough gold in it, the assayers de- 
cided, to make it pay for transportation and working. Accordingly it was 
resolved that Frobisher should undertake a third voyage, for the purpose of 
procuring a larger quantity of ore; and ten vessels comprised the fleet of 
which he was placed in command. These comprised the three that he had had 
on the second voyage. 

Ninety mariners, one hundred and thirty pioneers, and fifty soldiers, com- 
prised the force under his command. In this expedition, as in the two former, 
the expenses were paid by subscription, the Queen being one of the sub- 
scribers. The whole cost of the three voyages was something over twenty 
thousand pounds sterling, the equivalent, at the present day, of about a 
quarter of a million of dollars, so much greater was the purchasing power of 
money in those days. Of this sum, the sovereign contributed nearly one- 
fourth. 

This was not to be such a voyage as the two preceding, leaving no trace of 



472 



TIIK TIIKEK A'OYAGKS OF SIR MAUTIN FKOHISHER. 



the lands having been visited by white men ; but Frobisher was iustrueted to 
select forty mariners, gunners, shipwrights and carpenters, thirty soldiers 
and thirty pioneers, and leave them, under the command of his lieutenant, 
Edward Fenton, in the laud then called Meta Incognita; but which may be 
more intelligibly described to the modern reader as the islands immediately 
to the north of Korth America. Provisions for seven months were to be fur- 
nished for the whole body, besides enough to last those who were left be- 
hind for a period of eighteen months. 




i KOiusHKK Depakts OX IIis Tiiiin) Voyage. 

While the miners were working in the islands where the gold had already 
been found, Frobisher was to search diligently in the neighboring country 
for other mines, in order to find that which was richest. A suitable place, 
as secure as possible from attack by the natives, was to be selected for the 
colony; and Fenton was to be ordered to observe the climate, the nature and 
state of the country at different seasons, and particularly the time of year at 
which the channel appeared to be most free from ice. Thus it was planned 
to establish a colony in the frozen north, simply because gold had been found 
there; while the vast fertile regions of the southern part of the continent 
were left unexplored. 

As time went on, five other vessels were added to the number of those that 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 473 

were to sail under Frobisher; making fifteen in all. The general and all the 
captains were received at court shortly before they sailed, and Queen Eliza- 
beth presented Captain Frobisher with a " faire cheyne of gold." The com- 
pany was reviewed May 27, at Harwich, and four days later they sailed from 
England. Passing along the southern coast of Ireland, they saw a bark that 
they thought at first was a pirate, and hailed her; but she proved to be a 
Bristol vessel that had been overhauled by a French ship and left destitute 
of food; many of the men had been wounded and they were in sore straits. 
Frobisher relieved their immediate wants, and, having thus begun his voyage 
in the exercise of charity, sailed gaily across the Atlantic. 

June 20 land was descried ; it proved to be the most western of the Faroe 
Islands. Here Frobisher and some of his companions went ashore; taking 
possession of it — for it had not been known heretofore — in the name of the 
Queen. 

The last day of June they fell in with a school of whales ; one of these was 
struck by one of the vessels in such a way that the ship was stopped. With 
a roar of pain the immense beast raised his body and tail above the surface 
of the water and sank into its depths. Two days later they found it floating 
on the sea. They seem to have made no attempt to secure the oil or bone 
from any of these whales. 

July 2 they came in sight of the Queen's Foreland, but were unable to land 
by reason of the ice. They stood out to sea for the night, and for five days 
remained out of sight of land. 

During the voyage two of the vessels of the fleet had disappeared so com-" 
pletely that Frobisher could only suppose that they were lost. One of these 
had been under the command of Fenton, his lieutenant. Nothing had been 
seen or heard of them for twenty daj's. While they were seeking anchorage 
at the land which was so near, one of the vessels, a bark of a hundred tons' 
burden, received such a blow from an iceberg that she sank in sight of the 
whole fleet. It was only by the greatest exertion on the part of the other 
sailors that her crew could be saved. 

"This was a more fearful spectacle for the fleet to behold, for that the out- 
rageous storm, which presently followed, threatened them the like fortune 
and danger. For the fleet being thus compassed, as foresaid, on every side with 
ice, having left much behind them through which they had passed, and find- 
ing more before them, through which it was not possible to pass, there arose 
a sudden and terrible tempest at the southeast, which blowing from the main 
sea directly upon the place of the straits, brought together all the ice asea- 
board of us upon our backs, and thereby debarred us of turning back to re- 
cover sea-room again; so that being thus compassed with danger on every 
side, sundry men with sundry devices sought the best way to save themselves. 
Some of the ships, where they could find a place more clear of ice, and get » 



474 THE THREE VOYAGES OF Sill MARTIN FROBISHER. 

little berth of sea-room, did take in their sails, and there lay adrift. Other 
some fastened and moored anchor upon a great island of ice, and rode 
under the lee thereof, supposing to be better guarded thereb}' from the 
outrageous winds and the danger of the lesser floating ice. And again some 
were so fast shut up and compassed in amongst an infinite number of great 
countries and islands of ice, that they were fain to submit themselves and 
their ships to the mercy of the unmerciful ice, and strengthened the sides 
of their ships with junks of cables, beds, masts, planks, and such like, which 
being hanged overboard, on the sides of their ships, might the better defend 
them from the outrageous sway and sweep of the ice. * * * Thus all the 
gallant fleet and miserable men, without hope of ever getting forth again, 
distressed with these extremities, remained here all the whole night and part 
of the next day, excepting four ships * * * which, being somewhat asea- 
board of the fleet, and being fast ships, by a wind, having a more scope of 
clear, tried it out all the time of the storm under sail, being hardly able to 
bear a coast of each. 

"And albeit, by reason of the floating ice, which was dispersed here almost 
the whole sea over, they were brought many times to the extreme point of peril, 
mountains of ice ten thousand times scaping them scarce one inch, which to 
have stricken had been the present destruction, considering the swift course 
and way of the ships, and the unwieldiness of them to stay and turn as a man 
w^ould wish, * * * and even now, while amidst these extremities, this gallant 
fleet and valiant men were altogether overlabored and forewatched, with the 
long and fearful continuance of the foresaid dangers, it pleased God, with his 
eyes of mercy looking down from Heaven, to send them help in good time, 
giving them the next day a more favorable wind at the west northwest, which 
did not only disperse and drive the ice before them, but also gave them lib- 
erty of more scope and sea-room, * * * and to their greatest comfort they 
enjoyed again the fellowship of one another. * * * And now the whole fleet 
plyed off to seaward, resolving there to abide, until the sun niight consume, 
or the force of wind disperse, these ice from the place of their passage; and 
being a good berth off the shore, they took in their sails, and lay adrift." 

When at last they were able to make land, they could not recognize the 
place; although, according to Frobisher's reckoning, they were in the same 
position as last year. Masses of ice and snow so change the appearance of 
the coasts in these northern lands, from year to year, that the coasts are not 
always recognizable. In addition to this a thick fog overhung the land and 
continued twenty days. 

Those who had accompanied Frobisher on his former voyages were not 
slow to declare that they had never seen this coast before; and the fog ren- 
dering it impossible for him to take observations for the purpose of determ- 
ining his exact position, he Avas at a loss what to do. Finally, however, he 



THE THIIKK VOYAGES OF SIR IMAKTIN EKOI5ISIIER. 



475 



resolved to push on through the waters that lay before him; and although it 
soon became apparent to himtliat his subordinates were right, and they were 
not now in the entrance to that body of water which had been christened 
Frobisher's Straits, he stoutly maintained that it was the same passage. 





m 



Among the Icebergs. 
" And as some of the company reported, he hath since confessed that, if it 
had not been for the charge and care he had of the fleet and freighted ships, 
he both would and could have gone through to the South Sea, called Mare 
del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of the passage which we seek to find 
the rich country of Cataya." 

So writes the Elizabethan historian; never dreaming that almost three hun- 



476 THE THREE VOYAGES OP SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 

dred years would pass before the long-sought Northwest Passage would be 
discovered, only to be found to be practically useless. Having proceeded 
some distance along the coast of these new straits, Frobisher saw no hope of 
reaching any more desirable land; and, being anxious about many of his ves- 
sels, resolved to return. So much time had been taken up by the storms, 
the mistaken journey along this shore and the return, that there remained 
only a small part of the precious summer season for loading the ships with 
the ore. Added to this they had great difficulty in linding a harbor; and the 
danger in which they lay was such that Frobisher "determined with this res- 
olution, to pass and recover his port, or else to bury himself with his attempt ; 
and if such extremity so befell him, that he must needs perish among the ice, 
when all hope should be past, and all hope of safety set aside, having all the 
ordinance within board well charged, resolved Avith powder to burn and bury 
himself and all together with her Majesty's ships. And with this peal of or- 
dinance, to receive an honorable knell, instead of a better burial, esteeming 
it more happy so to end his life, rather than himself, or any of his company, 
or any one of her Majesty's ships should become a preyand spectacle to those 
base and bloody man-eating people." 

He did not make this desperate determination public, however; but taking 
a pinnace he went closer to the land than the ships could do, seeking a safe 
hai-bor, as well as a de]30sit of ore. While he was gone on this errand the ships 
were scattered by a terrible storm; in which the wind was accompanied by so 
much cold, that the snow lay half a foot deep on their hatches, and the sail- 
ors were scarcely able to handle the ropes and sails. 

It was the last of July when Frobisher found the harbor of which he was 
in search; and riding there at anchor were the two vessels, one under Fen- 
ton's command, that bethought had been lost on the w^ay across. 

Immediately after landing, Frobisher called a council of his captains, to 
decide upon the course to be pursued. It was found that the house which 
had been prepared and transported in sections, was not complete; for parts of 
it had been lost with the ship that sank. Nor did they have the stock of pro- 
visions upon which they had calculated. But they were not contented to leave 
it thus. We read in the account which has been frequently quoted : — 

"This day [August 30] the masons finished a house which Captain Fenton 
caused to be made of stone and lime upon the Countess of Warwick's Is- 
land, to the end that we might prove it against the next year whether the 
snow could overwhelm it, the frosts break up, or the people dismember the 
same. And the better to allure these brutish and uncivil people to courtesy, 
against other time of our coming, we left therein divers of our country toys, 
as bells and knives, wherein they specially delight, one for the necessary use, 
and the other for the great pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and wo- 
men in lead, men a horseback, looking-glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in 



THE THREE \'0YA(;ES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 477 

the house was imido an oven, and bread left baked therein, for them to see 
and taste. We buried the timber of our pretended fort, with many barrels of 
meal, peas, grist, and sundry othergood things, * * * * and instead we freight 
our ships full of ore, which we hold of far greater price. Also here we sowed 
peas, corn, and other grain, to prove the fruitfulness of the soil against the 
next year." 

Two hundred and eighty-three years after this house was built. Captain 
Hall, the Arctic explorer, found its ruins, and brought away a number of rel- 
ics from it and from the timber of the intended fort. It is situated on the 
Island known by its native name of Kod-lu-narn. These relics were trans- 
mitted to Loudon, in care of the Royal Geographical Society, and placed in 
the British Museum. At the same time Captain Hall came upon a " reservoir," 
as he at first called it, which he supposed to be a pit from which the stone 
containing gold had been dug by Frobisher's followers. 

The mists and fogs which came with redoubled frequency, the continually 
falling snow and stormy weather, gave them warning that it was time to be 
thinking of the homeward voyage. One thousand three hundred and fifty 
tons of the ore had been taken on board the various ships ; and, on the second 
of September, 1578, they set sail for England, where they arrived after a less 
tempestuous passage than the outward voyage had been. 

The ore that was brought home on this third voyage was found to be much 
less valuable than that which had been before procured; so we hear nothing 
more of expeditions to the northwestern seas for the sake of gold. It is to 
be regretted, too, that the vagueness of the statements regarding latitudes 
and longitudes makes it extremely doubtful where Frobisher explored; the 
finding of the relics which have been mentioned above was of particular im- 
portance, as fixing, more certainly than anything else could do, the location 
of the island where much of the gold was found, and off which the vessels 
comprising the fleet for the third expedition lay at anchor for a considerable 
time. 

Two years after his return to England, we find in the State Papers the rec- 
ord of Martin Frobisher's appointment to the honorable post of Clerk of Her 
Majesty's Ships. His domestic relations, however, seem to be less pleasant 
than his public experience; or, at least, he was less exemplary as a man than 
as an officer; for in 1581 Isabel Frobisher filed a petition, complaining that 
Captain Frobisher — "whom God forgive" — had spent all the money left to 
her and her children by Thomas Ruggat, her first husband. The money was 
probably spent in fitting out the vessels for the third voyage, for he was a 
subscriber to the stock, and it proved, financially, a disastrous failure. 

He commanded a vessel in that expedition to the West Indies, under the 
leadership of Sir Francis Drake, of which a detailed account will be found in 
the chapter devoted to the great Elizabethan admiral. On this occasion his 



478 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 



^hip 



was the oiio which inude the first attack on the enemy; "and therein did 
excellent service that he was among the number of the few knights made 

by the Lord High Admiral on that 
signal occasion." 

He seems to have remained to 
watch the Narrow Seas, while Drake 
departed in search of more stirring 
adventures. In 1590 he commanded 
an expedition sent against the coast 
of Spain and the neighboring islands ; 
and in 1592 the fleet sent out by Sir 
Walter Raleigh. 

The King of Spain had sent three 
thousand men to besiege Brest, and 
the French had appealed to Queen 
Elizabeth for assistance. She replied 
by sending a squadron under the com- 
mand of Sir Martin Frobisher, to 
whom she addressed the following 
letter:— 




Sir Walter Raleigh. 



"ELIZABETH, B. 

" Trustie and welbeloved, wee greet you well ; wee liave seen your letter to our Threasuror 
and our Admyrall, and thereby perceive your love of our service, also by others youre owne 
good carriage, whereby you have wonne yourself reputation ; whereof, for that wee imagine it 
wil be comfort unto you to understand, we have thought it good to vouchsafe to take l^nowl- 
edge of it by our owne hande writinge. 

"Wee know you are sufficiently instructed from our Admyrall, besides your own circum- 
spection, howe to prevent any soddaine mischiefe by fire or otherwise upon our fleete under 
your charge; and yet do wee thinke it will worke in you the more impression to be by our- 
self againe remembred, who have observed by former experience that the Spaniards, for all 
their boaste, will truste more to their devices than they dare in deed with force look upon 
you. For the rest of my directions, wee leave them to such letters as you shall receave from 
our Counsaile. 

"Given under our privie signet at our mansion of Richmond the 14th of November, in the 
thirty-sixth yeare of our reigne, 1594. " L. S. 

" To our trustie and wellbeloved 

" Slr Martixe Fcrbussher, Knight.''^ 

Wise as was the caution recommended in this letter, it did not have much 
effect upon the facts; for it was not delivered to the person addressed until 
after he returned to England. 

Let us briefly trace the progress of this effort to assist the besieged inhab- 
itants of Brest. The garrison, although closely' beleaguered, had managed 
to hold out until the English ships arrived off the coast. Sir Martin landed 



THE THREE VOYAGES OF SIR MARTIN FROBISHER. 479 

his sailors, and led them in a desperate storming of the besieging party's 
works. These were carried, but not without severe loss on the part of the 
English. Several captains were killed and Sir Martin himself received a shot 
in his side. 

Having driven off the Spaniards and relieved the besieged garrison, Sir 
^lartin returned to England, arriving at Plymouth early in the month of No- 
vember, 1594. 

Notwithstanding his wound. Sir Martin took an active part in directing 
the movements of his squadron, and prepared a, formal report to the Lord 
High Admiral, which is dated November 8. His injury, however, was a 
more severe one than had at first been thought. An operation was per- 
formed to remove the bullet, but, perhaps from some lack of skill in the sur- 
geon, perhaps from fever and secondary hemorrhage setting in, he grew 
worse, and November 22, 1594, died Sir Martin Frobisher, "a most valorous 
man, and one that is to be reckoned among the famousest men of our age for 
counsel and glory gotten at sea, as by the things which I have before spoken 
plainly appeareth." 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



*^~'HE " spacious times of great Elizabeth " are filled with many a gallant 
{^^ and stately figure ; but there are few who are more attractive to the 
^T fancy than Sir Francis Drake, that bold sailor through unknown 
seas, and the brave defender of his native land when threatened by the 
great Armada which Spain had sent against England and had boastingly 
named "The Invincible." 

The hero's father was a clergyman of Devonshire, in which county his 
afterward celebrated son was born about 1540. The boy was about thirteen 
years old when Mary became Queen, and those religious persecutions began 
which have caused her to be known, in English history, as "Bloody Mary." 
The dependence of the Church upon the State made the religion of the sov- 
ereign a question of great importance; and this Queen differed so widely 
from her brother and predecessor in this respect, that many clergymen gave 
up their livings and undertook other work. One of those who followed this 
course was the elder Drake, who resigned his preferment in the Church, and 
removed with his family of twelve sons into the county of Kent. He ob- 
j:ained some kind of employment as clerk among the sea-faring men of the 
district; according to some authorities, he followed the sea himself; both 
accounts may be true. Whatever the occupation of his father, it is certain 
that the boy was thrown much among sailors, and listened greedily to the tales 
of adventure and enterprise which they told among themselves. 

Although the boy was the godson and namesake of Francis, Earl of Bed- 
ford, he appears to have derived no advantage from this connection; it is 
said that he Avas employed as a ferry-boy; later he was bound apprentice to 
the master of a vessel which traded with Holland and France. The master 
became much attached to him; and, dying when Drake was still a young man, 
bequeathed the ship to him. Before he was twenty, however, he had sold this 
vessel and gone as purser on a ship to the Bay of Biscay, and then on a voy- 
age to the Gulf of Guinea. 

In 1665 he sailed with Lovel to the West Indies, but received very hard 
treatment from the Spaniards there. Two vears later, we find him selling all 

(480) 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



481 



his possessions, to invest the sum thus realized in an expedition to the Guinea 
eoast. Sir John Hawkins, noted as a buccaneer, was the coninumder of the 
fleet; and the object was the capture of slaves. They expected to sell these un- 




Fkaxcis Di!.\ke as a Ferry-Boy. 
fortunate captives in the West Indies, where there was a considerable demand 
for these imported slaves, since it had been found that the natives could not 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 483 

be forced to labor for the white men ; but an unfavorable wind drove them 
to the coast of Mexico, where they anchored in the harbor of a Spanish set- 
tlement. Here they found a number of richly laden ships ready to sail for 
Spain, and might easily have captured them. Such was the estimation in 
which piracy was held then, that this was a real temptation, and the question 
was seriously debated; but better counsels prevailed and it was decided to let 
the ships alone. Their forbearance, however, was rudely rewarded; for the 
Spaniards took the first opportunity of assaulting the English fleet; they at- 
tempted to board the Minion and Jesus, but were kept out, with great loss 
on both sides. "Now," says Hawkins, "when the Jesus and the Minion 
were gotten about two ships' lengths from the Spanish fleet, the fight began 
so hot on all sides, that, within one hour, the admiral of the Spaniards was 
supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burnt, and one other of their princi- 
pal ships supposed to be sunk. The Spaniards used their shore artillery to 
such effect that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus, and sunk Haw- 
kins' smaller ships, the Judith only excepted." It had been determined, as 
there was little hope to get the Jesus away, that she should be placed as a 
target or defence for the Minion till night, when they would remove such of 
the stores and valuables as was possible, and then abandon her. "As they 
were thus determining," says Hawkins, "and had placed the 3Iinionivom. 
the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards fired two great ships, which 
were coming directly with us; and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred 
among the men a marvelous fear, so that some said, ' Let us depart with the 
Minion;' others said, ' Let us see whether the wind will carry the fire from 
us.' But the Minion's men, which had always their sails in readiness, thought 
to make sure work, and so, without either consent of the captain or master, 
cut their sail." Hawkins was " very hardly " received on board, and many 
of the men of the Jesus fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who treated 
them with the greatest cruelty imaginable. 

Only two vessels escaped, one of which was the Judith, commanded by 
Drake; the other four fell into the hands of the Spaniards, or were sunk. 
These two got safely out to sea, but they were but insufficiently provisioned 
for a long voyage, and there were none but Spanish settlements in the New 
World. There was no help for it but to make the best of their way across 
the Atlantic; and, although they suffered greatly for food, the future Admi- 
ral and his crew held to their course and reached their native country at last; 
the commander firmly resolved to revenge himself upon the Spaniards as 
soon as opportunity offered. 

Much had been hoped for from the success of this expedition; but the 

promoters of it found themselves poorer than when they set out. Drake was 

so reduced in fortune that he entered the service of Queen Elizabeth, and 

for two years we hear nothing of him. His time in the Royal Navy was spent 

3] 



484 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



to good advantage, and in 1570 lie was able to make another voyage to the 
West Indies with two ships provided mainly by private enterprise. The next 
3'ear he made another voyage, with one vessel only; his object being to exam- 
ine the coasts and note precisely the condition of the various settlements, 
that he might be better able to strike a crushing blow, when he found his 
time for vengeance had come. 




rn 



j^gs: -= ^^-g^^^E^^^^--. ^ ",j-X'"'^a 



Drake Capturixg a Spanish Galleo.x. 

His reputation for seamanship, courage, and executive ability was such 
that when he announced his intention of sailing to America to make reprisals 
upon the Spaniards, he was at once joined by as many volunteers as he cared 
to enlist. May 24, 1572, he set sail from Plymouth with two vessels, one of 
which was commanded by his brother John; and a force of seventy-three 
men, all told. The vessels carried a year's supply of food besides ample 
military stores for the same period ; and three pinnaces were stow6d away, 
ready to be put together when there should be occasion to use them. 

Leaving his vessels anchored in a secure harbor on the coast of the Amer- 
ican main land, Drake now proceeded to the execution of his plans. Cap- 
tain Eawse was left in command with twenty men ; while Drake himself, 
with the bulk of his force, proceeded in the pinnaces, keeping close under 
shore all day, and rowing hard all night. 

As they entered the bay on which stood the Spanish settlement called 
Nombre de Dios, they spied a ship which had just come from Spain Avith a 
cargo of wine. This vessel was forced to the side of the bay, lest she should 
give the alarm; for surprise was an essential of success. Drake and his men 
then hastily rowed to the fort and entered without resistance; for there was 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 485 

but one man there, so careless was the system of military duties. This man, 
however, was sufficient to alarm the town; and when the Englishmen had 
dismounted the guns which they found in the fort, they consulted as to the 
best means of assaulting a town where the inhabitants were prepared to re- 
sist them. A guard was placed upon the pinnaces, and the remaining thirty- 
two men were divided into two parties, which were to march into the town, 
with drums beating and colors flying, and begin the attack at the same time. 

The Spaniards were drawn up in front of the Governor's house, taking 
due care to cover "the road that led to Panama, for that was their only avenue 
of retreat. When the English advanced upon them, they imagined, from 
the warlike show and the noise of the drums, that they were about to be 
attacked by a large force; and, throwing down their arms, scattered in all 
directions. 

Drake gave the order to march toward the royal treasury; but scarcely had 
they reached this center of attraction, when a violent storm of thunder, wind 
and rain, which had been threatening for some time, burst upon them. Their 
guns and ammunition were wet before they could find shelter; and the sail- 
ors, alarmed at the situation in which they found themselves, practically un- 
armed in the midst of a town which they had assaulted and were about to 
rob, began to look longingly toward the pinnaces. Drake would hear nothing 
of retreat, however. Nor would he permit them to carry oif great bars of 
silver which they found in the store-house. 

"If you find silver where the door is left open," said he, "what shall w^e 
find where the doors are closed and locked?" 

They knew him too Avell to refuse to follow where he led; but still they 
would far rather have gone back to their boats. Drake himself, however, felt 
his strength giving way. The Spaniards had fired two or three shots before 
throwing away their arms and running, and one had Avounded him in the leg. 
He had said nothing of it, fearing that it would have a bad effect upon his 
men to know that their leader was wounded; but now he had lost so much 
blood that the hurt began to affect his appearance. They asked why his face 
should be so pale beneath the bronze which the sea^air had given to his nat- 
urally florid complexion; and one, perhaps his brother, asked him the ques- 
tion direct. Weakness overcame him, and he sank down; faintly command- 
ing them to retreat to the pinnaces. His anxious followers bound his wound 
with his scarf and carried him to the boats; reaching the haven of safety 
without losing but one man in the course of their attack upon the town. 

Returning to the ships, they were told by those who remained there that 
their coming was known all along the coast; and Captain Rawse declared 
that he had no further hopes of success. Drake, however, was determined 
that the Spaniards should suffer for the wrong that had been done him in the 
past, and sailed again to attack the settlements. 




liii 



lilil l!!!ll|i|' • 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 487 

In order to be encumbered with as few vessels as possible, and have only 
those which were capable of rapid movements, Drake decided to destroy one 
of his ships, although he dared not inform his followers of what he proposed 
doing. The carpenter bored three holes in the bottom of the vessel, and the 
hold was half full of water before the crew was permitted to discover the 
leak. It was then too late to save her; and by Drake's orders they set fire to 
her, to prevent the Spaniards from securing possession of her. 

Placing his brother in command of the remaining ship, Drake reserved the 
best of the pinnaces for his OAvn use, and proceeded to a sheltered point on 
the isthmus, where he encamped, keeping so quiet that he hoped the enemy 
would be led to think that he had left the coast; for he had failed in one or 
two attacks because his coming was expected. 

A treaty had been concluded with some Indians, who, having been very 
harshly treated by the Spaniards a number of years before, had succeeded in 
escaping from the neighborhood of these cruel newcomers and establishing 
themselves at some distance from the settlements. In company with a num- 
ber of these Indians a small force of the Englishmen set out to march over- 
land to Panama. 

Drake led the party in person and the journey occupied about two weeks, 
beginning early in February, 1573. This seems to have been Drake's first ex- 
perience as an explorer; hitherto he had sailed over well-known waters, 
guided by charts of unquestioned authority, to points which had already been 
determined; now he was going beyond the bounds of what was well known, 
into that land which was known only by dim and uncertain tradition. 

It is true that Balboa had climbed the heights and seen the broad Pacific 
more than half a century before ; but as yet all these lands beyond the coast 
were strange to Englishmen ; the earth here had been trodden only by the 
natives and the Spaniards. 

Climbing a high hill on the morning of the 17th of February, Drake saw 
spread out before him two vast oceans. On one hand was the Atlantic, the 
"North Sea," which he had left, and on the other was the "South Sea," to 
which the name of Pacific, given by Magellan nearly fifty years before, had 
not yet been generally applied. Over the vast extent of the latter Drake de- 
termined that he would'yet sail in an English ship; and until his time no 
other man had made such a resolution. That he made it, and kept it, gave 
Great Britain a claim to the western coast of the continent; although that 
claim was not made good, excepting as to the territory north of the present 
boundary of the United States. 

This hill was not far from Panama, whither they were bound; and it was 
now necessary for them to keep as quiet as possible. Their precautions were 
rendered of no account by the action of one of the party, who had been 
drinking, and who proved unmanageable at the very moment when conceal- 



488 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 

ment was most necessary. As the result of this betrayal, although they had 
been informed that the treasurer of the town was to leave that very night for 
Nombre de Dios, with fourteen mules laden with gold and silver, and one 
with precious stones, they were able to seize only two horse-loads of silver 
from two caravans which passed; the treasurer of whose movements their In- 
dian spy had brought intelligence turning back when he learned that 
strangers were concealed on the road. 

Drake's party marched on to Santa Cruz. Near the town, they met with a 
party of soldiers, who commanded them to surrender, promising them kind 
treatment. But the hardy buccaneers laughed at the demand, and so returned 
the fire of the Spanish soldiers that the whole party was put to flight, while 
the Englishmen followed at their heels, and entered the town with their In- 
dian allies. 

Drake now determined to return to his ship, about which he was somewhat 
anxious. He found all in good condition, and was debating with his lieuten- 
ants what should be done next, when a ship was seen bearing down upon 
them. They knew that the name of Drake had become dreaded throughout 
the whole length of the coast, wherever there were Spanish settlements, and 
that vessels were being built to convoy those which must be used to transport 
treasure; and they at once thought that this was a ship which had been sent 
against them. It proved, however, to be a French ship, the captain and crew 
of which were desirous of associating themselves with Drake as soon as they 
found who he was and for what purpose he was upon this coast. 

Leaving the two ships in a safe harbor, Drake, with twenty French and 
fifteen English and Indians, sailed in the pinnaces to Rio Francisco. Landing 
here with some of the men, he left the vessels in charge of the others, with 
strict orders to meet them at a given point in three or four days. The land 
party then struck inland, and halted within a mile of the highway, where 
they must see and hear all that passed; for the mules then used for transport- 
ing goods had their harness hung with bells, so that their approach could be 
heard from a considerable distance. 

In these days this would be regarded as nothing more or less than highway 
robbery, however it may have been justified then as reprisals upon an enemy; 
and when the caravan came near them, Drake and his men promptly helped 
themselves to the treasure, burying that which they could not carry off. 

The next day they approached the shore; but seeing no signs of the pin- 
naces, although it was now time for them to be at the appointed place, began 
to fear that they were lost; and the sight of seven Spanish pinnaces hover- 
ing at a distance did not make them feel any better about it. Happily for the 
adventurers, a sudden gust of wind and rain caused these vessels to sheer off 
f i-om the shore ; so that they were free to approach and search for their own 
vessels. 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 489 

Drake now began to fear that his pinnaces had been captured, and that the 
sailors who manned them would be tortured by the Spaniards in order to 
make them confess where the larger vessels were hidden. He accordingly 
began the construction of a raft, that he and those who were with him might 
reach the ships and sail away before they were discovered by the Spaniards; 
for the latter would require some time to raise a force sufficient to attack the 
vessels. 

One Englishman, two Frenchmen, and an Indian were all who were willing 
to assist him in the work; and, having lashed the raft pretty securely, they 
made a sail of biscuit-bags, contrived a rudder, and committed their for- 
tunes to the water. On this raft, they sat up to their waists in water, and 
sometimes sank till their armpits were wet. After a voyage of six hours, 
they caught sight of the ships; and running the raft on the nearest shore, 
went round to them by land. Here he learned that a hard gale had prevented 
the pinnaces from keeping their appointment at the stated time; and here 
they came after a day or so, having reached the land and taken on board 
those whom Drake had left as guards, together with the treasure which they 
had taken to the shore. That which had been hidden was recovered by the 
Spaniards. 

The French ship now parted company with them; and Drake, hoisting the 
British flag, sailed boldly along the coast, stopping any vessel bound to the 
Spanish settlements. Two hundred vessels were thus overhauled, the English 
commander taking great credit to himself because he usually set them adrift 
to return to their owners, and did not cause the death of a single prisoner. 

Their stock of provisions and stores was growing less, however, and Drake 
was anxious to explore that great ocean which he had seen from the height 
on the isthmus. lie therefore gave orders to set sail for England. They ar- 
rived at Plymouth August 9, 1573. It was Sunday, and services were in pro- 
gress in the churches; but in some way the worshipers learned that Drake 
had returned from the Spanish Main, asthis part of the ocean was then called, 
and they left the preacher to talk to empty pews while they gathered about 
the harbor to see the ships and the sailors that had passed through wonder- 
ful adventures and returned to England with fabulous treasures. 

Drake's first voyage must be regarded as preparation for that in which he 
appears in the part of an explorer, if not a discoverer. He returned to Eng- 
land full of enthusiasm about the great ocean west of America, and devoted 
his share of the wealth acquired during this first independent voyage to fitting 
out vessels for its exploration. Three frigates were prepared ; and, through the 
influence of the Earl of Essex and Christopher Hatton, Drake obtained the 
Queen's commission to go to the South Sea. His former success was such 
that he had no lack of volunteers ; and many stood ready to promote the expe- 
dition. 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 491 

November 15, 1573, Drake sailed out of Plymouth harbor with a fleet of 
five vessels; the largest was a ship of one hundred tons' burden, and the 
smallest a pinnace of fifteen tons. A violent storm arose before they were 
fairly out of sight of land, which so damaged the vessels that they were ob- 
liged to put back to refit; and it was almost a month before they were ready 
to sail again. 

The winter was spent in cruising about the coast of Africa and the adja- 
cent islands, some few prizes being taken. It must be remembered, in excuse 
for Drake's war upon the Spanish shipping and settlements, that there was 
all but open war between Spain and England. There had been no formal 
declaration, but the Queen upheld the rebels against Spanish authority in 
the Low Countries, and the King of Spain was even then considering the pre- 
paration of the Invincible Armada, which was to be sent against England for 
the utter destruction of that country. Drake attacked Portuguese settle- 
ments because Portugal was then a province of Spain, having been conquered 
in 1550 and remaining tributary until 1640. 

It was not until April 5 that, having crossed the Atlantic at about the equa- 
tor, they spied land. This was a part of the coast of Brazil ; but they did not 
anchor for nearly a week. They made great efforts to make friends with the 
natives; but were received with some distrust. After some time, however, 
the Indians acquired a little more confidence; so that two of them, slipping 
up behind Drake, actually stole his hat off his head; and hid themselves to 
divide the spoil thus obtained; one taking the hat, while the other satisfied 
himself with the shining gold lace adorning it. 

Many seals were killed here, so that Drake gave the inlet the name of Seal 
Bay. Here also they saw penguins; these birds were so stupid that the men 
easily knocked them on the head Avith sticks; and there were ostriches which 
they described as being able to grasp stones in their talons and fling them 
with very good aim at their pursuers. 

Sailing southward they came to the anchorage which Magellan had named 
Port St. Julian. Here Drake landed in company with six of his men; but 
the natives proved less friendly than at other places and attacked the stran- 
gers fiercely. One of the white men was slain; and Drake avenged the death 
of his friend and follower— for he had a "tender regard" for this man— by 
killing the murderer with his own hand. After this skirmish the Englishmen 
retreated to their ships, landing again the next day to bury the body of their 
comrade. 

As Avas so frequently the case among the followers of the great navigators, 
there were mutineers among Drake's men; and a certain Captain Doughty 
had planned Drake's death. The plot was disclosed, however, before oppor- 
tunity for carrying it out was found; and Doughty was tried, found guilty, 
and sentenced to death. Either his associates were shielded by their com- 



492 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



rades, or were less deeply concerned than he had tried to show, for they were 
not severely punished; Drake contented himself with making an example of 
one man. 








An Abundance op Wti.d ro^\T.. 

On the shore near where they had anchored, were to be seen the ghastly 
outlines of a gibbet, erected more than half a century before by Magellan for 
the punishment of those sailors who had mutinied against him; and on this 
same scaffold which had been the scene of their death, the English rebel 
against his chief was hanged. It was frequently the practice at that time 
that the body of a malefactor should be loft hanging, until the flesh fell 
away or was eaten bybirds of prey, leaving the skeleton dangling; but Drake, 
more humane, caused Doughty's body to be buried, and a large stone fixed 
at each end of his grave, on one of which his name was rudely chiseled in 
Latin. 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 493 

Leaving this port August 17, they reached the Straits of Magellan three 
days later. It had been supposed, before this time, that the current in these 
straits always set one way; but Drake found it varying wnth time and place. 
More than two weeks were consumed in their passage through the straits, as 
they were doubtful of the course, and were frequently endangered by the 
sudden squalls from the snow-covered heights on both sides of the passage. 
September 7 they entered the Pacific; Drake's desire was achieved: he was 
sailing an English ship on the South Sea. 

It must be remembered that, although there were many vessels which had 
sailed upon the Pacific before this time, Drake was practically sailing over 
unknown waters. Information was slowly spread in that time, and often 
jealously guarded. The explorations which had been made of the coast of 
South America were largely by the Spaniards and Portuguese; and each of 
these nations was anxious to prevent the mariners of all others from profiting 
by the experience of her own. It is true that maps and charts were prepared, 
showing the extent and situation of the lands discovered and claimed; but 
there was no record given to the public of the particulars which would prove 
so useful to the mariner. Drake knew very little of the American Seas be- 
fore he actually sailed in them; he had nothing more than a broad outline of 
what the Spaniards and Portuguese had accomplished. 

They found the ocean into which they had entered anything but pacific, al- 
though Magellan had so named it. Scarcely had they left the straits behind 
them when they were assailed by a storm which drove them two hundred 
leagues out of their proposed path. It continued for more than a week ; and 
during its course they lost one of their ships, of which they never heard again. 
They made an attempt to anchor as soon as they could recover their course, 
but were driven from the harbor which they sought, and separated from an- 
other of the ships. This one, however, was more fortunate than the first, 
for she made her way back to England. 

This left Drake but three vessels; his own flag-ship, one of fifty tons' bur- 
den, and the pinnace. With these he managed to find anchorage in some of 
the islands that cluster about the southern point of South America; approach- 
ing the shore of one of these islands, a number of natives with long spears 
were seen which proved to be quite friendly. He secured a supply of water 
and "wholesome herbs, which were very serviceable to the sick." For at 
that time a ship that made a long voyage always had more or less scurvy on 
board before that voyage was over. 

From this point they coasted along the western line of South America; we 
may have some idea of the uncertainty of Drake's knowledge of the waters 
where he was sailing, when we read that up to this time the true direction of 
the coast of Chili was not known ; Drake was astonished when he found, by a 
series of observations, that its general trend is slightly to the east of north. 



494 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



Anchoring at Mocha Island Nov. 29, Drake, accompanied by ten of his men, 
went ashor'e, and met some of the natives, with whom they began trading. A 
quantity of potatoes and two fat sheep were given the Englishmen in ex- 
change for some of the trifles which they had brought with them, and both 
parties to the transaction retired equally well pleased. Two others were sent 
on shore the next day; but in the meantime some story of the cruelty of the 
Spaniards had reached the ears of the Indians who had so amicably traded 
with them; and these unfortunate sailors were murdered by them without 
provocation, being mistaken by them for Spaniards. 




Dkakk Visits the Islands of the South Sea. 

On another occasion such a mistake as this produced more agreeable con- 
sequences. Sailing along the coast of Chili, they met at one place where they 
anchored a number of the natives, who seemed well disposed toward them. 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 495 

One of these informed them that a large ship, laden for Peru, was then lying 
at Santiago ; never dreaming, poor innocent savage, that these were the sworn 
enemies of the people Mho manned that Spanish ship. He readily accepted 
a trifle in payment of his services as pilot, and*guided them straight to where 
the vessel lay. The crew consisted of eight Spaniards and three negroes. 
Seeing the English vessels approach them, the Spaniards, who did not look 
for enemies in the Pacific, roared out an invitation to the newcomers to come 
and drink with them. It may well be believed that the invitation was not 
declined; the English sailors hastened on board the Spanish ship, seized her 
crew before they had discovered their mistake, and clapped them in irons. 
One of them escaped; and, swimming ashore, gave the alarm to the inhabit- 
ants of the town. 

The daring sea-rovers, however, were prepared for such a case as this, and 
Drake gave the order to put to sea at once. Safely out of the enemy's way, 
they examined their prize, and found they had taken a cargo of gold, to the 
value of nearly a hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Having found the 
value of their prize, Drake returned to the coast and plundered the town. It 
is recorded that he rifled a chapel as Avell as other buildings; and having se- 
cured as booty from this source a chalice of silver, an altar-cloth, and a few 
other articles used in divine service, presented them to his chaplain. This 
chaplain, though a regular clergyman of the Church of England, did not de- 
cline this present. 

One important item of the booty secured at Santiago was the wine, of which 
a goodly quantity of native manufacture was taken on board. Having set 
his prisoners ashore, Drake bent his course toward Lima, made famous by 
the achievements of Pizarro. 

Three times, before they reached this city, did they land for water. The 
first was in the haven of Coquimbo, where fourteen men were assigned to the 
duty of going ashore for this purpose. Their presence being discovered, a 
force of three hundred horse and two hundred foot was sent by the town au- 
thorities to attack them; but the alert Englishmen retreated at the first signs 
of the enemy in such numbers, losing only one man. The next day, when a 
number of his comrades were sent ashore to bury him, the Spaniards display- 
ed a flag of truce, but Drake decided to have nothing to do with them. 

The second landing for water was uneventful. On the third occasion, at 
Tarapara, they found a Spaniard asleep, who seemed to have been left in 
charge of some treasure; this negligent guard was "eased " of eighteen bars 
of silver, worth four thousand ducats, which lay on the ground beside him ; 
and "this they did with such politeness as not to disturb his repose." Imag- 
ine that Spaniard's astonishment when he awoke to find his silver gone, and 
no trace of the robbers to be found! A little farther on, they seized eight 
Peruvian sheep, as they styled the llamas, laden with a hundred pound weight 



496 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 

of silver each, done up in leather bags. Having conveyed the silver to their 
ships, they were kind enough to return the animals to the Spaniard and In- 
dian who had been driving them. This silver is worth, at the present day, 
about a hundred and thirty thousand dollars of United States money. 

At Arica they found three small barks, the crew& of which, in false security, 
had gone ashore. The cargo of these consisted, in part, of about twelve 
hundred pounds of silver in wedges. Not being strong enough to attack the 
town, they now put to sea. 

In the harbor of Lima they found a fleet of twelve ships, the masters and 
most of the sailors of which had gone on shore, thinking their vessels en- 
tirely safe. Drake's men helped themselves to the silks and linens with which 
these were loaded, and then went in pursuit of a treasure-ship which had re- 
cently sailed from Lima bound for Panama. While in chase of this vessel 
they came up with another, which they rifled of eighty pounds of fine gold, 
besides a large crucifix, made of gold and adorned with valuable emeralds. 
Their original game Avasthen pursued with fresh vigor; and they descried her 
off Cape San Francisco, near which they overtook and boarded her. She 
yielded eighty pounds of gold and twenty-six tons of silver in bars — an 
amount of bullion worth, at the present day, nearly a million of dollars. Be- 
sides this they secured a large quantity of jewels, the value of which is not 
readily calculated. 

They dismissed this vessel to continue her journey to Panama; having first 
supplied the captain and crew Avith some linen; but whether from the cargo 
of that ship which they had recently rifled, history does not say. Their kind- 
ness was rewarded, as they thought, by their speedily coming up with another 
vessel, from which they secured some booty, and the pilot of which they took 
on board their own flag-ship to guide them along the coast. 

He conducted them to the town of Guatulco, where, as he informed them, 
there were but seventeen Spaniards, all told. Doubtful, however, of the 
truth of this information, Drake went ashore with some of his men, and 
marched to the public building where court was then in session. Some ne- 
groes had conspired to fire the town, and had just been tried for it; they 
were found guilty, and the judge was about to pronounce sentence when 
Drake and his men entered, and seized and carried off to his ships judge, 
prisoners, and spectators. The captive judge a\ as required to write to his 
townsmen, bidding them permit the Englishmen to water their vessels in 
peace. His orders were obeyed ; and the Englishmen, having obtained a sup- 
ply of water, improved their opportunity, as usual, by searching the town for 
plunder. They found nothing but " a bushel of reals," rather an indefinite 
expression of quantity or value to those who are not accustomed to measur- 
ing money in this way. 

Drake began to think that he had done enough to revenge his private in- 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 497 

juries, and to retaliate upon the enemies of his country those misfortunes 
which they had inflicted upon England; and so it seems to us, as we read the 
account of his exploits. It now became necessary to consider his best route 
homeward. To return by way of the Straits of Magellan would be to dare 
great danger; for the Spaniards, should they discover his intentions, would 
certainly send enough vessels there to dispute his passage through the nar- 
row channel; and he seems to have had no notion of rounding Cape Horn. 
He therefore decided that his safest, if not his quickest route, lay across the 
Pacific, by way of the Moluccas, around the Cape of Good Hope, and thence 
to Old England; and this was the course that he resolved to take. 

He had now lost the two smaller vessels, and had but the one remaining. 
Perhaps this was one reason why he decided to abandon his attacks upon the 
Spanish shipping, and retreat from the vessels with wdiich they might pursue 
him. His proposed course lay directly across the Pacific ; for he had reached 
a point a little north of the equator; but there was no wind — the vessel lying 
in the equatorial belt of calms — and the great ocean river which here made its 
influence felt is a current which sets from west to east. Had the course of 
the currents been better known, Drake would undoubtedly have steered to 
the southward for a few degrees, and been swept across the Pacific by the 
current which runs counter to that in which he found himself. 

With considerable difficulty, and by taking advantage of every breath 
of wind, they managed to escape from the belt of calms and from the 
unfavorable current. But in so doing they had entered that other current, 
scarcely more favorable to their purpose, which sweeps along the western 
coast of North America from the Isthmus of Panama to Behring Bay. 
Borne onward by this, and retarded by unfavorable winds, they were nearly 
two months at sea before they saw land; and then the cold w^inds which 
blew seaward did not permit them to anchor for some time. 

The white cliffs which he saw here reminded the homesick Englishman 
strongly of the white cliffs of Dover, whence England derived her classical 
name of Albion, "the white," and suggested to him the name of New Albion, 
as a designation for this part of the continent. 

The place where they landed was a well sheltered bay, about forty-three de- 
grees north of the equator. This was about three degrees farther north than 
any white man had yet penetrated, sailing along the Pacific coast of America; 
for, about forty years before, a Spaniard named Cabrillo had reached Cape 
Mendocino, and then turned back toward the more congenial southern lands. 
Since then none had passed this point; for the Spaniards had much to do to 
hold and settle the warm and fertile countries which were already known to 
them; and they had not heard any stories of gold or other treasure to be 
found in the far North, such as they had seized upon in Mexico and Peru. 

Drake continued his voyage as far as the forty-eighth parallel; then, 



498 



SIR FRANCIS 1>RAKE, TlIK ELIZA15KTIIAN NAVIGATOR. 



alarmed by the fact that although this was the summer season, the cohl was 
severe, he turned southward, and spent some time in an inlet which was either 
San Francisco Bay or that opening which is still known as Sir Francis 
Drake's Bay. Authorities differ as to the inlet in which he anchored for in- 
tercourse with the natives, but the probabilities are in favor of that which 
bears his name. 




Indivn St VI king Di i k 

lie found the people well disposed toward liim; a pretty sure sign that the 
Spaniards had not yet made their influence felt in this part of the country; 
since their cruelties were usually such as to incense the Indians against all 
white men. Presents were exchanged, consisting on the one side of toys and 
other trifles, on the other of feather-work, curious feathers, and tobacco; 
with the uses of the tobacco the Europeans were as yet wholly unacquainted. 

After such preliminaries as these, Drake judged it safe to land and estal)- 
lish a cani]i; for his men had been confined to the narrow limits of the deck 



I 

J 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 499 

for many months, iin<l it was a great relief to be once more on land. Tents 
were pitched at the base of a small hill, therefore, and a certain force being 
detailed to guard the ship, and regularly relieved, those not employed in this 
duty were permitted to recreate themselves on shore. 

It was while they were thus encamped that Drake saw the natives gather- 
ing about him, loaded with presents. Gradually they arranged themselves 
in some sort of order, and one of them, stationed on the top of the hill, 
delivered a long harangue, evidently addressed to the Admiral, although, of 
course, not one word of it was understood. This concluded, the orator 
descended, attended by his companions, who had laid down their arms, and 
made new demonstrations of friendship. 

The women, who had remained at the top of the hill, howled and tore 
their hair; finally, the men returned, and indulged in the same proceed- 
ings. Other mysterious ceremonies seemed to show that they were engaged 
in worship of one of their gods; and Drake, to show the difference between 
heathen and Christian worship, connnanded that his chaplain should hold 
service in front of his tent. The Indians gathered about in curiosity, and 
seemed to show both interest and respect. 

A few days later two embassadors came to see the Admiral, one of whom 
made a long speech. From this the Englishmen gathered that the king, as 
they styled the chief of this tribe, was coming to visit them; and their sur- 
mise proved to be right. It is amusing to read, in the old accounts, how the 
chronicler applies to this savage chief, clad in rabbit-skins and crowned with 
feathers, the terms which they were accustomed to apply to the Majesty of 
England, robed in state, and attended by the peers of the realm. Thus we 
find that the Admiral drew up his forces in military order to receive them, 
while the " sceptre-bearer " halted at some distance outside the enclosure 
in which the Englishmen stood and delivered along speech; which must 
have been truly edifying, since the^^ersons to whom it was addressed could 
not understand a word. This official was followed by the main part of the 
procession, in which, of course, the king was the most conspicuous figure; 
when he had ceased speaking, he began to sing, and then to dance; and the 
whole royal party joined in the performance. When " king, lords and com- 
mons," according to the division wdiich the narrator makes of this Indian 
tribe, had thus entertained their hosts, the chief made several speeches, none 
of Avhich were understood, except as to their general tenor, which seemed to 
be friendly. 

Uncertain of the real intentions of the natives, Drake had caused a line of 
earthworks to be thrown up about his camp; and it was within this defence 
that his men had been drawn up to receive their guests. Feeling sure now, 
however, that the Indians were well disposed, and that no treachery Avas in- 
tended, he invited some of them inside this line. Here the king, still further 



500 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 

to show his friendly feeling, surrendered to Drake, as the Englishmen under- 
stood, his dominions; and taking the crown from his own head, placed it up- 
on the white chief's brow, in sign of his investment with the royal power. 

These west-coast Indians seem to have thought, like those of the islands to 
the east of the continent, that the white strangers had descended from the 
skies; for they made several attempts to worship them, offering them sacri- 
fices more than once; and it was with somedifficulty that they were prevented 
from continuing these efforts. 

Drake, with some of his people, explored the surrounding country for a short 
distance, finding it well stocked with large deer and with the rabbits whose 
skins formed such an important article of dress with the natives. "These 
Indians," says Drake, "are very expert in the use of the bow and arrow, and 
their skill in capturing the deer is wonderful. We saw an Indian with a stag's 
head over his own, walking on all fours, appearing to graze, and carrying out 
the pantomine with such truth to life that our hunters would have fired at 
him at thirty paces had they not been prevented. By this means the natives 
approach quite close to a herd of deer, and then kill them with arrows." 
But his men were impatient to reach home again, and no considerable ex- 
ploration was attempted. He caused a pillar to be erected, on which was fixed 
a plate, engraved with the name and arms of the Queen, his own name, and 
a record of his discovery and of the supposed transfer by the chief of these 
dominions to the use of the sovereign of England. 

Having procured a considerable stock of such provisions as the country af- 
forded, Drake set sail from California July 23, 1579. His departure was 
the cause of great regret to the natives, who made many demonstrations of 
sorrow as they saw his preparations and understood their meaning; and sig- 
nalized his sailing by sacrificial fires all along the coast. 

Drake's first intention, after leaving the American coast, Avas to sail to the 
northward and seek a passage to China in that w\ay; probably having some 
idea of finding that Northwest Passage which afterward was sought, with such 
cost of blood and treasure, by so many navigators. 

Drake and his men seem to have had nmch more regard for their own com- 
fort than the later Arctic explorers; for when they found that it was becom- 
ing colder and colder, and that the sun was daily going farther south, they 
did at sea what they had done along the coast — went southward, to seek a 
pleasanter climate. 

October 13, they landed at the Ladrones; and at first were inclined to think 
the natives as nice people as they ever dealt with. But it was not long before 
they understood Avhy Magellan had so named these islands; the natives stole 
everything that they could lay their hands on, and could not be persuaded or 
compelled to restore anything of which they had once obtained possession. 

The English finally refused to deal with them, and forbade them to come 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVKJATOR. 



501 



to the ship. This enraged them so that they threw immense stones at the 
vessel, and were not stopped until she discharged one gun at them. Fairly 
" scared out of their wits" by this discharge, they leaped from their canoes 
into the water, and swam under the surface to land, towing their boats as 
they went, but not looking behind them. This firing was the parting salute, 
for the ship shortly afterward sailed on her course. 




akk's Arrival at Ternate. 



They landed at several islands, but did not stop long at any until they came 
to Ternate, where they were received with much ceremony and treated with 
much kindness by the Mohammedan ruler. They traded at several islands, 
procuring those spices which were so valued in Europe and which formed, in 
the minds of Europeans of that date, no small item of the wealth of the golden 
East; and although they came near sinking their ship by running upon a rock, 
escaped all material damage, and set sail for the Cape of Good Hope March 
16, 1580. Themiddleof June they doubledthecape, coming so close to shore 
that they might easily have made land had they wished it. It was full time 
for them to get back to England, for the number of men had diminished to 
fifty-seven; their provisions were low, and they had but three casks of water 
on board. Under ordinary circumstances they could easily have procured 
water, being so near land; but all the coast of Africa was claimed bj'the Port- 



502 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



uguese; and, since Portugal was then a province of Spain, this was territory 
where Drake, of all men, was little likely to find assistance of any kind. 

At Sierra Leone, however, they were obliged to stop for water, and pro- 
cured also a supply of lemons, so useful where scurvy is to be feared, and 
of oysters. 




KxiGHTixG OF Drake by Quekx Elizabeth. 



August 26 they passed the Canaries without stopping; and one month later 
arrived at Plymouth, having been gone two years and ten months. The day 
of the week, according to the people who had remained at home, was Mon- 
day, the 26th; according to the reckoning of the sailors, it was Sunday, the 
25th. It was concluded that they had lost one day in their reckoning, for 



J 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 503 

they did not take into account that in sailing around the world from east to 
west we must, at some point in our travels, add one day to the account. Such 
particulars were only taken into consideration after the world had been cir- 
cumnavigated oftener. For although the fleet of Magellan had achieved this 
feat long before, Drake was the first Englishman who circumnavigated the 
globe; and, as we have before said, information was not readily transmitted 
from one country to another in that time. 

Drake was received with great honors; and it Avas considered that, by dis- 
covering and taking possession of New Albion, he had rendered great service 
to the Crown. It was in reward for this service that Queen Elizabeth paid 
him the high honor of visiting him on board the vessel which had borne him 
on his long voyage; and it was on the occasion of this voyage that she confer- 
red on him the compliment of Knighthood. 

Here, properly speaking, ends the history of Drake as connected with the 
New "World; but his achievements in Old World history are so splendid a 
part of his career, that we should be doing an injustice to leave the subject 
here. Let it be remembered then, that while we briefly review these events 
and actions, they formed by far the larger portion of his famous deeds; but 
still, the foundations of his fame were laid by what he had done on the Span- 
ish Main and the West Coast of America. 

As a kind of half-way place between his New World and Old World ex- 
ploits, we find him, in 1585, commissioned by the Queen as Admiral and 
Commander-in-Chief, by sea and land, of an expedition against the West 
Indies. Twenty-five ships were placed at his disposal; and the towns of San 
Domingo and Carthagena were captured and held for ransom, after the cus- 
tom of the time; while Fort St. John, Florida, was demolished, and the 
neighboring settlements of St. Augustine and St. Helena burned. After 
these successes they touched at the coast of Virginia, and took on board 
those colonists whom Sir Walter Kaleigh had been instrumental in sending 
out, the year before, and who were only too anxious to get back to England. 
It was now that Drake's men learned the use of that plant which the Indi- 
ans of the Far West had given them as a sort of tribute; and the use of to- 
bacco was introduced into England by the example of those knights and 
gentlemen who affected interest in America. 

Ten months after sailing they were back in England. It may be thought 
that Drake had now accomplished enough to enable him to rest in safety and 
honor for the remainder of his days; but he was full of untiring energy. 
In the spring of 1587, less than nine months after his return from Virginia, 
we find him sailing to Cadiz, where he captured, in a single day's engage- 
ment, thirty-eight sail, most of which he burned or sunk. These vessels 
were then engaged in transporting provisions and stores for that great Ar- 
mada which the King of Spain was busily fitting out for the entire destruc- 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 50.') 

tion of the English i:)eople. The success of Drake, followed as it was by the 
capture of other ships belonging to the Spanish Government, was somewhat 
disheartening to the promoters of this great plan. 

At last the great fleet was prepared ; and hundreds of ships, laden with — 
" The richest spoils of Mexico, 
The stoutest hearts of Spain." 

sailed under the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, one of the great- 
est of Spanish nobles. England was aroused from one end to the other, 
thoroughly alarmed at the danger Mdiich threatened her. But the sailors who 
defended her were assisted by a Power higher than their own; for although 
there was a conflict between a small portion of the Spanish fleet and those 
English ships which were under the command of Drake, by far the greater 
portion of this vast armament was destroyed by a tempest, which scattered 
the ships, drove them upon the rocky coasts, or compelled them to return, 
disabled, to Spain. 

We have spoken of the success achieved by Drake in this affair. He had 
been appointed Vice-Admiral of the fleet, and it was his fortune to engage 
with the Spaniard who held the same rank. When the Castilian learned the 
name of his opponent, he caused his flag to be struck, saying that he surren- 
dered to the fortune of Drake, whose courage and generosity not even his 
bitterest enemies could deny. Was there ever a better instance than this of 
reputation already gained serving instead of later exertions? 

In 1589, the year after the defeat of the Armada, England sent a fleet to 
attempt the restoration of the King of Portugal and to assist in securing the 
independence of that kingdom. The land forces which were to co-operate 
with this fleet were under the command of Sir John Norris, while Drake w^as 
Admiral of the Fleet. But they differed so frequently about the course to be 
pursued that the whole expedition proved to be a failure. 

The war between England and Spain continued for a number of years, and 
in 1595 England determined to fit out alarger and more formidable expedition 
against the Spanish settlements in the West Indies than had ever yet been 
attempted. Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins were commissioned as 
the joint leaders of this expedition, which sailed from Plymouth August 28, 
1595. The fleet consisted of six of the Queen's vessels, twenty fitted out by 
private enterprise, for a share in the profits which were confidently expected, 
with a force of about two thousand five hundred men. Here, again, however, 
there were disagreements between the two commanders of equal rank and 
authority; and the result was practically a failure. 

Sir John Hawkins was taken sick sometime after they reached the Spanish 
Main and died as they approached Porto Rico. Nov. 12, the day of his death, 
the fleet was fired upon from the town near which it was, and several officers 
were wounded as they sat at supper with the Admiral; Drake himself had his 



506 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



stool shot from under him at the same time. Maddened by this attack, the 
fleet set upon the Spanish ships lying in the harbor with such violence that 
live of them were speedily destroyed. Three days later the body of Sir John 
Hawkins, and that of Sir Nicholas Clifford, who had been one of those 
wounded in the cabin and had died of his injuries, were buried at sea. 




Sir John II.vavkixs. 
The next day they left Porto Rico and sailed for the continent; hero the 
town of Rio de la Hacha w^as captured and put to ransom for twenty-four 
thousand ducats, to be paid in pearls. The Spaniards agreed to this; but 
when it came to paying for the town, held their pearls at so high a price as 
practically to refuse the amount promised. Drake, believing that they only 
wished to gain time, ordered the town to be burned, and his orders were at 
once obeyed. 



SIR FRANX'IS BRAKE, THE ELIZABETHAN NAVIGATOR. 



50( 



Several other towns along the coast were burned, the most noteworthy 
being Nonibrc de Dios, where a great deal of valuable treasure became the 
booty of the assailants. 

Having done this injury to the coast towns of the enemy, Drake dispatched 
Sir Thomas Baskcrville, with seven hundred and fifty men, on an overland 
expedition to Panama, where it was thought that a considerable amount of 




Sir Francis Drake. 

treasure was held, awaiting a safe time to send it across the isthmus and 
thence to Spain. But the difficulties of the journey through the unknown 
and scarcely passable tropical forest, added to the determination with which 
the Spaniards, posted everywhere in ambush, disputed their way, disheart- 
ened the command before they had completed half the distance. At length 
they came to a narrow pass which was so stubbornly defended that they were 
obliged to retreat; and they returned to their ships without further effort. 




'!'ii.'n)!ii:M«iiii,iM!iii;i!iiiiliif||, i; , '-i||||:i!;ffi„;' illi;i;:.|ii'liVi!:'#)i^iili||i 



silt iKANcifs dkakj:, riii; iaazahethas swicatov.. 509 

Disappointed at the outcome of this expedition, Drake gave orders to set 
sail from that coast, since he had there accomplished all that he could hope 
to do. The fleet accordingly stood out to sea and went to the island of Es- 
cudo, where they took in water and spent some days recruiting their sick. 
From this point they intended to go to Porto Bello, and arrived in sight of 
it January 28, 1596. 

But the Admiral lay sick when they sailed from Escudo; and the days did 
not bring him strength. It had been observed that he sank from day to day, 
from hour to hour, and just as the lookout gave the word that land was in 
sight, he died. 

"With him expired the very soul of this expedition," says the old-time 
writer; and the after history bears out this assertion. The command devolved 
upon Sir Thomas Baskerville, and after the bold leader in so many sea- 
ventures had received a sailor's burial, with such honors as were due to the 
high position Avhich his courage, enterprise and ability had won for him, this 
commander of the fleet gave orders to sail for home. 

"Honored and esteemed by his sovereign, whom he served with courage 
and fidelity, * * * it is certain that the disappointments he met with in this 
last voyage, which he imagined in some measure stained his glory, sat heavy 
on his swelling heart and contributed to shorten his days." 



JOHX DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR 



mE have seen how Frobisher led the way in the search for a North- 
west Passage to the golden lands of the far East; other daring ad- 
venturers were to follow in his footsteps, until it should be clearly 
demonstrated, not that this passage has no actual existence, but that it is 
practically useless for purposes of navigation. The first prominent follow- 
er of Frobisher was John Davis. 

The date of his birth is unknown; nor are there any records of his boy- 
hood and youth. He was a native of Sandridge, a small town about three 
miles north of Dartmouth, in the County of Devon, England. He was nat- 
urally of a lively disposition, fond of music and recreations of all kinds, and 
a believer in their favorable influence upon the character. He does not seem 
to have belonged to the party which was then beginning to rise into promin- 
ence, and which afterward, under the nickname of the Puritans, exerted so 
much influence upon English history; but he possessed the same indomitable 
will which sent the proscribed Puritans to seek a shelter in the New World, 
and made them successful in their efforts to found settlements. 

The results of Frobisher's voyages had been regarded as unsatisfactory, 
since he had neither found gold in the lands which he had actually reached, 
nor a short and easy passage to the rich countries which lay beyond. These 
failures, however, did not convince the English that gold was not to be found, 
or that the Northwest Passage would prove as elusive. Davis, whose repu- 
tation as an able and determined seaman had been acquired in shorter voyages, 
and under the command of others, was anxious to prove himself as great a 
navigator as Drake or Frobisher; and finally succeeded in obtaining the com- 
mand of two vessels, the Sunshine and the Moonshine, for the purpose of ex- 
ploring the northern coast of North America and finding both the precious 
metal and the wished-for passage to India. 

Setting sailfrom Dartmouth elune 7, 1585, it was a month before they reached 
the arctic seas. A great river of icy salt water sweeps down from the Pole 
between Iceland and Greenland, and on this their vessel was borne along to 
the southwest of the point where they had entered it; their course since leav- 

(510) 



JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 511 

ing England having been almost directly northwest. They saw no signs of 
land; for the sea, although calm, was covered with a thick mist, through 
which no eye could penetrate; but the roaring of the weaves indicated that a 
coast was near by. Davis gave orders that a boat should be lowered at once ; 
and, accompanied by the master of the vessel and a sufficient number of the 
crew, they put off from the ship to the land. 

The little boat pulled away into the mist, over the unknown sea, in search 
of the land upon which the waves were breaking; but none was found. In- 
stead, the daring mariners beheld vast mountains of ice, rolling and beating 
against one another, while the waves dashed upon them as upon a rocky coast. 
"With infinite labor and danger, Davis succeeded in effecting a landing upon 
one of these icebergs; and, having chopped off several large pieces of the 
ice and loaded the boat with it, they returned to the waiting vessels. It sur- 
prised and delighted the sailors that the ice from these sea-mountains should 
be convertible into good water by the simple process of melting; and the 
mention of this fact shows that it Avas previously unknown even to the leader 
of the expedition. 

The day after sightingthe icebergs, the mist having lifted, they sawthe coast, 
which they thus describe : — 

"Deformed, rocky, and mountainous, like a sugar-loaf, standing to our 
sight above the clouds. It towered through the fog like a white mist in the 
sky, the tops altogether covered with snow, the shore beset with ice, making 
such irksome noise that it was called the Land of Desolation." 

The coast which received this forbidding name was the southwestern shore 
of Greenland — a strange contrast to the name which the saguine Icelander 
who first discovered this body of land had bestowed upon it. They were un- 
able to approach the shore very closely on account of the floating ice ; and 
Davis pushed out northward into the open sea. 

Several days afterward, being driven from his westward course by unfavor- 
able winds, he once more came in sight of land, another part of the coast of 
Greenland; and here the ice was more solid, so that he was not prevented 
from landing. Two sailors were selected by him to accompany him, while the 
others were to follow if a certain signal should be given. 

The three men entered the boat and pushed off to land. They reached the 
shore; and, securingtheir boat, they mounted a high rock which overhungthe 
beach. While they were here busied in looking about them they Avere espied 
by a number of the natives, Avho at once raised loud cries apparently of fear 
and distress. 

But Davis had foreseen that the natives Avould be afraid of him and his 
men, and was ready to reassure them. Not only had he caused such gifts to 
be placed on board the vessels as Avere usually taken on exploring expeditions 
for presents to the savage natives, but he had brought, for the comfort of 



512 JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 

himself and his men as well, a band of music. He now determined to try 
whether, as afterward was declared, " Music hath charms to soothe the sav- 
age breast." He signaled to his men to join him; and, as they landed, the 
band began to play. 

The attention of the natives being thus fixed upon the white men, signs ex- 
pressive of friendship were made, and the Esquimaux gradually drew nearer, 
Nor were the first that they had seen all who heard the strange sounds; from 
every point they gathered, and no less than ten canoes put off from the sur- 
rounding islands, to visit the newcomers. Gloves, stockings, and caps were 
distributed among them as presents, and finally their fears seemed to be al- 
layed. 

Davis and his men returned to their ships for the night and the natives ap- 
parently dispersed to their distant dwellings. Early the next morning, how- 
ever, the sailors saw their canoes dotting the water, and no less than thirty- 
seven api^eared between the ships and the land. By every sign which they 
could devise, the natives invited the strangers to come on shore again; and 
received them with many marks of respect and liking when the invitation was 
accepted. 

The gifts which the white men broughtfrom their great ships were received 
with wonder and gratitude; and the Esquimaux hastened to show their ap- 
preciation by offering presents in return. But they thought the products of 
their cold and barren land insufficient to repay the newcomers for these won- 
derful articles; and they offered their sealskin and birdskin clothes, their 
leather moccasins, their darts, their oars, and, at last, five of their canoes. 
When they saw the value which the Englishmen appeared to set upon the furs 
and skins, they promised to bring more the next day; and would doubtless 
have fulfilled their promise — it seems to require some degree of civilization 
for a man to be regardless of his word, — but, the wind becoming favorable, 
Davis resolved to continue his voyage, and did not again land on this part of 
the coast. 

The wind, almost directly from the east, bore him across the strait to which 
his own name has since been given, to the shore of that island which is vari- 
ously called Baffin Land or Cumberland Island. Here he sighted an eminence 
to which he gave the name of Mount Raleigh, in honor of the great courtier 
to whom, probably, he owed much of the interest which the Government had 
shown in his undertaking. He continued coastingfor several days and reached 
at length that cape which is now called Albert, but which, with the devotion 
of a mariner of those early days, he called The Cape of God's Mercy. The 
name is a memento of his mistake ; for he thought that the passage just to 
the south of this cape was the long-sought passage to India. 

He explored the inlet — for such Ave now know it to be — for several days; 
finding it free from ice and with many of the characteristics of the open sea. 



JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 513 

As they proceeded they heard on an island a sound resembling the howling 
of dogs; and presently a pack of twenty gaunt and wolf-like dogs came in 
sight. To the crew it seemed clear that none but beasts of prey could be 
found here; and they fired upon the dogs, killing two, and scaring off the 
others. They landed for a short time, to see what was the true nature of the 
animals they had killed; and to their surprise, found that a collar was about 
the neck of one. Some distance away they found the sledge to which they 
had been yoked; but, perhaps fortunately for them, since they had unwit- 
tingly committed this ravage, they saw nothing of the natives. 

For some time they proceeded up the Inlet, but thick fogs gathered about 
them, continuing apparently without hope of lifting, and the winds proved 
contrary. Judging that these were the natural conditions in that latitude at 
that season of the year — for the autumn was now advancing — Davis deter- 
mined to return to a warmer climate before the actual approach of winter; 
and set sail for England. 

Nothing had been actually accomplished by this voyage; but great hopes 
were excited at home. The interest of the Government continued; audit 
was resolved to send the intrepid navigator again, with the same vessels that 
had been given him on the previous trip, and, in addition, one of a hundred 
and twenty tons, called the Meri)iaid, another boat, and a pinnace. 

The voyage across the Atlantic was accomplished without difficulty or delay; 
it was only when they came actually in sight of the southern point of Green- 
land that they were beset by storms, which prevented their landing for sev- 
eral days. Again the natives uttered their cries of fear; but at last, recog- 
nizing their former visitors, changed their tune to one of rejoicing and 
welcome. Davis, hoping to improve the acquaintance, and anxious to gain 
the continued friendshiiD of the natives, went onshore and made presents of 
about twenty knives to those who seemed to be chiefs or leading men; refus- 
ing to accept anything in return. 

Some time was now spent in friendly intercourse with the natives, and 
sailors and Esquimaux delighted to display to each other their proficiency in 
those manly sports which seem to be common to all nations. In leaping and 
wrestling, it was diflicult to decide which was the better man; though while 
the strangers could frequently leap farther than their hosts, they were some- 
times thrown by them when it came to wrestling. 

As the sailors returned to the ships at the close of each of such days of 
intercourse, the natives had no means of becoming acquainted with the do- 
mestic arts which they practiced, and thought to show them something new 
and strange when they rubbed together two sticks and produced fire. Evi- 
dently thinking that the strangers had no knowledge of flame, and that a 
trick could be easily played upon them, they gravely invited Davis to pass 
through it. But the Englishman of the sixteenth century not only believed in 



514 JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 

witches — he knew that they existed ; and the man who invited him to pass 
through fire must be a sorcerer. In order to destroy any evil spell which 
these small and hardy strangers might be trying to cast upon him, he ordered 
his seamen at once to tread out the fire, and to cast the coals into the sea. 

This misunderstanding of their meaning does not seem to have excited the 
enmity of the natives, and they continued on friendly terms with the sail- 
ors. But the latter complained to their leader that the savages stole every- 
thing that they could lay their hands upon; articles made of iron or steel, 
especially. A spear, a gun, and a sword were thus pilfered; and as these 
thefts did not meet with punishment, they cut the cables of the ships, and 
even stole the boat from the stern of the Moonshine. 

Davis, who did not care to appear as complainant at this time, allowed his 
officers to remonstrate with the thieves, who came on board the vessels with 
the boldness of conscious innocence or the most hardened and shameless 
guilt; they did not seem to be at all impressed by what the officers said, and 
managed to steal something else as they left the vessels. Two shots were 
fired after them, aimed over their heads, and they fled in utter confusion. 

Soon afterward, however, they returned, in company with others, offering 
presents, and making many promises by signs. For a day or so, everything 
was lovely; then iron articles were missed as before, and the sailors again 
complained to the leader. Davis, however, seems to have had a very clear 
idea of the difference between the cultivated and the uncultivated moral 
sense, and declined to inflict any punishment upon the savages. He merely 
bade his crew keep a close watch on their goods and not deal hardly Avith the 
ignorant natives. 

Anxious to explore the interior, he now sailed up what he thought was a 
broad river, but which proved to be an arm of the sea. A violent squall 
compelled him to seek the shelter of the land; and he attempted to climb a 
considerable elevation in order to see farther about him. In this, however, 
he was foiled by the violence of the storm, which still continued; and from 
his perch on the side of the hill he watched the formation and progress of a 
water-spout, the first he had ever seen, veteran navigator as he was. This 
lasted for three hours. He describes it as a mighty whirlwind which took up 
the water and whisked it around for this length of time without intermission. 

Re-embarking the following day, he proceeded further up the channel, but 
found that it was intersected by various passages between different islands, 
which were neither inhabited nor tillable. 

This expedition had been made in the pinnace, the leader being accompa- 
nied only by a small body of picked men. On his return to the larger vessels 
he found serious news awaiting him; the natives had shown themselves act- 
ually hostile. Not only had they continued their depredations, stealing an 
anchor, cutting the cables, and similar outrages, but they had taken to throw- 



J 



JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 515 

ing large and heavy stones against the Moonshine. Davis had his suspicions 
that his men had not behaved with the wisdom of Solomon and the patience 
of Job; but, Avithout accusing them of having treated the natives unkindly, 
told them that if they would but have a little patience, the ignorant savages 
would doubtless soon become tired of this mode of proceeding. 

He himself endeavored to win the natives over by every possible means. 
Among other things, he invited a large party of them onboard, taught them to 
run to the top-mast, made them various trifling presents, and dismissed them, 
evidently much pleased. 

But this was only a temporary peace which he purchased; for when evening 
came they again threw stones at the vessel, one of them knocking down the 
boatswain. Patience had ceased to be a virtue when they could thus repay 
his efforts to make friends; and Davis ordered that two boats should pursue 
tlie offenders. They were in their own light and swift canoes, however, and 
defied pursuit by the heavier and clumsier English boats. 

But their impudence was not to be deterred from visiting those whom they 
thus assaulted. Two or three days later a party of five of them visited the 
ships, one of whom, the master of the Moonshine declared, had been the 
ringleader in all the attacks upon his vessel. Davis gave orders that this 
Esquimaux should be held a prisoner; and he was actually carried off by the 
Englishmen. He was well treated, however, though constantly under the 
watchful eye of the commander, and became contented in his strange sur- 
roundings, proving to be a pleasant companion to the sailors, and sometimes 
a good assistant. 

Sailing to the north, the sailors descried a vast assemblage of hills, capes, 
and bays; but a closer view showed it to be merely an irregular mass of ice. 
The ropes, shrouds, and sails became stiff with the frozen spray, and the sea- 
men urged the commander to return at once. Such remonstrances were not 
easily disregarded in those days, for the crews of these exploring vessels, as 
the reader has probably discovered by this time, were never under very strict 
discipline, and occasionally took the liberty of running things to suit them- 
selves. Davis, however, who seems to have retained the affection of his men, 
no matter what hardships he asked them to share, compromised with them; 
and, leaving the majority at the point to which they had now advanced, pro- 
ceeded with the Moonshine and a number of his bravest and most adventur- 
ous men to explore the surrounding seas and the adjacent lands. 

He reached land at about the point wdiere the Arctic Circle crosses the 

coast of Cumberland Island, and continued coasting southward for about ten 

degrees, becoming entangled among the islands, masses of ice, and numerous 

narrow passages which beset his way, so that, although he reached the coast 

of Labrador, he failed to see the entrance to that great bay which now bears 

the name of a later navigator, Hudson. Reaching Labrador, he sent ashore 
33 



516 JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 

a party of five men to explore the country and precure supplies of water; 
but they were beset by the natives with such fury that one of them was killed 
and the others were glad to return to the ship. 

It was now the close of the summer, and, fearing to be caught in these 
high latitudes and cold climates during the short days of winter, he returned 
to the other ships, and the three vessels set sail for England. 

They arrived in October, 1586. Nothing more had been accomplished on 
this second than on the first voyage; and enthusiastic hopes of what might 
be done seemed to have died down. Davis found no strong friends at court, 
ready and anxious to dispatch him on a third voyage of discovery; and it 
was only by earnest entreaty that he could get the authorities to listen to him 
at all. He promised that there should be no real expense attending a third 
expedition, for the cost of fitting it out could be readily defrayed by fishing. 
He had one friend, whom he does not name; but whom we may presume to 
have had considerable influence at court, since his petition was at last granted, 
and two vessels, the Sunshine and the Elizabeth, with a pinnace, were made 
ready for a third voyage. 

On arriving at the coast previousl}- visited, and which seems to have been 
regarded as a starting-point for discoveries, they found the natives as friendly 
and as thievish as ever. They had learned by experience, however, to watch 
them constantly; and a few judicious discharges of their fire-arms so terrified 
the thieves that they were not much troubled thereafter. 

Davis determined to leave the two larger vessels to fish, in accordance with 
his promise to pay the expenses of the expedition by this means, while he 
went on a voyage of discovery in the pinnace. 

Ranging the coast to the northward, he reached a point more than seventy- 
two degrees from the equator, nearer the pole than any navigator of the Amer- 
ican coast had ever yet been; for it has only been b}^ slow degrees, and with 
incalculable expenditure of treasure and human life in the midst of hardships, 
that the two centuries after Davis' time have seen discovery pushed ten de- 
grees nearer the pole than he was able to penetrate. 

Finding a wide open sea still to the north and west, he determined to find 
the limit of navigation; and proceeded across it for the distance of forty 
leagues. Then he w^as stopped, not by the sight of land, but by the vast 
fields of ice which had before barred his progress. He first endeavored to 
round this by the north, but finding no passage turned to the south, beating 
about unsuccessfully for several days. Trying an apparent opening, he be- 
came involved in a bay of ice, where it seemed probable at one time that he 
would be frozen fast or else his vessel dashed and ground to pieces. With 
some difficulty, however, he managed to extricate the pinnace from this dan- 
gerous situation, and continued to coast southward along Cumberland Island. 

At last Mount Raleigh came in view; and the next day he sailed across the 



JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVKJATOR. 517 

mouth of that inlet which he had discovered on his first voyage, and ascen- 
ded its northern shore until he was again so entangled among the numerous 
small islands and narrow passages, the latter of which w^ere frequently half- 
filled with ice, that he found it difficult either to advance or to retreat. As 
he felt confident that no great advantage was to be gained, however, by keep- 
ing on this path, he went back to the open sea. He passed the mouth of 
Frobisher's Bay, and an opening which he describes as the mouth of an ex- 
tensive gulf; this last was probably the entrance to Hudson's Bay. 

He was running very short of water, however; and his experience with the 
natives on the coast of Labrador did not tempt him to go ashore in search 
of any. He accordingly resolved to return to the larger vessels; and, with 
the increased force, seek a supply of the necessary fluid. He sailed toward 
the fishing-ground where he had left them; but they were nowhere to be 
seen. 

The condition of Davis was now terrible; alone on this side the Atlantic, 
not a white man nearer than the Spanish settlements in the West Indies, and 
they the enemies of England; and only a frail and small vessel, which must 
be propelled by oars as well as by sails, in which to cross the broad Atlantic. 

There was no help for it, however; the most diligent search failed to find 
the larger vessels, the masters of which, concluding that Davis and his hand- 
ful of companions must have perished, had sailed for England, and the ma- 
riners, not fearless, for they knew the dangers too well, but bravely facing 
the peril which could not be averted, trimmed their tiny sails, bent to their 
oars, and set out on the long and stormy voyage. They had a small quantity 
of stores with them which they had taken on the voyage of discovery; some 
fish were added to these; and a supply of Avater was obtained from the float- 
ing ice in the sea. 

Arrived in England Davis found even less enthusiasm regarding the result 
of his voyage, than before. Walsingham, the great secretary of Queen Eliz- 
abeth, was dead; and with him had died much of that spirit of enterprise 
which commissioned the great navigators of the time to explore the unknown 
seas. Besides, the Spaniards were threatening an invasion of England; they 
were actually preparing their ships, which, they boasted, would form an In- 
vincible Armada; and the English Government had neither vessels nor 
money to spare for the exploration of the seas surrounding the new conti- 
nent. 

We hear no more of the explorer of the Arctic regions until the second 
voyage of Cavendish, four years after the return of the pinnace to England. 
Thomas Cavendish Avas an English gentleman of some means, who seems to 
have been the very type of a spendthrift. A very few years of life at court 
])roved enough to make way with all his patrimony except enough to fit out a 
ship in which he accompanied an expedition to Virginia under the command 



JOHN DAVIS, THE SKCOND GKKAT ARCTIC NAVHMTOK. 



»19 



of Sir Richard Grenville, in 1585. The seaiiiun's life appcarcdto suit his tastes, 
or else he found that ruined fortunes might easily be repaired by means of 
it. Accordingly, in July, 1586, he sailed from England with three small ves- 
sels which he had fitted out, to prey on the ships of Spaniards; and became 
what in these prosaic days would be called a pirate, but was then more poeti- 
cally styled a wild rover of the seas, a buccaneer, an adventurer of the 
ocean, or some such paraphrase. He circumnavigated the globe in a little 
over two years, being the third w^ho had accomplished the feat of sailing 
from Europe westward till Europe was reached again. So successful was he 
during these two years, in his patriotic endeavors to injure Spanish com- 
merce as much as possible, that when he returned his sailors were clothed in 
silk, his sails were of costliest damask, and his topmast was covered with 
cloth of gold — the most expensive stuffs known at that time. 

lie returned in Sei)tem])er, 1588; and in less than three years had spent so 
much of the wealth acquired during that voyage that he was ready to under- 
take another. It was on this second voyage, in 1591, that Davis became one 
of his followers. Their course lay toward the south; it being the intention 
of Cavendish to follow nearly the same path which, on the previous voyage, 
had led to such gains. They rounded South America and reached that ocean 
which Magellan had so mistakenly named the Pacific. Here storms of un- 
usual severity beset them, and the sailors, less determined than his men on 
the former expedition, refused to obey the orders which sent the ships far- 
ther from home. They mutinied and succeeded in compelling the leader to 
steer for England. 

But the victory of his men was to him a crushing disgrace; he could not 
bear to be ruled by thosa whom he should have ruled ; and the great advent- 
urer of the ocean died on the homeward voyage. 

There was at least one among his followers, however, who did not desire 
to return to England without having some laurels as a discoverer to wear on 
his return. Davis, with one of the vessels, and seventy-six men, who were 
less cowardly than the others, continued to attempt the passage of the Straits 
of Magellan. He failed, but became the discoverer of the Falkland Islands. 

The discovery was dearly bought, however; for so disastrous was the home- 
ward passage that sixty of his men perished before they reached England; 
leaving scarcely enough to manage the vessel. 

This was his last voyage to America. Yet he did not leave the sea. He 
seems to have become an employe of the great East India Company, which 
was a power in England and India for so many years. He made three prin- 
cipal voyages to that country: once as master of a merchant fleet; twice as 
first pilot to a larger expedition, comprising ships of war as well as merchant- 
men. The last voyage was begun in 1605; on the way home, the fleet was 
attacked by native pirates off the coast of Malacca; and in these tropic Indian 



520 JOHN DAVIS, THE SECOND GREAT ARCTIC NAVIGATOR. 

seas, far from the ice-covered waters which still bear his name, John Davis 
fell at the hand of some infuriated Malay whose name has been for more than 
two hundred years forgotten. 

Thus departed from earth a brave and able navigator, whose fate it was 
to again and again search few but cold and inhospitable shores. Who can tell 
how much larger and more romantic a place in history he might have held, 
if his lot had been cast for explorations under summer skies and over warm- 
er seas. 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



^F^HE l)road and beautiful river on which the largest city of the Amer- 
rJ) ican continent is situated, the second in size of those great arms of 
^: the sea which indent the coast, and the entrance to that mighty bay, 
are all called by the name of one man; yet that man was not the dis- 
coverer of any one of them. His name, however, is so indissolubly connect- 
ed with the three great bodies of water that we have mentioned, that any ac- 
count of the discovery of the western continent would be incomplete, did it 
not embrace some history of his efforts at exploration; and his tragical fate 
is one of the saddest stories connected with the early records of the New 
World. 

Before, however, entering upon an account of the achievements of Henry 
Hudson, it will be well to summarize, very briefly, the results of the voyage 
of Yerazzano, who was the flrst to find that stream which we now know as 
the Hudson River. 

Shortly after his accession to the throne of France, King Francis I., the 
contemporary and rival of the Emperor Charles Y., determined to make 
some effort to explore the coast of the western continent, north of that por- 
tion which had been claimed and settled by the Spaniards. Cabot's voyages 
had made it certain that the land extended to a considerable distance north 
of the Isthmus of Panama, where were the earliest settlements of the Span- 
iards on the continent; and the French, like all other nations, Avere anxious 
to find a short passage to China. Yerazzano was instructed to proceed along 
the eastern coast of what is now called North America, and, skirting the 
northern shore, find a passage to China. Four vessels were prepared; but 
the violence of the storms which they encountered before they were out of 
sight of land disabled two; and after some time had been spent in cruising 
along the coast of Spain, as they had been instructed to do before venturing 
across the Atlantic, they found it wisest to leave one of these behind them; 
and, with the Dolphin alone, set forth on the voyage. 

January 17, 1524, they set sail from a desolate rock near the Madeira 

Islands, w^ith a crew of fifty men. He had provisions sufficient for eight 

(521) 



522 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

months, and all the military and naval stores necessary. For more than a 
month, with favorable breezes and good weather, they sailed pleasantly 
along; but February 24, "we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship 
ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the Divine assistance and 
goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our good ship, 
that had been able to support the tossing of the waves." 

Twenty-four days later they came in sight of land, which they perceived, 
from the number of fires along the coast, Avas inhabited. Here they sought 
anchorage in vain; and, although they followed the coast southwardly for fif- 
ty leagues, could find no good harbor. Seeing that the coast still stretched 
southwardly, they resolved to put the ship about, and stood to the north. As 
they still met with the same difficulty, they drew to the land, and sent a 
number of the men ashore in a boat, to communicate with the people; and 
Verazzano, in his report to the King, has much to say of the appearance and 
customs of the Indians along the coast Avhere he sailed. 

The place where they first landed is supposed to have been on the coast of 
one of the Carolinas. If the explorer has correctly stated the latitude, or 
the translator has erred in rendering the direction in which they afterward 
sailed, the point was near where the city of Wilmington now stands. 

Two incidents show the contrast between the actions of the natives and of 
the white men in a light not very favorable to the Europeans. A young sailor, 
attempting to swim ashore through the surf, with some bells and other knick- 
knacks as gifts for the Indians, was struck by a wave which knocked him 
senseless. He was thrown upon the beach and lay there as if dead. The In- 
dians rushed to him, and lifting him gently, carried him out of the reach of 
the waters. His comrades watched anxiously, expecting to see the savages 
put him to death; and the sailor, who had revived, expressed his own fears 
by loud shrieks. Every sign that ingenuity could devise was employed by the 
Indians to reassure him ; and although they stripped him of his clothes when 
they got him to a fire Avhich they had built, and his companions imagined that 
he was to furnish the material for a feast of cannibals, they chafed his limbs, 
and offered him such food as they had. When his strength was restored, 
they permitted him to return to the ship, hugging him with great affection as 
they accompanied him to the shore. 

A few days after this, about a hundred and fifty miles north of the point 
where this occurred, a party of the sailors being on shore came upon an old 
and a young woman, who had three children with them. One of the children, 
a boy of about eight years old, they decided to carry to France ; they would 
have taken the younger woman, but she shrieked so loudly that they were 
afraid the men of her tribe would attack them. Thus, from the earliest times, 
the European explorers repaid the kindness of the natives by kidnapping 
them and trampling on their rights. 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 523 

Proceeding northward, they entered the estuary which is now known as 
New York Bay. Verazzano gives a minute and accurate description of this 
harbor, where they rode at anchor for some days, before they followed the 
coast of Connecticut to Narragansett Bay. Near this resting-place, they found 
the Indians much lighter in color than those farther south, Verazzano assert- 
ing that they are of a very fair complexion, some of them inclining to a white. 
It is supposed that these are the " white Indians," of whom we have spoken 
in the first chapter of the present volume. 

They had considerable intercourse with the natives living along the south- 
ern coast of the New England States, and Verazzano gives a very clear and 
accurate description of the appearance of these people, as well as an account 
of their manners and customs. He continued to follow the coast for some 
distance northward, the whole distance explored being, according to his esti- 
mate, two thousand one hundred miles. They reached the port of Dieppe 
early in July, 1524. It is on these discoveries of Verazzano and those later 
ones of Cartier that the French based their claims to New France, as they 
called North America. 

More than eighty years after this voyage of Verazzano, there was made the 
first voyage of Henry Hudson of which history takes any account. In April, 
1607, a vessel having been prepared, he assembled his crew, "purposing to 
go to sea for to discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China." 
They numbered eleven men, including Hudson; and the roll included, be- 
sides, the name of "John Hudson, a boy," supposed to have been the mas- 
ter's son. 

May 1 they weighed anchor at Gravesend; and, passing by the Shetland 
Isles, steered to the northwest till they came in sight of the coast of Green- 
land. His statements are so vague, and we know so little of the real outline 
of Greenland even now, that it is impossible to place the points which he 
mentions; so broad are the ice-fields by which this great body of land is en- 
compassed. 

But Hudson's instructions did not bind him to an exploration of the coast 
of the western continent; it would answer equally well if he found the de- 
sired passage to China around by the northern coast of Europe. Accordingly, 
having sailed along the coast of Greenland until June 22, and having his sails 
and shrouds frozen stiff in what is the summer of the northern hemisphere, 
he altered his course and stood to the northeast, reaching a point on the 
western coast of Spitzbergen five days later. 

For more than a month they continued to explore the coast of this island, 
then but very little known; and despairing of finding the desired passage, 
and fearing that the winter would find them ice-locked in these far northern 
seas, they sailed southwardly again, arriving in the Thames September 15. 

Nothing had been accomplished by this voyage, but in the following year 



524 



FOUR VEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



Hudson set out upon a similar expedition, his crew numbering thirteen men 
besides himself and his son. April 22, 1608, they set sail, the general direc- 
tion taken being nearly due northeast. They reached the Korth Cape on the 
coast of Norway, early in June, and kept on their way around the northern 
coast of Europe. It was during this voyage that two of the seamen posi- 
tively affirmed that they had seen a mermaid; but Dr. Kane observes that 
there is something strangely human about the appearance and movements of 
the seal; and it was most probably one of those animals that they saw. Mo- 
mentary glimpses and imperfect views have led to the belief in the strangest 
animals of the ocean: mermen and mermaids, and the terrible sea-serpent. 




The Noktii Cape. 



A considerable portion of the coast of Nova Zembla was explored; but as 
the summer drew near to a close, Hudson saw that there was no practicable 
Northeast Passage from western Europe to China; and resolved to sail to the 
northwest. Further consideration, however, caused him to change this re- 
solve; and, he tells us, "I thought it my duty to save victual, wages, and tackle, 
by my speedy return, and not by foolish rashness, the time being wasted, to 
lay more charge upon the action than necessity should compel." In accor- 
dance with this decision he sailed for England and arrived there August 26. 



FOUR VEAKS IiN TIIK LIFK OF IIKNRY HUDSON. 525 

Hudson's fame as a navigator had now gone abroad; and when the King of 
France determined to send out an exploring expedition, he was advised by 
Jeannin, the great statesman, to employ Hudson as the leader. Jeannin was 
commissioned to secure the services of the navigator, but for some reason 
failed to do so. It is the third and fourth voyages that interest us, for these 
were the only journeys which he made to the shores of the New World. 

The Dutch East India Company decided to send out an expedition to find 
a northern passage to China and India; but, like the Englishmen for whom 
Hudson had previously sailed, they did not care whether it was by the north- 
east or by the northwest. Hudson, who is described as " an experienced 
English pilot," w\as the master of the vessel called the Half Moon, which 
was one of those rather flat-bottomed ships constructed for the difficult 
navigation of the sandy entrance to the Zuyder Zee, called the Vlie; these 
vessels being called vlie-boats, or by the English, fly-boats. His crew con- 
sisted of eighteen or twenty men, partly English, partly Dutch. 

Leaving the Texel, April 6, 1609, they sailed again to the northeast, and 
doubled the North Cape a month after leaving Holland. He found the sea 
as full of ice as it had been the preceding year, and therefore saw that it 
would be useless to attempt to find a passage. There were other reasons 
why he should not persevere in forcing his way eastwardly. Some of his 
men had been in the East Indies for a number of years, and could not stand 
the cold, even in summer time, of these high northern latitudes. Besides, 
the men of different nationalities on board the vessel were constantly quar- 
reling; and Hudson thought that if they were engaged in exploring the 
shores of the New World, then regarded almost as fairyland, they would be 
more peacefully inclined. 

He accordingly laid before them two projDositions. The first of these was 
to go to America, striking the coast in about the fortieth degree of latitude, 
or about the middle of the present State of New Jersey. Letters and maps 
had been recently sent to Hudson by his friend Captain John Smith, who 
had become the chief man in the newly established English colony on the 
banks of the James River; and these informed him that just to the north of 
this colony there was. a sea communicating with the western ocean — Chesa- 
peake Bay being then but imperfectly explored. The second proposition 
was to go to Davis' Strait, and search for a Northwest Passage. This met 
with more approval than the first, and was finally adopted by the crew. 

They arrived at the Faroe Islands about the middle of May, and sailed 
thence across the Atlantic, arriving off the coast of New France, as Canada 
was then called, two months later. Here they were obliged to land in order 
to get a new foremast, theirs having been lost on the voyage. 

They found this a good place for fishing, cod being especially iilentiful; 
and were also able to trade for skins and furs, securing them at a low price. 



'4 




FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 527 

But the crew behaved badly to the natives, taking their property by force; 
and many quarrels arose among them. Hudson's mate, Robert Juet, who 
has written an account of this voyage, tries to justify the sailors, by saying 
that in robbing and firing at the savages they were only doing what the In- 
dians were seeking an opportunity of doing to them. However this may be, 
they soon found it advisable to leave that part of the country; and stood out 
to sea in eight days after landing. 

They steered to the southward, and reached a point as far south as the 
coast of South Carolina. Returning thence toward the north, Hudson di- 
rected his course up Chesapeake Bay; but we have no record of how far he 
explored it. This great inlet does not seem, however, to have suggested it- 
self to him as the sea by which he could reach the western ocean. Perhaps 
the numerous shoals which he found prevented his having this idea of it; 
for Juet tells us, "He that will thoroughly discover this great bay must have 
a small pinnace, that must draw but four or five foot water, to sound before 
him." 

All through the month of August they sailed along the coast, sometimes 
in sight of land; sometimes far out at sea; until Sept. 2, 1G09, early in the 
morning, they saw the land, like broken islands, rising northward of them. 
They were near the northern part of the coast of New Jersey; and Hudson 
was soon to see, for the first time, that river which still bears his name. 

"Then we luffed in for the shore, and fair by the shore we had seven 
fathoms. The course along the land we found to be northeast by north. From 
the land which we had first sight of, until we came to a great lake of water, 
as we could judge it to be, being drowned land, which made it to rise like 
islands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land hath 
many shoals, and the sea breaketh on them as it is cast out of the mouth of 
j^ * * « * -j-Q ^j-jg northward of us we saw high hills. * « « * This 
is a very good land to fall with, and a pleasant land to see." 

The next morning, according to the record, they came to three great riv- 
ers. The placing of these three rivers is a puzzle to modern geographers; 
nor is it certain whether Hudson passed Staten Island on the eastern or the 
western shore. 

On the fourth, having anchored outside of New York Bay, probably in 
what is now called Gravesend Bay, they sent a boat-load of men on shore to 
fish; tradition says that they landed on Coney Island. That night the wind 
blew hard from the northwest, and their anchor came home, so that they 
were driven upon shore. The ground, however, was soft sand and ooze, so 
that the vessel was not injured. The next day's flood-tide carried her into 
deep water again. 

For some days they cruised about this point; holding constant communi- 
cation with the natives, whom Hudson uniformly treated with kindness, 



528 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. i 

while his men showed the same mistrust which had, on a previous occasion, 
led to the ill-treatment of the Indians. But in this connection, the history 
of the events from an Indian standpoint Avill perhaps afford more variety' 
than can be obtained by a strict following of Juet's record and the ancient' 
narratives of De Laet and Van Der Donck. Eev. John Heckewelder, for 
many years a Moravian missionary to the Indians of Pennsylvania, obtained: 
from them their story of Hudson's landing; and wrote it out from notes taken] 
of the accounts given by aged and respected Delawares and Mohegans.j 
We make a few extracts: — 

"A long time ago, w4ien there was no such thing known to the Indians asj 
jDeople with a white skin, some Indians who had been out fishing whore the] 
sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably large swimmingi 
or floating on the water, and such as they had never seen before. Thoy ini-| 
mediately returning to the shore told the other Indians of what they had! 
seen, and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might be.| 
These together hurried out, and saw to their great surprise the phenomenon,! 
but could not agree what it might be; some concluding it either to be an un-i 
commonly large fish or other animal, while others w^ere of opinion that it must^ 
be a very large house. It was at length agreed among them that as this ap-i 
pearance moved toward the land, whether or not it was an animal, or any-] 
thing that had life in it, it would be well to inform all the Indians on the in-i 
habited islands of what they had seen, and put them on their guard. Ac-i 
cordingly they sent runners and watermen off to carry the news to their scat-! 
terod chiefs, that these might send off in every direction for the warriors toj 
come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves viewing the strange! 
appearance, and that it was actually moving toward them — the entrance of: 
the river or bay — concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in which the j 
Manito — Great or Supreme Being — himself Avas, and that he probably was] 
coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs of the different tribes were j 
assembled on York Island, and were deliberating on the manner in which' 
they should receive their Manito on his arrival. Every step had been taken] 
to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice ; the Avomen were re- 
quired to prepare the best of victuals; idols or images were examined and 
put in order; and a grand dance was supposed to be not only an agreeable 
entertainment for the Manito, but might, with the addition of a sacrifice, , 
contribute toward appeasing him, in case he was angry with them. The con- ' 
jurors also were set to work, to determine what the meaning of this phe- ; 
nomenon was, and what the result w^ould be. Both to these, and to the 
chiefs and wise men of the nation, men, w^omen and children w^ere looking 
for advice and protection. Between hope and fear, and in confusion, a 
dance commenced. While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring 
it a house of various colors, and crowded with living creatures. It now ap- i 



J 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



529 



pears to be certain that it is the great Manito bringing them some kind of 
game, such as they had not before; but other runners soon afterward ar- 
riving, dechire it a large house of various colors, full of people, yet of quite 
a different color than they, the Indians, are of; that they were also dressed 
in a different manner from them, and that one in particular appeared alto- 
gether red, which must be the Manito himself. 




Henry IIud.sox and Crew at Manhattan Island. 

"They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a language they do not 
understand ; yet they shout or yell in their way. Many are for running off to 
the Avoods, but are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offense to 
their visitors, who could find them out and might destroy them. 

" The house, or large canoe, as some will have it, stops, and a smaller ca- 
noe comes ashore with the red man and some others in it; some stay by this 
canoe to guard it. The chief and wise men, or councillors, have composed a 
large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others approach. He 
salutes them with friendly countenance, and they return the salute after 
their manner. They are lost in admiration, both as to the color of the skin 
of these whites, as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit 
of him who wore the red clothes, which shone with something they could not 
account for. [Hudson's costume was of red cloth, trimmed with gold lace.] 
He must be the great Manito, they think: but why should he have a white 
skin? 



530 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

"A large hockhack [gourd or bottle] is brought forward by one of the 
Manito's servants, and from this a substance is poured out into a small cup 
and handed to the Manito. The Manito drinks; has the glass filled again, 
and hands it to the chief next him to drink. The chief receives the glass, 
but onl}' smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does the same. 
The glass thus passes through the circle without the contents being tasted by 
anyone; and is upon the point of being returned again to the red-clothed 
man, when one of their number, a spirited man and a great warrior, jumps 
up, harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the glass with 
the contents in it; that the same was handed to them by the Manito in order 
that they might drink, as he himself had done before them; that this would 
please him: but to return what he had given to them might provoke him, 
and be the cause of their being destroyed by them. And that since he be- 
lieved it for the good of the nation that the contents offered them should be 
drank, and as no one was willing to drink it he would, let the consequence 
be what it would; and that it was better for one man to die, than for a whole 
nation to be destroyed. He then took the glass, and, bidding the assembly 
a farewell, drank it off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion to 
see what an effect this would have upon him ; and he soon beginning to stag- 
ger about, and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. He falls 
into a sleep, and they view him as expiring. He awakes again, and jumps 
up, and declares that he never felt himself so happy before as after he had 
drank the cup. Wishes for more. His wish is granted; and the whole as- 
sembly soon join him, and become intoxicated." 

To this account the reverend gentleman appends a note, as follows: — 

" The Delawares called this place — New York Island — Mannahattanink or 
Mannahacktanink to this day. They have frequently told me that it derived 
its name from the general intoxication, and that the word comprehended the 
same as to say the island or place of general intoxication." 

"After this general intoxication had ceased — during which time the whites 
had confined themselves to their vessel, — the man with the red clothes re- 
turned again to them, and distributed presents among them, to wit, beads, 
axes, hoes, stockings, etc. They say that they had become familiar to each 
other, and were made to understand by signs, that they would now return 
home, but would visit them next year again, when they would bring them 
more presents, and stay with them awhile; but that, as they could not live 
without eating, they should then want a little land of them to sow seeds in 
order to raise herbs to put in their broth. 

"That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were much rejoiced 
at seeing each other; but that the whites laughed at them, seeing that they 
knew not the use of the axes, hoes, etc., which they had given them, they hav- 
ing had these hanging to their breasts for ornaments; and the stockings they 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 531 

had made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites now put handles in the 
former, and cut trees down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed 
them the use of the stockings. Here a general laughter ensued among the 
Indians, that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so 
valuable implements; and had borne with the weight of such heavy metal 
hanging to their necks for such a length of time. 

"They took every white man they saw for a Manito, yet inferior and at- 
tendant to the supreme Manito, to wit, to the one which wore the red and 
laced clothes. Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites, the 
latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only for so much land as 
the hide of a bullock would encompass; which hide wasbrought forward and 
spread on the ground before them. That they readily granted this request; 
whereupon the whites took a knife, and beginning at one place on this hide, 
cut it up into a rope no thicker than the finger of a little child, so that by the 
time this hide was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was drawn 
out to a great distance, and then brought round again, that both ends might 
meet. That they carefully avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it 
encompassed a large piece of ground. That the Indians were surprised at 
the superior wit of the whites, but did not wish to contend with them about 
a little land, as they had enough. That they and the whites lived for a long 
time contentedly together, although these asked from time to time more land 
of them; and proceeding higher up the Mahicanittuk [Hudson Kiver] they 
believed they would soon want all their country, and which at this time was 
already the case." 

We have continued this quotation beyond the limits of what applies to Hud- 
son, to show how the confidence of the natives was won by the straightfor- 
ward sailor, and, as was too often the casein other instances, abused by the less 
considerate settler. The Manito who returned was not the same as the first 
that they had seen ; and the vagueness of Indian ideas regarding the lapse of 
time caused the tradition to say that he returned the next season. Except- 
ing for these two errors, it is a simple and direct narrative, from the native 
point of view, of the landing of Hudson and his men. 

Their ship sailed up the river to about where Albany now stands. The peo- 
ple were friendly, and had an abundance of provisions, skins and furs, mainly 
of martins and foxes, and such other commodities as fowls and fruits. These 
they were very willing to trade with the people of the ship. 

But the provisions which they had brought with them, and which they con- 
sidered essential to their well-being — for how could they live without salt 
pork and ship biscuit, whatever else might be supplied? — the crew clamored 
for a return to Holland. One of them, indeed, who held the second rank in 
the vessel, desired to Avintcr in Newfoundland, a name then applied to Nova 
Scotia as well as to the island, and to proceed northward in the spring for 



532 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



the exploration of Davis' Strait and the waters which lie beyond it. But 
Hudson knew the mutinous temper of his crew; they had savagely threatened 
him and he was afraid of them; if they remained all winter in Newfoundland 




they would * oiisunio their pro\ ision-^and be coin]xlkdto ictuin, after all, in 
the spring. Many of the crew, besides, were sick. He therefore proposed to 
them that they should sail to Ireland and winter there; and to this proposi- 
tion they all agreed. 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 533 

They arrived in England November 7, the project of wintering in Ireland 
seeming to have been reconsidered almost at once. From this point they 
sent a messenger to inform the Dutch East India Company of their return, 
and of the extent of what they had discovered and explored. This messen- 
ger was also to submit the requests of Hudson for certain arrangements to be 
made for the next year. He wished six or seven of his crew exchanged for 
others, and asked that the number should be slightly increased. He stated 
that it was his intention, with their permission, to leave Dartmouth March 1, 
1610, proceed to the Northwest, spend all of April and half of May in fishing 
for whales and other fish, near the coast of Newfoundland; thence sail north- 
west till the middle of September, when he would return by way of the north- 
ern coast of Scotland. 

Contrary winds prevented this messenger from delivering his news and re- 
quests to the Company as soon as had been expected; but as soon as they 
heard of the arrival of the vessel in England, they ordered it to be brought, 
with all on board, to Holland, as soon as possible. Just here the English Gov- 
ernment interfered; and Hudson and the other Englishmen who were on the 
//r?/f J/oo>i were ordered to remain in England to serve their own country. 
Of course this was unfair, to prevent them from laying their report of the 
enterprise before their employers; but King James I. had some idea of send- 
ing English ships to explore the Hudson Eiver. 

In the year 1613 Hessel Gerritz, a Dutch cosmographer of note, prepared 
and printed a chart showing the results of Hudson's two voyages to North 
America. Printed on the back of this chart was a Latin description of the 
countr}', with some historical account of the enterprise. From this account 
we quote a paragraph showing what had been the influences at work upon 
Hudson, and what knowledge he had of these seas before he undertook the 
fourth voyage; when he endeavored to explore them, and re-discovered the 
Strait and Bay which bear his name. Gerritz writes concerning Davis' 
Strait: — 

"The last navigator who Avent along that way was Captain George Wey- 
mouth, who sailed in the year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred 
leagues, was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But on pur- 
pose to draw at least some advantage from his expedition, he directed his 
course to the bay under 61 degrees, which the English call Lumley 's Inlet, and 
sailed a hundred leagues in a southwesterly direction into it. Having gone so 
far, he found himself land-locked, and, despairing of a passage, he was, by 
the weakness of his crew and other causes, forced to return. He, however, 
first explored two more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found 
there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very great tides. 

"This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes, assisted Hud- 
son very materially in finding his famous strait. George Weymouth's log- 



534 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF JIENRY HUDSON. 



books fell into the hands of the Rev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most dili- 
gent attention to such new discoveries, chiefly Avhen they maybe of advantage 
to our own country; and when in IGOl) Hudson was preparing to undertake a 
voyage for the Directors of the East India Company, in search of a passage 
to China and Cathay by way of the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these 
logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learned this whole voyage of 
George Weymouth, through the narrows north of Virginia till into the great 
inland sea; and thence he concluded that this road would lead him to India. 




lIlAU\ IlLDbON. 

"But Peter Plancius refuted this later opinion from the accounts of a man 
who had searched and explored the western shore of that sea, and had stated 
that it formed an unbroken line of coast. Hudson, in sjiite of this advice, 
sailed westward to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having 
first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely blocked up by ice 
and snow. He seems, however, according to the opinion of our countrymen, 
purposely to have missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to 
benefit Holland and the directors of the Dutch East India Company by such 
a discovery. All he did in the west in 1609 was to exchange his merchandise 
for furs in New France. He then returned safely to England, where he was 
accused of having taken a voyage to the detriment of his own country. Still 
anxious to discover a western passage, he again set out in 1610, and directed 
his course to Davis' Strait,"' 



FOUR YEARS IN TIIK LIFK OF IIKNKY HUDSON. 535 

Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Master John Wostenholme, and 
some others, enlisted in the enterprise by the efforts of those whom we have 
named, provided the vessel for this voyage, and fitted her out. In this ship, 
called the Discovery, Hudson was to sail direct for Davis' Strait, and seek to 
lind a passage leading from its western side to the South Sea. Their voyage 
began April 17; and five days later they sailed from the mouth of the Thames. 
The crew numbered about twenty men besides Hudson and his son John. 

We have an account of a part of this voyage from Hudson's own hand; 
but it professes to be no more than an abstract, and is but brief and unsatis- 
factory. The longest account that we have, and the most detailed and cir- 
cumstantial, was written by Abacuk Prickett, who had been in the employ of 
Sir Dudley Digges. This fourth voyage of Hudson's is peculiar in one re- 
spect; in all other accounts, the men who composed the crew of the vessel 
are but shadows, parts of the machine; in the story of this expedition, they 
stand out as individuals; we know their names; we are told what they, as in- 
dividuals, said and did; and the interest is correspondingly increased. 

As they passed Iceland, they saw the flames rising from the crater of Mount 
Hecla, a sure sign of foul weather shortly to come; but they seem to have 
escaped the storm in its worst shape at least; for although they were obliged 
to put back to Iceland for a harbor, the vessel escaped all injury. 

They came in sight of Greenland June 4, but there was so much ice about 
the shore that it was impossible to land. Skirting the southern coast, they 
stood alongshore toward the northwest, impeded much by the ice. 

Hudson's men began to be very much discouraged at the appearance of 
things ; and felt sure that their vessel was soon to be ground to pieces between 
the vast masses of ice that came floating down toward them. Hudson him- 
self despaired, although he seems to have given no signs of it at the time ; but 
he told Prickett afterward that he thought they would have perished there. 
He brought out his chart, though, and showed the men how much farther 
they had entered the polar waters than any before them; and left it to them 
whether they should proceed further or not. 

Having the responsibility of the decision thus left to them, the crew were 
by no means united in their opinions. Some were venturesome enough to 
wish to go farther north; but by far the greater part of them wished most 
heartily that they were safely at home, away from this ice. 

"If I had a hundred pounds," said one of them, "I would give four-score 
to be at home." 

"If I had a hundred pounds," returned the carpenter, "I would not give 
ten to be at home; but I Avould think it as good money as any that I ever 
had." 

The discussion brought no decision; and all hands went to work to get the 
ship clear of the ice, that she might be turned about. This was done with 



53(3 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



no small labor ; and they sailed to the westward, keeping close to the sixteenth 
l)arallel. This brought them toUngavaBay; and before long they sighted 
land, which Hudson named Desire Provokes, but which is now known as 
Akpatok Island. 





We need not follow them as they cautiously and slowly advanced along the 
southern shore of the strait, and at last entered the bay. It is doubtful 
whether they realized the extent of the body of w^ater on which they were 
sailing; and probably thought, as they followed the eastern shore down to 
James Bay, that they had really entered the Pacific. This does not concern 
us here, however, so much as the actions of Hudson and his crew. 

At the time when the discussion about proceeding north had taken place, 
there had been many mutinous expressions used by some of the crew; but 
Hudson had not seen fit at the time to take notice of them. These expres- 
sions would seem to have been followed by other words and actions of the 
same nature; and September 10 Hudson called his men together, to be pres- 
ent at a sort of informal trial of Robert Juet, the mate of the vessel. 

According to the sworn testimony of Bennet Matthew, Phillip Staffe and 
Ladlie Arnold, Juet had, in Iceland, on the way from Iceland to Greenland, 
Avhile they were " pestered in the ice," and after arriving in James' Bay, used 
words tending to discourage the men, and so strong that they easily took 



FOUR YEAKS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 537 

effect in those who were timorous, and might have " overthrown the voyage," 
had it not been for the prompt action of the master. In accordance with this 
testimony, Juet was deposed from his rank as mate, and Robert Bylot ap- 
pointed to take his place. At the same time, Francis Clement, the boatswain, 
was reduced to the level of ordinary seaman, and William Wilson advanced 
to his post. 

"Also the master promised, if the offenders yet behaved themselves hence- 
forth honestly, he would be a means for their good, and that he would forget 
injuries, with other admonitions." 

Such is a statement made in a note of this occurrence, found in the desk of 
Thomas Wydowse, one of those who shared Hudson's fate. These promises, 
however, seem to have been regarded as nothing in comparison with the 
wrong which they considered he had done them by thus degrading them from 
their offices. 

There seems to have been no immediate resentment, however; they must 
first lay their plans very carefully to be sure of success; the greater part of 
the crew must be won over to their side. Accordingly we hear of no event 
of importance until the first part of November, when Prickett notes that 
they were frozen in. 

They had provisions enough to last them for six months; and Hudson, in 
order to insure plenty of food for the winter and for the homeward voyage, 
offered a reward to each man who should kill either "beast, fish or fowl." 
It was about the middle of November that the trouble which ended so disas- 
trously began. 

One of the chief conspirators seems to have been Henry Greene, a man of 
good birth, who had lost, by his wild life, all friends among those of his own 
rank. Hudson had taken him in out of the London streets, and had given 
him food, shelter, and clothing. Greene was not one of those whom the own- 
ers of the vessel had hired to make up the crew, but was brought aboard by 
Hudson himself, who promised to see that he was provided for. He quar- 
reled with the surgeon while they Avere on the coast of Iceland, and beat this 
officer so that the whole crew took the matter up against Greene; Hudson, 
however, took the part of his protege, and laid the blame on the surgeon's 
tongue. Juet became an enemy of Greene's, and tried to make mischief be- 
tween the carpenter and him. Things were at this pass when John Williams, 
the gunner, died. According to the custom of the times, the possessions of 
the dead man were put up at auction. Greene was especially anxious to pos- 
sess a certain gray cloth gown, and asked Hudson to buy it for him, which the 
master promised to do. 

This important matter of the gray cloth gown being settled, as all thought, 
Hudson commanded the carpenter to build a house on shore. The carpenter 
replied that the weather was not fit for such work, that he would not and 



538 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

could not do it. Hudson flew into a passion and chased him out of his cabin; 
threatening to hang him, and calling him by many vile names. The carpenter 
retorted that the master was no carpenter, and knew nothing about what 
he was ordering to be done. 

No reconciliation followed this bitter quarrel; but the next day the carpen- 
ter went on shore on a hunting expedition. Hudson had given orders, some 
time before this, that no one should go ashore alone; and it had become an 
established custom ^yith. then for two to go, one with a pike, and the other 
Avith a "piece," or gun. The carpenter's companion on this occasion was 
Henry Greene. Hudson bitterly resented this ingratitude, and " did so rail 
on Greene, with so many words of disgrace, telling him that all his friends 
would not trust him with twenty shillings, and therefore why should he? '' 
Hudson recalled his promise about the gray cloth gown, and gave the gar- 
ment to Bylot; and Prickett goes on to say of Greene: — 

"As for wages he had none, and none should have, if he did not please him 
well. Yet tlie master had promised him to make his wages as good as any 
man's in the ship; and to have him made one of the Prince's guard when he 
came home. But you shall see how the devil out of this so wrought with 
Greene, that he did the masterwhat mischief he could in seeking to discredit 
him, and to thrust him and many other men out of the ship in the end. To 
speak of all our troubles in this time of winter — which was so cold, that it 
lamed the most of our company, and myself do feel it yet — would be too 
tedious." 

Throughout the winter they lived mainly on the birds which they killed — 
partridges, and after they had left, swan, geese, duck and teal " hard to come 
by." Then they were glad to go into the woods and gather Avhatever they 
could find to eat; the " moss of the ground," to which Prickett declares that 
he would have preferred the powder of a post; and frogs, wdiich seemed less 
palatable to them than they would have seemed to a Frenchman, 

When the ice began to break up, an Indian, the first that they had seen all 
winter, came to the ship. He was extremely well treated, and some trading was 
done; but after several visits he left them, telling them by signs of people 
living to the north and the south, and promising after a certain number of 
sleeps to come again; but they saw no more of him. 

A number of men w^ere sent in the boat to fish and met with very good suc- 
cess. Among those sent on this errand were Henry Greene and William Wil- 
son, who took advantage of their absence to plot against Hudson. The 
carpenter had recently set up the shallop; and they had planned to seize up- 
on this and the net, and shift for themselves and such others as w^ould choose 
to follow them. 

On their return, however, they foundthattheir plans were not practicable; 
for Hudson announced that he would take the shallop, with provisions for 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF IIKNKY III'DSON, 



53y 



eight or nine days, and go to the south and southwest, to see if he could 
meet with any of the natives. They Avho remained aboard were to take in 
wood, water, and ballast, and be all ready to sail as soon as he returned. He 
set no time for his return, for he felt sure that if he met with any Indians he 
could procure enough food of them to last him for any length of time. 




Kixr.-fP OF THE Ice. 



In these expectations, however, he was disappointed; for the Indians every- 
where fled at his approach, setting fire to the woods in his sight. He there- 
fore returned to the ship and made ready to sail. The scanty stock of bread 
was divided among the men, one pound for each man's share, for two weeks; 
and, to eke out the food, the boat was again lowered, and sent to the fishing- 
grounds wdiere they had had such good success before; this time, however, 
although they worked from Friday morning till Sunday noon, they caught 
but eighty small fish; a poor relief for so many hungry men. 

When the bread was divided, Hudson gave his men a bill of return; that is, 
a statement that he had not been compelled by them to return before his 
judgment approved, but had done so of his own Avill. This was to use in case 
he should die before reaching England. "And he Avept when he gave it unto 
them." 

The state of the food supply was well known to every one onboard, and it 
might be thought that they would endeavor to bear in patience that for which 



540 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

there was no help. But, hungry and improvident, some of them had eaten in 
a single day their two weeks' supply; and were clamoring against the master 
who had no more to give them. 

"Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and twentieth of June, at 
night, Wilson the boatswain and Henry Greene came to me lying in my cabin 
lame, and told me that they and the rest of their associates would shift the 
company, and turn the master and all the sick men into the shallop, and let 
them shift for themselves. For there were not fourteen days' victuals left 
for all the company, at the poor allowance they were at; and that there they 
lay, the master not caring to go one way or other; and that they had not 
eaten anything these three days, and therefore were resolute, either to mend 
or end, and Avhat they had begun they would go through with, or die. When 
I heard this, I told them that I marveled to hear so much from them, consid- 
ering that they were married men, and had wives and children, and that for 
their sakes they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God and 
man as that would be; for why should they banish themselves from their na- 
tive country? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, 
which was to be hanged when he came home, and therefore of the two he 
would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad; and, for the good will 
they bore me, they would have me stay in the ship. I gave them thanks, and 
told them that I came into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt myself and 
others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then that I must take my for- 
tune in the shallop. If there be no remedy, said I, the Avill of God be done. 

"Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went 
about to disturb them ; and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk, 
but to no good ; for he was so persuaded that there was no remedy now but 
to go on while it was hot, lest their party should fail them, and the mischief 
they had intended to do to others should light on themselves. Henry 
Greene came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered: — - 

" 'He is at his old song, still patient.' 

"Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three days, in which time I would 
so deal with the master that all should be well. So I dealt with him but to 
forbear two days, nay, twelve hours; there is no way then, say they, but out 
of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay till Monday, I would 
join with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justify it when 
I came home; but this would not serve their turns. Wherefore I told them, 
that it was some worse matter that they had in hand than they made show of, 
and that it was blood and revenge he sought, or else he would not at such a 
time of night undertake such a deed. Henry Greene, with that, taketh my 
Bible which lay before me, and sware that he would do no man harm, and 
what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else; and that 
all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson swear. 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 541 

"Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet; who, because he 
was an ancient man, I hoped to have found some reason in him; but he was 
worse than Henry Greene, for he sware phiinly that he would justify this 
deed when he came home." 

Four others came in succession to Prickett's cabin to try to win him over; 
for they knew the dangers of the course which they were about to pursue, 
and knew that he possessed much influence with his master. Sir Dudley Digges; 
if this influence could be exerted in their behalf, Prickett being as deep in the 
mud as they were in the mire, they had no fears of being punished. 

Prickett, however, although unable to dissuade them, compelled each one 
of them to swear what Greene had already sworn; and trusted that they 
would all go to rest. He was in hopes that their plots would be betrayed to 
Hudson, but was himself too lame to stir from his bed without such great 
efforts as would attract the attention of the conspirators and hasten the exe- 
cution of their plans. 

Hudson had advanced the carpenter, whose quarrel had long since been 
forgotten, to the position of mate, thereby displacing Robert Bylot. This 
had excited the jealousy of the crew against the new mate, and it was re- 
solved that he should be one of those who were to be put in the shallop. 

Soon after daybreak, when the men first began to stir, Henry Greene and 
another man went to the carpenter, and held him with a talk until the 
master came out of his cabin, a short time after they began to talk. Two 
others of the conspirators approached Hudson and engaged his attention un- 
til Wilson had an opportunity to come up behind him, suddenly seize him, 
and bind his arms. Hudson demanded to know wdiat they Avere doing. They 
told him that he should know wdien he was in the shallop. He seems to have 
been taken completely by surprise. 

One of the doomed men, whom they expected to take in the cabin, got 
hold of a sword and defended himself with it for some time, but at last was 
overpowered by numbers, and brought up on deck, where he was placed be- 
side Hudson. Two of those who had been seized and were about to be placed 
in the shallop "railed at them, and told them their knavery would show it- 
self " — /. e., murder Avould out. 

"Then was the shallop hauled up to the ship's side, and the poor, sick, and 
lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop. 
The master called to me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could, to the 
hatchway to speak with him; where on my knees I besought them for the 
love of God to remember themselves, and to do as they would be done unto. 
They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my cabin; not suffering the 
master to speak with me. But when I came into my cabin again, he called 
to me at the horn which gave light into my cabin, and told me that Juet 
would overthrow us all. 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 543 

" 'Nay,' said I; ' it is that villain, Henry Greene.' 

"And I spake it not softly. * * * Now they let fall the mainsail, and out 
with their topsails, and fly as from an enemy." 

And this is all that we know of Henry Hudson. The vagueness of Prick- 
ett's descriptions and statements is such that we can only say, of the place of 
this occurrence, that it was somewhere near the southeastern portion of 
James Bay; he fixes the time accurately enough; but of Henry Hudson, the 
boy John Hudson, and the seven others who were put into the shallop, the 
civilized world has never heard another word. 

We have seen from what trifles their bitter enmity against the master of 
the vessel arose; the fate to which they condemned him, and the entreaties 
which his faithful follower made in his behalf; it remains only to trace the 
progress of the Discovery in her return to England. 

Prickett was invited to take charge of the master's cabin; and, after some 
demur, did so. Juet and Bylot quarreled about the course which the ship 
should take, and the direction of affairs — Avhichdid not go with the occupan- 
cy of the master's cabin — was finally given to Henry Greene. 

Greene was no friend of Prickett, and lost no opportunity of injuring him 
with the others; boldly accusing Prickett of a theft of bread of which be 
himself had been guilty, but the others seem to have been too prudent to wish 
to offend their peacemaker, and Greene was in this case forced to keep his 
hatred within bounds. 

They reached the mouth of the strait, where they had some friendly deal- 
ings with a number of the natives. On Cape Digges Island they found a 
number of fowls breeding; and the savages exhibited with some pride their 
skill in lassoing these birds; while the whites, sure of their superiority, 
showed how they might be killed with fire-arras. The Englishmen anticipated 
getting a considerable store of food from these Esquimaux, in return for 
tools and trinkets; but the savages were not so friendly as they had thought. 

"The next day, the nine and twentieth of July, they made haste to be 
ashore; and because the ship rode too far off, they weighed and stood as near 
the place where the fowl bred as they could; and because I was lame I was 
to go in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabin, of everything 
somewhat; and so, with more haste than good speed, and not without swear- 
ing, away we went, Henry Greene, William Wilson, John Thomas, Michael 
Perse, Andrew Moter, and myself. When we came near the shore, the peo- 
ple were on the hills dancing and leaping. To the cove we came, where they 
had drawn up their boats, we brought our boat to the east side of the cove, 
close to the rocks. Ashore they went, and made fast the boat to a great 
stone on the shore. The people came, and every one had somewhat in his 
hand to barter; but Henry Greene swore that they should have nothing till 
he had venison, for they had so promised him by signs. 



544 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



"Now when we came, they made signs to their dogs— whereof there Avere 
many like mongrels, as big as hounds — and pointed to their mountain and to i 




Tm F\ri oi lIi m \ Hi dson. 

the sun, clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Thomas, and Wil- 
liam Wilson stood hard by the boat's head, Michael Perse and Andrew Mo- 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 545 

ter were got up upon a rock a gathering of sorrel; not one of them had 
any weapon about him, not so much as a stick, save Henry Greene alone, 
who had a piece of a pike in his hand ; nor saw I anything that they had where- 
with to hurt us. Henry Greene and AVilliam Wilson had looking-glasses, and 
jewsharps, and bells, which they were showing the people. The savages 
standing round about them, one of them came into the boat's head to show 
me a bottle. I made signs to him to get him ashore, but he made as though 
he had not understood me, whereupon I stood up and pointed him ashore. In 
the meantime another stole behind me to the stern of the boat, and when I 
saw him ashore that was in the head of the boat I sat down again, but sud- 
denly I saw the leg and foot of a man by me. Wherefore I cast up my head, 
and saw the savage with his knife in his hand; who struck at my breast over 
my head; least up my right arm to save my breast; he wounded my arm, 
and struck me in the body. He struck a second blow, which I met with my 
left hand, and then he struck me in the right thigh, and had like to cut off 
the little finger of my left hand. Now I had got hold of the string of the 
knife, and had wound it about my left hand, he striving Avith both his hands 
to make an end of what he had begun; I found him but weak in the grip — 
God enabling me — and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arm, so bare 
him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I saw, I put his 
sleeve off his left arm into my left hand, holding the string of the knife fast 
in the same hand; and, having got my right hand it liberty, I sought for 
somewhat wherewith to strike him — not rememberingmy dagger at my side — 
but looking down I saw it; and therewith struck him in the body and in the 
throat. 

"Whiles I was thus assaulted in the boat, our men were set upon on the 
shore. John Thomas and William Wilson had their bowels cut, and Michael 
Perse and Henry Greene, being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the 
boat together. When Andrew Moter saw this medley, he came running dow^n 
the rocks, and leaped into the sea, and so swam to the boat, hanging on to 
the stern thereof, till Michael Perse took him in, who manfully made good 
the head of the boat against the savages, that pressed sore upon us. Noav 
Michael Perse had got a hatchet, wherewith I saw him strike one of them, 
that he lay sprawling in the sea. Henry Greene cryeth: 'Coragio!' and lay- 
eth about him with his truncheon. I cried to them to clear the boat, and 
Andrew Moter cried to be taken in. The savages betook themselves to their 
bows and arrows, which they sent amongst us, Avherewith Henry Greene was 
slain outright, and Michael Perse received many wounds, and so did the rest. 
Michael Perse cleareth the boat, and puts it from the shore, and helpeth An- 
drew Motor in ; but in turning of the boat I received a cruel wound in my 
back Avith an arrow. Michael Perse and Andrew Moter rowed the boat away, 
which, when the savages saw, they ran to their boats, and I feared thev would 



546 FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 

have launched them to follow us, but they did not; and our ship was in the 
middle of the channel and could not see us. 

"Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shore, Michael Perse 
fainted, and could row no more. Then was Andrew Moter driven to stand 
in the boat's head, and waft to the ship, which at first saw us not, and when 
they did they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end they stood for 
us, and so took us up. Henry Greene was thrown out of the boat into the 
sea, and the rest were had aboard; the savage being yet alive, but without 
sense. But they died all there that day, William "Wilson swearing and curs- 
ing in most fearful manner. Michael Perse lived two days after, and then 
died. Thus you have heard the tragical end of Henry Greene and his mates, 
whom they called captain, these four being the only lustie [strong] men on 
board." 

The sickly and feeble remnant of the crew Avere obliged to keep the vessel 
plying to and fro in the mouth of the strait, for fear of the savages; but at 
last hunger drove them to land, at a point where they thought there was a 
chance of getting some of the birds. A number of these were secured; but 
having no other food, they were soon reduced to as great straits as before; 
and the skins and entrails were eaten as well as the flesh. 

Juet, who seems to have been the only skilled seaman left on the vessel, 
had now full charge of the vessel; but his skill in navigation does not appear 
to have been very great. They were fully two hundred leagues from Ireland, 
when, by his reckoning, they were less than as many miles from the coast. 
This discrepancy Avas caused by the "evil steerage," for they had gone 
here and there upon the waters, until no man really knew where they 
were. 

The men became so weak from hunger that they could not stand at the 
helm. Juet died of " mere want." The listless, sailors saw the foresail or 
mainsail fly up to the tops, the sheets being either flown or broken, and would 
neither try to help it themselves or call others to do it. They had sunk into 
despair, and " cared not which end went forward." 

It was then that they saw land; and soon afterward there was the joyful 
cry: — 

"A sail! A sail!" 

It was a fishing bark, which piloted them to a harbor on the southern coast 
of Ireland, whence they made their way to England. The sailors were 
thrown into prison, to await the result of the expedition sent to the rescue 
of Hudson. Three ships sailed for this purpose the summer after the muti- 
neers arrived in England, under the command of a gentleman of the Prince 
of Wales' household, named Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay. But 
they were not able to find any traces of the shallop or its unfortunate occu- 
pants. The subsequent fate of the prisoners, like that of Hudson and his 



FOUR YEARS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY HUDSON. 



547 



companions, is shrouded iu mystery; their names do not occur again upon 
the ancient records. 




James I., Kixo of Exgland. 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 



^""HE Parish Eegisters of England have frequently afforded accurate in- 
\^J formation to those in search of the date of a death, birth, or marriage; 
^IT and they have been carefully indexed by the British Government for 
this purpose. But they afford only a slight clue to anything connected 
with the life of William BaiEn. Were these registers complete records there 
would be no difficulty; but in many parishes there were none kept until late 
in the reign of Elizabeth, and these were not always complete, even for the 
period of time which they pretended to cover. 

In the registers which still exist, the name of Baffin occurs six times; five 
of these are in the register of a church in Westminster; one child baptized, 
one child who was buried, and three adults who were buried, having died of 
the plague. These entries are between 1603 and 1612. In another parish, 
there is a single entry, that of the baptism of Susan Baffin, the daughter of 
William Baffin, Oct. 15, 1609. These are slender materials from which to 
construct a biography; but they are all that we have regarding the life of 
Baffin for the period up to twelve years before his death. 

The first five entries may concern relatives of the navigator, but they can 
hardly have been members of his immediate family. The last is probably the 
record of his daughter's baptism. The parish where it was registered in- 
cludes adistrictof London called Queenhithe; this is a landing-place favored 
by sailors, and not an unlikely place for a seaman to chose as his home while 
on shore. 

The learned editor of the Hakluyt edition of Baffin's voyages says of this 
bit of information : — 

" These meager facts lead to the conjecture that AYilliam Baffin was a native 
of London or Westminster, that he had relations living in the parish of St. 
Margaret, and that he himself had established a home for his wife, and for 
himself when onshore, in the City, in the parish of St. Thomas, and probably 
in a street near Queenhithe, where his daughter, named Susan, was born in 
1609." 
. Having thus shown on what a slender foundation ingenuitv can construct 

(548) 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 549 

some theory regarding the life of a hero, the author leaves the reader to ac- 
cept or reject these guesses as he pleases; only asking him, if he reject them, 
what better he has to offer in their place? 

Whatever may have been his dwelling-place while he was onshore, it is tol- 
erably certain, from hints found in old books, that Baffin spent most of his 
time on the sea; that he had been a sailor since his boyhood; and, beginning 
at the very foot of the ladder, had won his way upward by sheer force of hard 
work. As such, he deserves to be ranked with any American who began life 
at the bottom of the social scale, and reached the highest round possible to a 
citizen of the United States. 

That he had received no regular education in science, is evidenced by what 
Purchas, an authority of his own day, says of him. This ancient historian 
calls him "that learned-unlearned mariner and mathematician." This can 
only mean that he had acquired, in the hard school of experience, that which 
men of higher birth and easier fortunes were taught in boyhood by their 
schoolmasters. 

The first recorded voyage which Bafiin made began in 1612. A number of 
wealthy merchants had combined to fit out two ships for the exploration of 
the coast of Greenland. The chief of these was Sir Thomas Smith, who had 
been interested for a number of years in Arctic explorations. He had been 
among those who fitted out the earliest expeditions tc the northern coast of 
Europe; and when the East India Company, of which he was the first Gov- 
ernor, declined to make any further effort, for the time, toward discovering a 
Northwest Passage, after the failure of Captain A^'eymouth, he became the 
founder and first Governor of a new company, called The Company of Mer- 
chants of London, Discoverers of the Northwest Passage. Those who com- 
posed this company had, before its organization, united to send Hudson on 
his last voyage ; their first act, as a corporation, would have been to send some 
one in search of him, had not the Prince of Wales taken the matter into his 
own hands and dispatched a gentleman of his own household, Sir Thomas 
Button, on the errand. 

Sir Dudley Digges, the master of Abacuk Prickett, whose influence was 
expected to secure Hudson's mutinous men from punishment; Sir John Wol- 
stenholme. Sir William Cockayne, Sir James Lancaster, Mr. Richard Ball, 
and Alderman Francis Jones, made up the others of the company. Their 
names are of importance, because a grateful sailor remembered the liberality 
which had enabled him to prosecute his discoveries, and bestowed their names 
upon capes and bays along the coast of that body of water to which his own 
name has been afiixed. 

The chief of this first recorded voyage of Baffin was Captain James Hall, a 
native of Hull on the northeastern coast of England. He had seen considerable 
service in the Arctic seas, having been employed as pilot by the King of Den- 



OOU BAFFIN AXD AUCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

mark in three expeditions sent out to search for the lost colonies of Green- 
land. On the second of these voyages a number of natives were seized, to be 
taken to Denmark; and some who stoutly resisted capture were killed. We 
shall see, as we go on, how this affected the after fortunes of Hall, and, through 
him, of his subordinate Baffin. 

The King of Denmark then gave up his attempts to re-explore Greenland; 
and Hall returned to England. Here he sought and found employment with 
the wealthy gentlemen whose names have been given, who fitted out two ves- 
sels, the Patience and the Heart's Ease. Of the first, Hall, the leader of the 
expedition, was captain; the pilot was William Bafiin. 

This is his first real appearance in history, as he steps aboard the good ship 
Patience, lying in the Humber, ready to sail for Greenland, early in April, 
1612. The Patience was manned by forty men and boys, the Heart's Ease by 
twenty. The 10th of April they were all ready to sail, but were obliged to 
wait twelve days for a favorable wind. Their voyage seems to have been 
without danger, as they steered a little north of west across the Atlantic; and 
May 13 some of the sailors asserted that they saw land. As there was a snow 
storm raging at the time, the others did not think that they could be sure of 
it. The next day, however, these assertions were confirmed; and Bafiin de- 
cided, from the observations which he had made, that this was Cape Farewell, 
the southernmost point of Greenland; so named by John Davis twenty-five 
years before, because he could not reach it on account of the ice. 

The same diflficulty beset these later navigators; and for several days they 
made vain efforts to find a landing-place, free from the drifting ice which 
constantly threatened them. On the 17th, as the record tells us : " This day 
we run among the ice, and were inclosed with the ice, so that we could get no 
passage to the northward ; and so we were forced to stand out again, and were 
glad that God had delivered us from among it." 

Passing the part of the land which had been named Desolation, the next 
promontory which they saw was one which they named Cape Comfort. As, 
however, it was so encompassed with ice that the ships could not reach it, it 
was rather cold Comfort. 

Not until the 28th did they find a landing-place; where, the vessels having 
anchored, Hall set some of his men to work putting the pinnace together, 
while he took the shallop and another boat, and went to explore the coast 
more minutely than could be done in a larger vessel. 

Here they were visited, day after day, by the Esquimaux, who came in their 
skin-boats, or kayaks, manifesting the most friendly sentiments. It was a 
little inconvenient, however, to entertain such guests, for they stole every- 
thing on which they could lay their hands, being especially fond of iron. 
Early in June they improved their opportunities one night by stealing a gun 
which a careless sentry, coming to warm himself at the fire, had left at his 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 551 

post. This Esquimau was probablj the first native of America who ever ob- 
tained possession of such an artich\ We have no record, however, of his 
stealingany powder or ball, so it is hard to see what good the gun could do him. 
The musket was recaptured the next day. One of the sailors " catching hold 
of one of the salvages, another did cast a dartathim, and struck him into the 
body with it, which gave him his death's wound. Also the salvage he took 
we hauled into the ship, and by him we had our musket again; for two of 
the salvages being aged men, and rulers of the rest, came with great reverence 
to know the occasion we had taken one of their men ; we with signs and other 
tokens did show them the occasion, being the best language we all had 
amongst us, delivering their man, his boat, oars, and darts. Our general 
gave unto him a coat, a knife, and a seeing-glass also, to requite the injury 
we had done; yet he, with a frowning look, desiring to be gone from us, we 
let him go out of the ship, and helping him into the chains, he leaped over- 
board, and the other two did help him ashore; and when he was ashore, the 
salvages cutoff the coat our master gave him, so little did they regard it. It 
was made of yellow cotton, with red gards of other cotton about it." 

This occurred off the coast of what Davis had named Gilbert Sound, but 
which the newcomers called the Harbor of Hope. The modern Danish settle- 
ment of Godthaab is situated upon this inlet, and is the principal settlement 
in South Greenland. Their next anchorage Avas off the point where Sukkert- 
oppen,the most populous place in Greenland at the present day, was founded 
in 1755. From this point. Hall proceeded in the pinnace; andafterthe ships 
had weighed anchor and continued their voyage to the northward, he fre- 
quently left them, to explore the coast in this smaller vessel. The re- 
sults of these voyages were of no general interest; and we let Baffin tell 
us of an occurrence during July, wdien the ships lay near Cunningham's 
Fiord. 

"Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or ten of the clock, 
the savages came to barter with us, being about forty of them ; and contin- 
ued about an hour and a half; at which time our master, James Hall, being 
in the boat, a savage with his dart struck him a deadly wound upon the right 
side, which our surgeon did think did pierce his liver. We all mused that 
he should strike him, and offer no harm to any of the rest; unless it were 
that they knew him since he was here with the Danes; for out of that river 
they carried away five of the people, whereof never any returned again; and 
in the next river they killed a great number. And it should seem that he 
who killed him was either brother or some near kinsman to some of them 
that were carried away; for he did it very resolutely, and came within four 
yards of him. And for aught that we could see, the people are very kind 
one to another, and ready to revenge any wrong offered to them. All that 
day he lay very sore pained, looking for death every hour, and resigned all 



552 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 



his charge to Master Andrew Barker, master of the Heart's JSase, willing 
him to place another in his room master of the small ship. Thursday, the 
three and twentieth, about eight of the clock in the morning, he died, being 
very penitent for all his former offenses. And after we had shrouded him we 
carried him in the shallop, to bury him in some out island, according to his 
own request while he was living. After we had buried him, we went in the 
shallop to seek for the mine, which we had expected so long." 




Baffin ix the Akctic Regions. 

Hall had found some glittering bits of mica, during his former voyages, 
among the rocks of the coast of Greenland; and supposed thein to be silver. 
It was this supposed silver mine of which they were now in search. They 
discovered, the next day, the place where the Danes had been digging; and 
bits of a shining stone, which abounded there, were submitted to a goldsmith 
who was on board. After careful examination, he pronounced them value- 
less, since there was no metal in the stone, but only mica. 

This was a great disappointment to those on board, for the discovery of 
this silver mine was one of the ol^jects of their journey. Efforts were made 
to trade with the natives, in the hope that they might thus accomplish 
enough to enable them to make a favorable report; but the Esquimaux 
seemed to think that in killing Hall they had committed a crime which 
the whites were not likely to pardon, and that all efforts to get them 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 553 

near the ships were onl}- endeavors to get them Avithin range of the guns. 

In the midst of these disappointments, dissatisfaction with their new chief 
ruled on board the ships; and there was some danger of mutiny. After some 
discussion, however, the officers of the ships succeeded in persuading all the 
crews to accept Barker as their commander, and the danger was averted. 

Three days after the burial of Hall, the officers of the two vessels met to 
consider the question of returning home; "because that since our master 
was slain, none of the savages would trade with us as they were wont." The 
tiuding that the supposed silver mine was Avorthless had as much to do with 
their decision, probably, as the failure of the savages to trade with them ; but 
the above is the reason given by Baffin in his account of the voyage. 

Accordingly, on Tuesday, August 4, they got to sea; and, after a voyage 
without events of interest, came to anchor in Hull Road, September 17, 1612. 
This voyage shows nothing new accomplished in the way of discovery, for 
Hall had while under the direction of the King of Denmark explored all 
these coasts. It is of interest only because it is Baffin's first recorded voyage, 
and made him acquainted with the difficulties and dangers of an effort to ex- 
plore the Arctic waters. The account from which we have quoted is full of 
curiously minute observations of the heavenly bodies, showing Baffin to have 
been skilled in calculating his position; and somewhat of an original genius, 
since he frequently explains, as novelties, his methods of taking observa- 
tions and applying the results in such a way as to obtain the desired informa- 
tion from them. With these astronomical and mathematical triumphs, how- 
ever, the present volume does not deal; since they are beyond the understand- 
ing of all but those scientists who would prefer to study them in the original. 

The next year, Baffin again took service under the same company of mer- 
chants, but not to the west again. Sir Thomas Button had not yet returned 
from his quest for Hudson, and it is possible that they wished to wait for 
him. Baffin was to go in the opposite direction. 

As early as 1597 the English had made great efforts to monopolize the whale 
fisheries about Spitzbergen; and in 1612 the Muscovy Company had obtained 
a charter excluding all vessels from any country from these fisheries. In 1613, 
they decided to send a fleet large enough to enforce this charter by driving ofl 
other vessels; and six good ships, fitted out by them for this purpose, sailed 
from Queensborough May 13 of that year, Baffin being pilot onboard the Ad- 
miraTs vessel. 

The vessels were engaged in whale-fishing, and in beating off those vessels 
manned by natives of other countries which persisted in contesting their rights 
under the charter. Baffin's time was occupied in observations of the latitude 
and longitude, and of the variations of the compass. He records, also, de- 
scriptions of whale-fishing as carried on at that time. They returned to Eng- 
lan^l at the close of the summer, entering the Thames Sept. 6. 



554 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

The following year, 1614, the same company sent out a larger fleet, consist- 
ing of eleven ships and two pinnaces, under the command of Master Benja- 
min Joseph and the pilotage of Baffin. They set sail out of Tilbury Hope 
May 4; and, after a voyage of three weeks through open seas, encountered 
much straggling ice, through which, however, they passed without danger 
for several days. Then the vessels were separated by a storm, and two of 
them lost sight of; while the others were so shut in by the ice that "every 
one wrought the best means he could for the safety of his ship." They ar- 
rived off Spitzbergen June 3. Here the harbor, much to their surprise, was 
open; and, as no whale had been seen that season, they decided to proceed to 
the northward. In order to enter shallow inlets and rivers, Baffin took the 
shallop of the vessel in which he sailed, and proceeded with a few men to the 
northw^ard of Maudlin Sound, where the ships anchored for some time. He 
reached a point w^hich he called Cape Barren, though he does not seem to 
have known that it was a headland on a small island near the mainland of 
Spitzbergen. Further than this he could not go, because of the masses of 
floating ice which lay between him and the shore, and threatened to grind his 
boat to atoms. 

Theonly account which we have of this voyage was written by Robert Foth- 
erby, w^ho seems to have been second in command on board the Thomasine, 
in which ship, also, Baffin sailed; and we find many mentions of the great 
navigator's name in this story of the voyage. If Master Fotherby went out 
in a shallop one day. Master Baffin went out the next day; sometimes they 
went out, in different boats, at the same time, appointing a rendezvous. 
When all their explorations failed to show them a shore that was clear of ice, 
still another plan was tried. 

"Now we found the ice so close packed together that we could not proceed 
any further with our shallops; wherefore Master Baffin and I intended to walk 
over land until we should be better satisfied how far this sound went in, for 
we could as yet see no end of it, and it seemed to make a separation of the 
land; so, leaving our men here with the shallops, we traveled almost a league 
further, till we came to the point of a sandy beach that shot into the sound, 
which was wonderfully stored with driftwood in great abundance . From this 
pointwe received such satisfaction as we looked for, because we saw the end 
of the sound, which lies south in about ten leagues. It hath in it a harbor that 
is landlocked; and doubtless it is a good place for the whale-killing, if it be 
not every year, as it is now, pestered with ice. Here I saw a more natural 
earth and clay than any that I have seen in all the country, but nothing grow- 
ing thereupon more than in other places. This sound is that which formerly 
had, and still retaineth, the name of Sir Thomas Smith's Inlet." 

The friends were mistaken when they thought they saw the end of the 
sound or inlet; for later explorers have dubbed it Hinlopen Strait, having 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. O.JJ 

found it to be a passage separating the two parts of Spitzbergen, New Fries- 
land and Northeast Land. They returned to their shallops, however, in con- 
tented ignorance; and, seeing no way of progressing any further, went back 
to the ship. 

Through the adventures of the whale fishery we need not follow them; for, 
while the crew were engaged in killing the monsters of the deep, the pilot 
was busily making the calculations which his observations w^ere to render 
valuable; for Baffin did good service to science by faithfully observing and 
recording the variations of the needle. They reached England October 4. 

While Baftin had been thus employed in Spitzbergcn, his patrons had sent 
out another expedition to the western seas, under the command of Captain 
Gibbons. This ofiicer had accompanied Sir Thomas Button, and had also the 
advantages of the services of Robert Bylot, who had followed Hudson and 
Button. Gibbons reached the coast of Labrador and anchored there in a bay, 
where he remained so long that his crew, tired out by inaction, dubbed it 
"Gibbons, his Hole." Having accomplished this wonderful feat of reaching 
Labrador and remaining there all summer. Captain Gibbons set sail in the 
autumn and returned to England. 

Such a course might well have disgusted the men at whose expense the ex- 
pedition had been fitted out, and who looked for some return, either in dis- 
coveries made by faithful exploration of the coast, or in such news of mines 
or a passage to India as might promise to repay them the money which they 
had laid out. But they w^cre too much in earnest to allow the matter to drop 
because one man had proved unsuited to the task which he had undertaken. 
The Discovery , which had successively borne Hudson, Button, and Gibbons to 
the American coast, was refitted for a fourth voyage. Robert Bylot was ap- 
pointed master, and William Baftin was made pilot. 

An excellent system of keeping log-books, devised by Cabot, was enforced 
by the Muscovy Company, and the oificers of its ships were expected to take 
frequent astronomical observations. Baffin, who seems to have turned in- 
stinctively to such work, and had that love for it which a man naturally feels 
for an art which he has acquired under many difficulties, and in which he ex- 
cels, had received an excellent training while serving under the Company in 
his two Spitzbergen voyages, as well as in the previous voyage to Greenland, 
under the command of Captain Hall. There is still in existence the manu- 
script copy of his report of this second voyage to the western seas, the fourth 
of his which are recorded; and it has been carefully edited by more than one 
English scholar of distinction. Accompanying the report which Ave have 
mentioned, is a transcript from his log-book, which he entitles: "A True Re- 
lation of Such Things as Happened in Fourth Voyage for the Discovery of a 
Passage to the Northwest, Performed in the Year 1615." From this, as the 
only authority which we have upon the subject, and the best possible, had we 



0.)U UWriN AND AR(rriC EXPLOIIATIONS. 

ever so many, we extract enough passages to give the history of the voyage. 

"The chief master and commander under God, was Robert Bylot, a man 
well experienced that ways, having been employed the three former voyages; 
myself being his mate and associate, w^ith fourteen other men and two boys. 
This ship being in readiness, upon the 15th day of March came aboard Mr. 
John Woltsenhohne, Esquire, one of the chief adventurers, and with him Mr. 
Alwin Gary, husband for the voyage. Who having delivered our master his 
commission, and read certain orders to be observed by us in the voyage, 
giving us good exhortations, and large promises of rewards, as treble wages 
to all, if the action were performed, they departed, charging us to make what 
speed we could away. So the next day, being Thursday, we Aveighed anchor 
at St. Catherine's, and that tide came to Blackwall; and the next day to 
Gravesend; and the morrow after to Lee. * * * With indifferent winds and 
weather we came to anchor in Scilly the twenty-sixth day. * * * We stood for 
Padstowe in Cornwall, * * * « and came to anchor in the harbor; and here 
we stayed, having much foul weather and contrary winds. * * * The 19th of 
April in the morn we weighed anchor, the wind southeast a good gale, we 
keeping our courses as in the brief Journal you may more conveniently see. 
And seeing few things of note happened in our outward bound voyage, I re- 
fer all other things to that table before noted." 

Sighting the coast of Greenland INIay 6, at a point just east of Cape Fare- 
well, they found themselves in the midst of icebergs of immense size. Baffin 
measured several, finding the largest two hundred and forty feet above the 
water; and calculating that if only one-seventh of the mass be above water, 
this iceberg must have been one thousand six hundred and eighty feet from 
the top to the bottom. 

Bylot consulted Baffin about trying to get the ship Avithinthe ice, or between 
the ice and the shore. Baffin scarcely thought this a wise proceeding, but 
yielded to the longer experience of Bylot in these waters. "Afterwewere 
entered into the ice, it was not long before we were fast set up, but sometimes 
of the tide the ice would a little open, then we made our way as much to the 
northwest as we could; yet we plainly found that we were set to the south- 
ward, althoughthe wind were southwardly." 

Leaving the coast of Greenland, some time was spent in trying to reach 
Resolution Island, which was finally sighted May 27. They anchored their 
ship to a piece of ice for the first night; nor were they able to find a more 
stable anchorage until June 1, when they found a good harbor on the west- 
ern side of this island. Here they went ashore, finding no certain sign of in- 
habitants, but tracks of bears and foxes on the rocky ground. 

They continued their course about this island until about the 8th of June, 
when they stood off toward some smaller islands to the north, determined to 
come to anchor among them. Here they sent a boat nearer the shore, to see 



BAFFIN AND AKCTiC KXIM.ORATIONS. 



551 



if the island were inhabited; the sailors returned saying that they saw tents 
and boats, and a number of dogs; but no people. 




]>AFii\ Exi'ioKiN TiiK Coast of Grkexlaxd. 

" Then by and by we went to prayer, and after our men had supped, we fit- 
ted our boat and selves with things convenient; then myself and seven others 
landed, and went to the tents, where finding no people, we went to the tope 
of the hill, where we saw one great canoe, or boat, having about fourteen 
persons in it. * * * * Then I called unto them, using some w^ords of 
Greenlandish speech, making signs of friendship. They did the like to us; 
but seeing them to be fearful of us, and we not willing to trust them, I made 
another sign to them, showing them a knife and other small things, which I 



558 HAFI'IN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

left on the tope of the hill. * * * » Being returned to the tents, we found 
some whale fins to the number of fourteen or fifteen, which I took aboard, 
leaving knives, beads and counters instead thereof. And among other of 
their household, I found in a small leather bag a company of little images of 
men; and one the image of a woman with a child at her back; all the which 
I brought away.*' 

They now proceeded up Hudson Strait, progressing slowly on account of 
the ice. They came in sight of Salisbury Island July 1 ; and the next morning 
found themselves close to a small island, where the "great extremity and 
grinding of the ice" was such that they named it Mill Island. 

From this point they advanced toward Nottingham Island, itbeingthe judg- 
ment of both master and pilot that as much should be done as possible to 
explore the great bay which they were now entering. But little was ac- 
complished; and they soon turned eastward again, passing Resolution Island 
August 3, and sighting Cape Clear, in Ireland, Sept. 6. Baffin continues: — 

" The next morning by daylight we were fair by Scilly, and that night, at 
two o'clock the next morn, we came to anchor in Plymouth Sound, without 
the loss of one man. For these and all other blessings the Lord make us 
thankful. 

"And now it maybe that some expect I should give my opinion concerning 
the passage. To those my answer must be, that doubtless there is a passage. 
But within this strait, whom is called Hudson's Strait, I am doubtful, sup- 
posing the contrary. But whether there be, or no, I will not atfirm. But 
this I M'ill atfirm, that we have not been in any tide than that from Resolution 
Island, and the greatest indraft of that cometh from Davis' Straits; and my 
judgment is, if any passage Avithin Resolution Island, it is but some creek or 
inlet, but the main will be up Fretum Davis [Davis' Strait], but if any be de- 
sirous to know my opinion in particular, I will at any time be ready to show the 
best reasons I can, either by word of mouth or otherwise." 

Baffin's opinion that there was doubtless a Northwest Passage from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean was shared by all the geographers of his day, 
and by merchants as well. Perhaps the latter class of men clung obstinately 
to the belief because they wished to believe it; certainly Baffin's report was 
received by his employers with much more favor than would have been the 
case had he insisted that even if such a passage existed, it would be rendered 
useless by being choked up with ice. Yet his experience of the coast of 
Greenland and of Hudson Strait w^ould have justified him in expressing such 
an opinion. 

The Company seems to have been well pleased with what had been accom- 
plished during this voyage; and the Discoverf/was at once refitted for another 
voyage, Bylot being named as master again, while Baffin once more served as 
pilot. The crew consisted of fifteen other men. It is to be remarked how 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 559 

small was the number of persons with which these daring English navigators 
crossed the ocean. The JHsv.overn was a vessel of })ut tifty-five tons' burden; 
and her crew, on these voyages across the ocean, rarely numbered more than 
twenty men. 

The vessel was ready to sail March 2(i, and did set sail from Gravesend 
that day; but contrary winds kept her beating about the coast of England un- 
til April 20th. The voyage, says Baffin, w^as without any event worthy of note; 
they came in sight of land May 14. This was the coast of Greenland about 
the latitude of Sukkertoppen, which, we have seen, was visited by Baffin in 
his first voyage to this coast. Much to the disappointment of some of the 
natives, they did not anchor at once, but pushed a little farther north before 
landing to secure supplies of fresh water. 

June 30 they came in sight of the farthest point which Davis had reached, 
Hope Sanderson, a little to the north of what we now know as Svartehuk. 
On the islands where they landed they found women, but no men ; the women 
making signs that the men were on the main land or on a neighboring island. 
They made friends with the women, and engaged to take them across to the 
place where the men were, but were unable to find the place. They called 
the island where they had landed The Women's Island. 

In passing to the northward, they thought that if they stood out from shore 
they would be safer from the ice than if they kept close to land. In this sup- 
position they were mistaken ; for in these waters at least, the attempt to take 
the middle pack is very perilous, it being much safer to stick to the land-floe 
until Melville Bay is passed. But these were the first European navigators 
who had sailed in these waters, to which the name of the great pilot has since 
been given ; and the nature of the currents which bear the ice was not then 
understood. 

Finding that they could not possibly make their way through the middle 
pack, they returned to shore, and came to anchor among many islands, a lit- 
tle above the northern extremity of Upernavik Bay. Here again they were 
visited by some of the natives, who seemed very willing to trade with them. 
They offered, in addition to sealskins, so many pieces of the teeth and horns 
of walruses, that the master and pilot agreed to call this i^lace Horn Sound. 
This name, however, has not been retained on modern maps. 

The first of July their hopes of finding a passage to the Pacific were in- 
creased by the circumstance that they entered a sea clear of ice; but the con- 
dition of the tides did not bear out this supposition. 

Sir Dudley Digges Cape and Wolstenholme Sound bear witness to the re- 
spect and gratitude of the seamen for their employers; while Hakluyt's Island 
was named in honor of an eminent geographer of the time. 

They reached the entrance to what we now know as Smith's Sound, but to 
which they gave the longer name of Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, about the 



560 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

oth. Here Baffin noted the variation of the needle was greater than at any 
other point on the earth, and he reflected that this disproved the generally 
accepted theory. It was then supposed that the mass of earth attracted the 
needle, so that the variation was greatest in the direction of the greatest 
amount of land ; but, he argued, the mass of Asia must be " unspeakably more 
thanhere there can be, yet here is more variation than about Japan or Brazil, 
Peru, etc.'' It may be well to remind the reader that much greater variations 
have since been observed. 

Guiding their course by the numerous islands which sprinkle these north- 
ern waters, they crossed Smith Sound and began their southward course 
along the western shore of Baffin's Bay. Alderman Jones and Sir James 
Lancaster M'ere honored as others of the Company had been, by having a 
sound given their full name, including the title; in our day all but the sur- 
name has disappeared from the map. 

"Xow seeing that we had made an end of our discovery, and the year being 
too far spent to go for the bottom of the bay to search for dressed fins, there- 
fore we determined to go for the coast of Greenland to see if we could not 
get some refreshing for our men, * * * * three having kept their cabins 
above eight days, besidesEichard Waynam, M'hich died the 26th of July, * * 
* * and divers more of our company so weak that they could do but little 
labor. So the wind favoring us, we came to anchor in Cockin Sound. The 
next day, going on shore on a little island, we found great abundance of the 
herb called scurvy grass, which we boiled in beer, and so drank thereof, 
using it also in salads, with sorrel and orpen, which here groweth in abund- 
ance; by means hereof, and the blessing of God, all our men within eight or 
nine days" space were in perfect health, and so continued until our arrival in 
England." 

The 6th of August they were clear of the coast of Greenland; and after 
the unusually short period of nineteen days, sighted the coast of Ireland. 
The 30th of August they anchored at Dover, "for the which and all other 
blessings the Lord make us thankful."' 

Purchas, who was the first publisher of an account of Baffin"s voyages, found 
the making of maps too expensive, and hence omitted those which the pilot had 
prepared. This omission, together with that of his tabulated journal, caused 
the geographers of the next two hundred years to make man}* mistakes con- 
cerning the course which he pursued and the places which he discovered. In 
course of time, the very existence of Baffin"s Bay came to be questioned. The 
subject may be well presented by the brief description of a series of five 
maps. 

In the first, dated 1635, the map-drawer evidently had at hand that which 
Baffin himself prepared : it is tolerably correct, giving a fairly good idea of the 
outlines of the coast of Greenland and the southern part of the island now 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 561 

known as Baffin Land. The western shore of Baffin's Bay is represented as 
an unbroken line of coast, where our modern maps show a number of islands. 

The second map, although only a year later, shows things as the map- 
drawer evidently thought they ought to be. Baffin's Bay is a great basin 
northwest of Baffin's Land, or Cumberland Island, as it was then called; a 
broad passage connecting it with Hudson's Bay. 

An atlas published in 1720 shows considerable doubt on the subject. The 
great bay is outlined nearly as in the first map mentioned, but there is a line 
showing it as the second one had drawn it, with the note: "Some will have 
Baffin's Bay to run west, as far as this faint shadow." A map dated 1818 
boldly questions the very existence of this great body of water; it is indeed 
outlined, but the space bears the note : "According to the relation of William 
Baffin, 1616, but not now believed." It was not until Captain Ross and 
Lieutenant Parry, in the very year in which this map was published, rediscov- 
ered Baffin's Bay, that the mystery w^as finally cleai'ed away and the great 
Arctic explorer of the time of King James I. received all the credit to which 
his accuracy as an observer and his gallantry and skill as a navigator had 
fairly entitled him. 

Ross identified all the places mentioned and named by Baffin, and bears 
frequent testimony to his accuracy, especially as regards the latitude of Lan- 
caster Sound. In regard to the seventeenth century sailor, the nineteenth 
century explorer says : — 

"In re-discovering Baffin's Bay I have derived additional pleasure from 
the reflection that I have placed in a fair light before the public the merits 
of a worthy man and an able navigator, whose fate, like that of many others, 
it has not only been to have lost, by a combination of circumstances, the op- 
portunity of acquiring during his lifetime the fame which he deserved, but, 
could he have lived to this period, to have seen his discoveries expunged 
from the records of geography, and the bay with which his name is so fairly 
associated treated as a phantom of the imagination." 

Foiled in the endeavor to find a passage along the northern coast of America 
by which European vessels could pass into the Pacific Ocean and thence to 
the rich countries of the far East, it is probable that Baffin formed a plan by 
which, as he thought, this same purpose could be accomplished in another 
way. There had been many attempts to find the eastern extremity of such a 
passage, and all had failed; it might be far easier to find the western entrance, 
and then trace the course of the strait through to the Atlantic. 

It is not likely that a man who had made five voyages to the Arctic re- 
gions, and had in the last one made such notable discoveries, would so far 
lose interest in the subject as to seek for employment in an entirely different 
part of the world; and w^e can only explain Baffin's efforts to obtain an ap- 
pointment under the East India Company by supposing that he had it iu 



5fi2 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

his mind to cross the Pacific from Japan, seek a passage north of America, 
and make his way through to the Atlantic, thus circumnavigating the globe 
Avithout rounding the two southermost capes. He seems to have been wil- 
lingly received by them, and was appointed as master's mate on board the 
Anne Royal. 

Every year, since 1601, the East India Company had sent out afleet; the 
profits that were derived from this trade were of fabulous amount; and 
ships, larger than any that the world had ever before seen, were built to 
bring home the rich cargoes from the East. One of these vessels was actu- 
ally of one thousand three hundred and twenty tons' burden, an enormously 
large vessel, in the judgment of men of the seventeenth century, although 
less than one-tenth the burden of the Great Eastern. The ship on which 
Baffin sailed for this sixth recorded voyage of his, was of somewhat more 
than a thousand tons. The master was Andrew Shilling, a good sailor, who 
" was not inferior to any man for government." 

The fleet, which consisted of five vessels in all, was fitted out the winter 
after Baffin's return from the coast of Greenland, and was ready to sail early 
in February, 1617. The shijis were carefully inspected before they left port, 
and every precaution taken to prevent sickness, particularly scurvy. They 
weighed anchor March 5 ; and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived at Saldan- 
ha Bay, on the western coast of Cape Colony, June 21. Here a supply of 
cattle and sheep for the remainder of the voyage was obtained, though not 
without difficulty; and they continued their course to the Indies, arriving at 
Surat in the month of September. 

It was then determined to send Captain Shilling to the Red Sea, to open 
up a trade with the countries surrounding it. Instructions were duly drawn 
up by the British Minister to the court of the Mogul, and three merchants 
Avere selected to conduct the business. In May, 1618, the vessel sailed on 
this errand; and Baffin's surveys and observations of the coast of the Red 
Sea, which was explored with considerable thoroughness, are at the founda- 
tion of a good deal of our knowledge concerning that historic body of water. 
Later in the year, the Anne Royal was in the Persian Gulf, where Baffin 
again made good use of his time, observing and surveying the coasts. Re- 
turning thence to Surat, the Anne Royal began her voyage homeward in Feb- 
ruary, 1619, and arrived in the Thames in September. 

Of course, when Baffin formed his plan for discovering the Northwest 
Passage by beginning at the Pacific end, he did not expect his first voyage to 
the Indies to afford him the desired opportunity. It would seem, from vari- 
ous indications, that he Avas by no means an old man at this time; although 
he had outlived the impatience of youth, he had not yet lost his youthful 
hopefulness and spirit. He had laid a good foundation for such an enter- 
prise in the future, by securing the favor of the great East India Company. 



BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 563 

That such favor was won and deserved, is shown by a single entry in their 
records : — 

"William Baffin, a master's mate in the Anne, to have a gratuity for his 
pains and good art in drawing out certain plots of the coast of Persia and the 
Red Sea, which are judged to have been very well and artificially performed; 
some to be drawn out by Adam Bowen, for the benefit of such as shall be em- 
ployed in those parts." 

Thus, we see, Baffin's charts were not only regarded as well done, but they 
were made to serve as copies for the official charts furnished by the Com- 
pany to its employes. 

Captain Shilling had done his work so well that he was advanced to the 
command of the next fleet sent out. Four new vessels comprised it, the 
building of which was not completed before the end of 1619. The largest of 
these, called the London, was Shilling's flag-ship, and while the masters of 
the others were selected and appointed by the Company, he was permitted 
to choose the master of this. He named for the position William Baffin, 
with wiiose merits as a seaman he had had ample opportunity to get ac- 
quainted during the long voyage j^receding this, in which Baffin had served 
under his eye. 

Thus after many years of patient and skillful labor, we see the great navi- 
gator appointed, for the first time, to the command of a large ship. It is a 
circumstance without parallel, we believe, in the annals of discovery, that a 
man who did what Baffin did for geography should have been in a subordi- 
nate position until long after the period at which he achieved those things 
on which his fame rests. 

The fleet sailed from the Downs March 25, reaching Saldanha Bay just 
three months later. As they rounded the Cape it became a serious question 
whether they should go to the east or the west of Madagascar, then called 
the Island of St. Lawrence; Baffin, of course, being one of those who anx- 
iously discussed it, and having no small voice in the decision. 

After a longer voyage than usual they anchored in Swally Road November 
9. Hardly had they come to anchor before news was received that a com- 
bined Portuguese and Dutch fleet was lying off Jashak, near the entrance to 
the Persian Gulf, w^aiting to attack the ships of the British East India Com- 
pany. The fleet at once sailed to Jashak, and on the 16th of December 
came in sight of two large Portuguese ships and two smaller Dutch vessels. 
The fight began at once, and lasted for nine hours without a pause. The 
Portuguese were then glad to anchor, in order to repair damages to their 
vessels; while the Englishmen were not sorry to have an opportunity to draw 
a long breath. The fleet under Shilling's command withdrew to the Jashak 
Roads, and the two fleets sullenly watched each other for ten days. A sec- 
ond and more decisive combat took place Dec. 28. This fight has been so 

36 



5(i4 BAFFIN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 

abl}' described b}' one who took part in it, that we quote here an extract 
from the manuscript journal of Captain Swan, still preserved at the India 
Office in London: — 

" Our broadsides were brought up, and the good ordnance from our whole 
fleet played so fast upon them that doubtless if the knowledge in our people 
had been answerable to their willing minds and ready resolutions, not one of 
their galleons, unless their sides were impenetrable, had escaped us. About 
three in the afternoon, unwilling, after so hot a dinner, to receive a like sup- 
per, they cut their cables and drove with the tide until they were without 
range of our guns; and then their frigate came to them, and towed them 
away, wonderfully mangled and torn. Their Admiral, in the greatest fury 
of the fight, was enforced to heel his ship to stop the leaks, his main top- 
mast overboard, and the head of his mainmast. * * * * Qm- -worthy 
Admiral, in the beginning of the fight, received a great and grievous wound 
through the left shoulder, by a great shot, which hurt he with such patience 
and courage underwent, that it gave great hope to us all of his most wished 
recovery. But having, besides the wound, two of his ribs broken, this day, 
about noon, he departed this life, showing himself, as ever before, a resolute 
commander; so now, in his passage through the gates of death, a most will- 
ing, humble, constant, and assured Christian. His body was interred at Ja- 
shak on the 9th, with all the solemnity, decency, and respect the time and 
place afforded." 

The death of Admiral Shilling made no difference in the standing of Baffin, 
who continued as master of the London, while the commander of one of the 
other vessels, according to arrangements made by the Company, assumed the 
command of the fleet. The vessels returned to Surat in February. 

It had been arranged that this fleet was to have gone to the Red Sea; but 
after the battle and the delays off the coast of Persia, it was thought to be too 
late in the season; and the ships shaped a course to thecoastof Arabia. Baf- 
fin's ship was the first to put in to land, w^ater and palm trees having been 
found near the little port of Sur on the Oman coast. The other ships w^ere 
accordingly ordered to join company, and Sur was re-named London's Hope. 
Here they remained at anchor until August 15, when they all set sail for In- 
dia. 

About a hundred years before this time, the Portuguese, under the great 
Albuquerque, had established themselves in the Island of Ornuiz. It had 
been the constant desire of the Shah of Persia to expel them, but no one who 
had held that rank had been able to do so. The reigning Shah now formed 
an alliance with the English for the purpose of driving out the Portuguese; 
and the fleet which had sailed from England under Shilling's leadership was 
to assault the town of Ormuz by sea, while it was closely beleaguered on land 
by a Persian army. 



BAFI-IN AND ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. 5(5') 

The wall surrounding the town was of great height, with half moons, and 
flankers, and a deep dry moat to make the town the more secure. The En- 
glish proposed to land, throw up embankmcntsfor protection, and, mounting 
the great guns of their ships, batter down this wall with cannon-balls. Their 
plans were ably carried out; but the siege had lasted two days when it was 
found that the guns were not doing as much execution as had been expected. 
Evidently they were not at the proper inclination; and the learned mathe- 
matician. Master William Baflin of the London went ashore with his mathe- 
matical instruments, to take the height and distance of the wall, so that the 
gunner might find a range "for the better levelling of his piece." While 
thus employed, a shot from the beleaguered town struck him; heleaped three 
times into the air, says the ancient account, and fell dead upon the ground. 

Thus suddenly perished the great navigator, January 23, 1622. After hard 
struggling, he had reached such a position as most other discoverers had at- 
tained before starting out; and although his services to science are at least 
equal to those of many who have been accorded a greater degree of fame, he 
never met, in life, Avith the recognition awarded to those whose fortunes it was 
to be higher in the social scale. 

Baffin probably left no children; for we hear of no heir but his widow mak- 
ing a claim against the East India Company on account of her husband who 
(lied in their service. This claim, after the lapse of six years from the time 
of his death, was compromised by the payment of five hundred pounds ster- 
ling. 

In a little more than a week after the death of Baffin, the besieged fortress 
fell ; and the town surrendered a few days afterward. What disposition was 
made of his body, we are not told with that attention to details which the 
chronicler has bestowed upon Captain Shilling. Shadowy in its beginnings, 
his life goes suddenly out, in the distant East, and no man knows where he 
lies buried. 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 



/J)rBOUT 1()02 or 1G03, Abel Junsen Tasiium was bora in Hooru, in 
\^ North Holland. In the absence of all particulars regarding his boy- 
hood and education, and even his young manhood, let us see what 
were the influences affecting at that time the young men of Holland who 
shared the widely prevailing spirit of adventure and discovery. 

The Portuguese had long been in possession of a monopoly of the East In- 
dian trade, and were envied by all the nations of Europe because of it. 
Spain had sought a passage to India by way of the West, and had found 
America, with the treasures of Mexico and Peru; England was sending her 
skilled seamen to seek the Northwest Passage to the Indies; and the Dutch 
endeavored to find a Northeast Passage. Failing in this effort, a native of 
Holland, Cornelius Houtman, followed in the track of the Portuguese and 
doubled the Cape of Good Hope in 1596. His success in reaching India 
caused an awakening of commercial interest, and several companies were 
formed for the purpose of trading with the opulent East. In 1(302 the Gov- 
ernment united all these into an organization called the Dutch East India 
Company. 

But trade between Holland and India had been firmly established before 
this time, and the Dutch had almost a monopoly of the spice business. They 
raised the price of pepper from three shillings to six and then to eight shil- 
lings a pound; so that the English became indignant at the extortion, and 
broke the monopoly by the establishment of the English East India Company. 
But Dutch trade and Dutch settlements went steadily on ; Ceylon, Sumatra, the 
^Moluccas, Java, all these Avere either wholly or partly subject to Holland; 
and the city of Batavia was built on the island of Java, to be the capital of 
these colonies. 

Various expeditions were sent out for the exploration of the surrounding 
waters; and one under Dirk Hartog in 1616 discovered a vast body of land 
which has since been named Australia. Later voyages verified its position, 
and something of its extent; for the Dutch navigators followed a consider- 
able portion of its coast. The first exi)edition of Hartog left on the shore a 

(not;) 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 5()7 

tin plate engraved with a suitable record, and this was found within the 
present century; thus establishing beyond a doubt the fact of his discovery. 
The name of New Holland was given to the great island, and the Gulf of 
Carpentaria was named in honor of Peter Carpenter, then Governor of the 
Dutch East India Company; while various names of less importance were 
bestowed. So uninviting was the shore, however, that no attempt was made 
to colonize it; and twenty-five years after it was first seen by Hartog, it was 
still practically unknown. 

Ten years before Hartog sailed, the Spanish Government of Peru had sent 
out a ship under the command of Torres, who with his companion Quiros 
visited many of the islands of the Pacific Ocean and sailed through the strait 
between Australia and New Guinea, now called Torres Strait; but there is 
no evidence that they knew what great island lay to the southward. 

Thirty-six years after this Spanish discovery, and twenty-six after the voj'- 
age of Hartog, the colonial Government of Batavia resolved to send out an 
expedition for the exploration of the Pacific. Two vessels were accordingly 
prepared, which are called by the commander a yacht and a fly-boat; evi- 
dently of no great size. Captain Abel Jansen Tasman, who must have been 
a navigator of some note then, was selected as the commander; and it was 
understood that the objects of the expedition were chiefly to ascertain the 
extent of Australia and of neighboring islands. 

The Ileemskirk and the Zeehahn, as the vessels were called, sailed from 
Batavia August 14, 1(342. According to the instructions of the Governor and 
Council they were to sail through the Strait of Sunda and southwest by west 
until they reached a point fourteen degrees south of the equator, west-south- 
west to twenty degrees south, and then due west to the Island of Mauritius. 
After thus crossing the Indian Ocean from east to west, they were to steer 
in a southeasterly direction, then northeasterly, and finally return to Ba- 
tavia. 

Mauritius was sighted September 4, and on the next day they landed. 
Many hunting and fishing parties were sent on shore; and the vessels being 
delayed by contrary winds, did not sail from this island until October 8. 

We shall not attempt to follow them closely by means of the journal of 
the voyage which Tasman published after his return; indeed, it is no light 
task to read this journal, and follow the course which they pursued; for the 
longitude is all reckoned from Teneriffe, as, he observes, every sailor reck- 
ons it; and the places visited were nearly all then unknown, and named ac- 
cordingly by their discoverer, while later navigators have given other names 
which popular usage has preferred. 

They went as far south as the forty-fifth parallel; but saw no land from 
the time that they left Mauritius until November 24, when, about the forty- 
fifth parallel and the hundred and forty-ninth meridian east from Greenwich, 



568 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 



they sighted a iiiouutainous country. The needle had varied greatly during 
the earlier part of their voyage, seeming to be in continued motion; but 
here it became comparatively true, and they had but little difficulty with it. 




Tasman's ]Mkx Attacked and Kiixkd by Natives. 

To this land Tasman gave the name of Van Diemen's Land, in honor of 
'Master Anthony Van Diemen, our high magistrate the Governor-General, 
who sent us out to make discoveries;" posterity, with a better appreciation 
of the principle of giving honor where honor is due, has preferred to call it 
by a name derived from that of its discoverer— Tasmania. The Islands near 
by were named in honor of various members of the Council of India; though 
the Governor-General's wife, Maria, was not forgotten in this distribution of 
honors. 

Casting anchor off the coast, on the 2nd of the following month he sent the 
shallop and boat of the Zeehahn, well armed, to a bay about a mile to the 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 569 

northwest to look for water and other provisions. The messengers found 
many greens like those at the Cape of Good Hope, and other plants resem- 
bling sea-parsley. While on shore they heard human voices, and sounds that 
resembled the noise made by a little gong or trumpet. They also discovered 
large trees, having steps about five feet apart, by means of which the summit 
might be reached; but of the inhabitants themselves they saw nothing. The 
carpenter was directed to set up a post here, and Tasman left the flag of the 
Prince of Orange flying upon it. Having thus taken possession of the island, 
they sailed away, losing sight of land Decembers. 

Keeping to the course which had been marked out for them, they came in 
sight of South Island of the New Zealand group on the 14th, and closely fol- 
lowed the coast for some distance northward. On the 18th Tasman sent the 
shallop and boat on shore, as he had done oif the coast of Van Diemen's 
Land. They returned to the ship, accompanied by two native boats, the oc- 
cupants of which saluted those who had remained in the vessel with blowing 
of trumpets. Tasman does not tell us, however, what kind of trumpets they 
had; Cook would have described exactly the large shell from which it is 
probable that they were fashioned. 

These demonstrations were answered as made; but the sailors w^ere not 
wholly assured of the friendliness of the natives. A strict watch was kept 
all night, and every gun kept in readiness to repel an assault, should such be 
made. The next day many other boats approached the ships and the same 
intercourse at a distance was continued. Tasman decided to send another 
party to land, and the Zeehahus boat was again made ready. As the oars 
swept her through the waters, the sailors on the ships as w^ell as those who 
manned her heard the natives calling to one another, but having no acquain- 
tance with their language paid no attention to them. Suddenly, the canoes 
which had been between the two ships rushed with their beaks against the 
boat, and struck her with such force that they made her heel and take in 
water. The Quartermaster, who was on board, was struck with a blunt 
pointed pike with such force that he Avas knocked overboard; and a general 
attack upon the crew followed, in which three men were killed and one Avas 
mortally wounded. The Quartermaster and one other swam to the ship and 
were hastily taken on board. 

A boat was quickly manned with a more considerable party, and sent to 
the rescue; but, although the possession of the first boat w^as thus recovered, 
the men who had composed its crew had been killed, with the exception of 
the two whose escape has been noted. The boat when recovered had in it a 
W'Ounded man, who died shortly afterward, and thebody of one who had been 
instantly killed; while one of the slain had sunk into the sea and the body 
of the other was carried off by the natives. 

The ships weighed anchor; but even while making preparations for depart- 



i70 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 



ure from this hostile coast was almost surrounded by a fleet of native canoes. 
Twenty-two of them advanced upon the Dutch vessels with every unfriendly 
demonstration that could be imagined. Suddenly from the white-winged 
strangers came a noise as of thunder, and a flash of flame and smoke; and 
something, the New Zealanders knew not what, crashed through one of their 
canoes and sent the vessel and its crew to the bottom. While they were still 
almost stunned with surprise, another shot came; and they turned and fled 
from the neighborhood of such dreadful beings. 




Fight with Canoes. 

In commemoration of the killing of his men, Tasman named this inlet 
Moordenaar's, Murderers' or Massacre Bay. The land at which he had touched 
he called Staten Land, judging it "possible that this land joins to Staten 
Land," the island of that name near the southeastern extremity of Terra del 
Fuego. Tasman certainly did not overrate the extent of the ocean which he 
was exploring. 

Standing out to sea they landed again this time at North Island, January 5, 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 571 

II party being sent ashore for water. They saw from the ship about thirty-five 
very tall natives armed with clubs, and, fearing mischief, called to those who 
had landed. The boat at once returned and the ships sailed away. 

The next day they landed at an island which they called The Three Kings' 
Island, because it was discovered on Epiphany. Their course now lay among 
the Friendly Islands, one of which they named Amsterdam, "for we found 
plenty of refreshments here." Landing on that island which they called Mid- 
dleburgh they began trading with the natives; and thinking to gain the 
friendship of the chief Tasman offered him a glass of wine. It was declined, 
with evident doubt of his intentions. To show that his suspicions had no 
foundation in fact, Tasman drank the wine himself; and re-filling the glass, 
again offered it to the chief . It was taken this time; and the savage, delib- 
erately emptying the wine into the sea, coolly took possession of the glass. 

The chief sent onboard, after his return to shore, a present consisting of 
a hog, some cocoanuts and yams. The next day Tasman went ashore at the 
chief's cordial invitation, and a talk of some length, considering the difficul- 
ties in the way of communication, Avas had. The Captain's statement that he 
had been more than a hundred days at sea provoked the greatest astonish- 
ment on the part of the natives, who looked with admiringwonder upon what 
seemed to them such great vessels. 

Tasman proposed to set up a white flag, in token of peace between them ; 
and the natives, greatly pleased, assented; giving as much assistance as they 
could, and standing by in crowds as his men worked. He then sailed toward 
other islands nearby, one of which he named Eotterdam ; and here the trad- 
ing with the natives was continued. The sight of some well-kept gardens 
recalled pleasing memories of the prim and trim flower parterres and vegeta- 
ble beds of Holland; though the resemblance, probably, was not a very close 
one to any but homesick sailors. 

Leaving the Friendly Islands Tasman proceeded to that group known to us 
as the Samoan or Navigators' Islands. To one of these he gave the name of 
Prince William's Island; and to another, not far off, that of Onthona Java. 
The latter is now known as Pleasant Island. He landed here, but the natives 
seemed to set no value on the things that were given them; and, finding 
it thus impossible to open trade with them, he again embarked, landing 
next at New Hanover. Here his efforts to trade proved more successful ; but 
the stay was uneventful. 

Passing the Admiralty Islands he anchored off the coast of New Guinea. 
The natives approached the ships and there was a little intercourse. At the 
island named Moa, while the sailors were engaged in cleaning the ship, the 
natives, who constantly surrounded the vessels, hovering curiously about 
them, appeared friendly enough; but suddenly one of them shot an arrow 
toward the ship, wounding a seaman in the thigh. Orders were at once given 



572 



TASMAN, THE GREAT DUTCH NAVIGATOR. 



to meet the attack which it was thought now threatened ; and a volley of 
musketry was discharged at the canoes. One of the natives was wounded in 
the arm ; the others do not seem to have been hurt, as the shots were more 
to frighten them than to work actual injury. The vessels then took up their 
anchors, a better harl^or havino' been found. But the savages thought that 




Peaceful Drmoxstrations by NAxrvES. 



this meant pursuit; and, alarmed at this, as well as at the nature of the arms 
carried by the strangei's, they hastened to make peace. They came in groat 
numbers in their canoes, each man holding up a branch of a tree as a symbol 
of the peace which was desired. To show that they disclaimed all sympathy 



TASMAX, THE (JRKAT DITCH NAVIGATOR. 573 

with the man who had shot the arrow, they sent him on board the ships. 
Tasman, however, concluded that they had been taught the lesson which they 
needed, and employed the offender as a messenger of peace. 

As a result of this slight skirmish the sailors were able to trade to much 
better advantage than at first; as the natives, thoroughly frightened and sub- 
dued, seemed willing to accept anything that was offered in exchange for 
their goods. So much demand was there for articles of European manufac- 
ture that the stock was in danger of giving out; and to prevent this knives 
were fashioned by the sailors for trading purposes only, out of pieces of 
hoop-iron, "somewhat" brightened and sharpened, and set in rudely whit- 
tled handles. 

They weighed anchor May 6, but contrary winds prevented their leaving 
this coast foreight days. From New Guinea they went to New Zealand, where 
they met with no trouble from the natives ; and thence they returned to Bata- 
via, which they reached June 15, 1643. "God be praised for this happy voy- 
age. Amen," saj's devout Captain Tasman. 

Tasman made another voyage, under instructions which are dated January 
29, 1644; but of this there is no detailed record. It is known that he 
visited the coast of Australia, and explored the northwest coast, landing at 
several places; but the natives, whom he pronounced a " malicious and mis- 
erable race of savages," proved so hostile that he was unable to do much 
toward exploring the country Avhen he had landed. 

There is no further record of the achievements of this sailor, who is ranked 
as one of the greatest navigators of his century. According to one authority, 
he never returned from the second voyage just mentioned; but others, more 
credible, say that he lived fifteen years after the date of the instructions, 
dying at Batavia in October, 1659. It is probable that after his return from 
this second voyage he settled down to a quiet life in Java, enjoying the results 
of his toil and thrift in true Dutch fashion; and that he was thus lost sight 
of by the chroniclers, w^ho hence concluded that he died long before the date 
at which he actually departed this life. 

Tasman's discoveries w^ere not followed up by his countrymen ; for they 
soon had use for all their ships in something else than discovery and explora- 
tion. Holland was engaged in a naval war with England, which lasted, with 
frequent intermissions, until the accession of the Prince of Orange to the 
throne of England as William III. in 1688-9. When this prince was firmly 
established in his new dignity, and the war was forever at an end, the discov- 
eries were followed up; and half a century after Tasman visited Australia, it 
was taken possession of by British authorities, and has been held by them 
ever since; its old name of New Holland being replaced by that of Australia, 
or the Southern Land. 



VITUS BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

YT'YI^ have styled Bebring a Kussian navigator, because, although he was 
yj^ of Danish birth, he made his voyages of discovery and exploration 
while in the service of Russia. He was one of the earliest who 
brought distinction to the Crown of that great empire by his achievements, 
because, until the closing years of the seventeenth century, Russia had been 
regarded as a country of barbarians; and the fame of her great men hardly 
reached beyond her borders. 

Peter the Great was the father of Russian civilization. His methods were 
not always the wisest; for whatever reforms he desired must be made, whether 
they were adapted to the character of his people or not; nor were they the 
gentlest; he is said to have " knouted Russia into civilization." Anxious to 
emulate the other countries of Europe, in imitation of which he had estab- 
lished schools, introduced manufactures, and disciplined his followers into 
soldiers, he resolved to have a navy. 

It is hard to see why he should desire one, except for his general wish to 
imitate his models. England had a great navy, and Russia ought to have one, 
he thought, although there was but one sea-port. Archangel, for the whole 
empire. His first step, then, was to make war against Turkey, to obtain a 
foot-hold on the Black Sea; and, with Sweden, to secure a part of the coast 
of the Baltic; for Russia was then completely shut oif from all salt water ex- 
cept the Arctic Ocean. 

These aims were accomplished, and the navy was built. Its oiEcers must be 
drawn from foreign countries until Russians could become trained seamen ; 
and in this, as in so many other Russian enterprises, adventurers from abroad 
found a ready welcome and profitable employment. Among those who came 
was Vitus Behring. 

Born in Horseus, Denmark, in 1680, he was twenty-four years old when he 
entered the service of Peter the Great and became an otficer in the newly 
formed Russian navy. He displayed so much ability and daring in the war 
with Sweden as to win the approbation'of the Czar; which led to his appoint- 
ment in an expedition involving much hardship and danger. 

(574) 



J, 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 



575 



For the Czar had resolved to explore the eastern part of Siberia and ascer- 
tain what divided his dominions from America. What knowledge these peo- 
ple of the far East had of America we do not know; it seems reasonable to 
suppose that, with such a narrow strait se^Darating the two continents, there 
must have been more or less intercourse. Only one tradition, however, has 
been preserved. In the year 1715 there lived in Kamchatka a man who said 




Peter the Great, Czar of Kussia. 

he came from a country to the eastward, where, instead of the low shrubs 
bearing cedar-nuts with which the people of Kamchatka were familiar, there 
were large trees, bearing larger nuts; and that in this country there were 
great rivers, flowing westward into the sea which borders the country of his 
adoption. Many years ago, he said, he and some of his countrymen had em- 
barked in their skin-boats, such as the Kamchadales use,for onoof the islands 



576 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

near the shore; but they had been attacked by the ishindery, and all slain ex- 
cepting him, who had escaped to the strange country. 

Indications of this country's existence had often reached the shores of Asia; 
flocks of land-birds came from the east, and departed in the same direction; 
whales were cast upon the coast Avith spear-heads in their backs; and these 
spear-heads were not like those used by the Kamchadales; even boats of for- 
eign make were washed upon their shores. The waves which brought these 
signs had a shorter swell than those which came from the south; so that it 
was clear that the sea was partly inclosed, and that the inclosure was more 
complete toward the north. 

The Governor of Siberia sent out several exploring expeditions, some in 
boats by sea, others on the ice. The boats used measured about thirty feet 
long by twelve feet broad, and had a flat bottom calked with moss. The planks 
were fastened together with raw-hide thongs; and the sails were made of 
reindeer skin. In place of cables and ropes, straps of elk-skin were used, 
and the anchors Avere pieces of wood weighted with heavy stones. Those 
parties that journeyed on the ice used sledges drawn by dogs; and one of 
them was so reduced by hunger as to be obliged to eat the sledge-dogs and 
return on foot. 

These expeditions, as may be supposed, accomplished but little in the way 
of discovery or exploration. It is true that there were some indomitable 
spirits among them; of tliese we may mention Vagin, who was the head of a 
party of twelve Cossacks, and whose expedition was the one reduced to such 
straits. They had come in sight of land, as Vagin supposed; although his 
guide believed it to be only a mass of vapor seen in the distance ; and, in spite 
of the hardships and deprivations which they were suffering, he insisted up- 
on continuing the journey. Eemonstrances proved useless; and his exasper- 
ated followers murdered him, his son and the guide. 

But all difficulties were as nothing, when the Czar willed that it should be 
ascertained exactly what divided Asia from America, and that an American 
Russia should be united to the European and Asiatic Russias. He drew up 
the instructions himself ; two decked boats were to be built at Kamchatka, 
and those who were to command and man them were to journey overland 
through Siberia. Behring was named commander, Spanberg and Chirikof 
his lieutenants. 

They set out, officers, ship-builders and seamen, February 25, 1525. On the 
eighth of the same month Peter died; but his schemes in this direction were 
faithfull}' carried out by his wife, the Empress Catherine, who succeeded 
him. The journey, although they had at their command all the resources of 
the country — for they were sent by the Czar — was no child's play; and it was 
two years and a half bcfoi-e it. was accomplished, and the two small vessels 
built. August 21, 1727, Behring set sail from Okhotsk for the southern end 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 577 

of the peninsula of Kamchatka, only one vessel having been completed by 
that time. The construction of the second in this new location occupied 
nearly a year; and it was the 20th of July, 1728, before they were ready to 
sail on the real jiurpose of their expedition. 

They followed the eastern coast of the peninsula closely until they reached 
the Gulf of Anadir, but without lauding. Here they learned from the 
Tchukchis, who inhabit the country to the north, that they would come to a 
point Avhere the coast turned again to the west; but received no definite in- 
formation regarding the distance which they had still to traverse. They were 
then in latitude 64 degrees, 30 minutes; and had advanced less than three de- 
grees when they found the truth of Avhat they had been told. The land 
turned abruptly to the west. How far they followed this coast we have no 
means of knowing; but Behring was fully convinced that he had reached the 
eastern extremity of Asia, and returned to Kamchatka, where he arrived in 
September. 

Despite the difficulties of reaching the port from which such expeditions 
must set out, Behring seems to have taken a keen interest in the subject. 
Shortly after his return to the capital he presented to the Empress Anne 
"Proposals for the Organization of the Okhotsk and Kamchatka Countries;" 
and urged her to undertake the discovery of routes to America and Japan, 
which might be used in commerce with those countries. The first of these 
recommendations appeared to the Empress most important; and to this task 
was postponed the consideration of exploring the eastern waters or the north- 
ern coast of Siberia, which was also amongthe schemes proposed by Behring. 
A certain official, who was in exile, was ordered to assume the reins of gov- 
ernment in the extreme northeast, and to be furnished the means necessary 
for the performance of his duties in connection with it. 

But almost before he had assumed office it was decided that there should 
be a second Kamchatka Expedition, and Behring was again appointed com- 
mander. This was due, probably, to no special activity on his part. The ex- 
pedition was undertaken at the recommendation of several high officials who 
had long taken an active interest in naval affairs and would naturally advocate 
maritime enterprises. Besides, it seemed that all Russia was alive with the 
spirit of progress; and everywhere, along the coast, were vessels seeking to 
set at rest disputed or doubtful points about the outline of the land. 

Behring seems to have been rated the most eminent seaman in Russia, and 
his foreign birth was scarcely a disadvantage; not only were there thousands 
of others who had come from other countries and Avho held high positions, 
but he had now been in the service of Russia for more than twenty-five years ; 
he had married a Russian wife, Anna Matveievna — who, by the way, was at 
least twenty-five years joungerthan her husband — and his two sons, Thomas 
and Unos, were Russian subjects by birth. The commander's experience had 



578 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

been varied; there has been no detailed or chronological account of his dif- 
ferent voyages preserved; but Peter the Great had chosen him to command 
the first expedition "because he had been to India and knew all the approaches 
to that country;" and it is evident, from the instructions drawn up for that 
journey, that this voyage to India had been made as the commander of a 
vessel. 

Next in command to Behring Avas Chirikof , who had been with him on the 
first expedition; a Eussian officer, well-educated, thoughtful, courageous and 
kind-hearted; one of the true favorites of fortune, since he was gifted with 
that rare and enviable quality of making those who knew him best love him 
best. 

In strange contrast to Chirikof was the second officer, Spanberg. Like the 
commander, he was a Dane; but he was narrow-minded, ignorant, cruel, ava- 
ricious and selfish. His constant companion was a huge dog, which, his ene- ' 
mies said — and his enemies were as many as Chirikof 's friends — was ready to 
tear a man to pieces should the master but give the word. It will be noticed 
that the relative rank of these two officers was reversed on this second expe- 
dition, Spanberg having stood next to the commander on the first, but after 
Chirikof on the second. 

Besides these there was Lieut. Walton, an Englishman ; Midshipman Schel- 
ting, a Hollander by descent; and Lieut. Lassenius, a Dane. A Frenchman 
who was a member of the Imperial Academy was instructed by that body to 
compile a map of Kamchatka; and the call for astronomers and mineralogists 
to join the expedition was answered by two Germans and a Frenchman. Thus 
did all the nations of Europe unite to furnish forth the Russian expedition. 
The Government appears to have been somewhat dissatisfied with this cos- 
mopolitan representation, and ordered twelve students from the Slavo-Latin 
School at Moscow to be trained by the Academy for the expedition. 

A few members of the Academy, burning with the desire that Russia should 
accomplish what other nations had achieved, and circumnavigate the globe, 
proposed that the expedition should sail from the Baltic, and, crossing the 
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, reach the coast of Kamchatka from the east. 
This proposal, however, was rejected; and the expedition, as before, was or- 
dered to proceed overland across Siberia. At Kamchatka or Okhotsk, as the 
judgment of Behring might decide, they were to build two packet-boats; and 
in these to proceed, without separating, to the American coast. This they 
Avere to follow as far south as the forty-fifth parallel, or the coast of the pre- 
sent state of Oregon; returnmg to the north, and crossing to Asia at Behring 
Strait, as the passage between the two continents had already been named. 
If the season proved too short, they were to go into winter quarters, and com- 
plete their task the next season. 

These were the instructions for the main body of the explorers, directly un- 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 579 

der command of Behring and his lieutenant, Chirikof ; Spanberg was to pro- 
ceed from Okhotsk toward Japan, and make such explorations of that group 
as would be allo^ved, as well as of the Kurile Islands. During their overland 
journey they were to seek some route to the Okhotsk Sea which would not 
take them past Yakutsk or across the Amoor. 

The expedition was fitted out with all the liberality which is shown in ex- 
ecuting the wishes of an absolute monarch; and even the wandering tribes of 
Siberia were informed that they must assist the members of it as far as lay in 
their power. We have no record of the number of persons who set out from 
St. Petersburg; the scientists alone, with their servants and escort, comprised 
a hundred and fifty-seven; nearly all the officers, and a number of the rank 
and file, took with them their wives and children ; Madame Behring and her 
two little boys being among those who accompanied the expedition. 

In February, 1733, the first detachment left St. Petersburg; and six months 
later, the final division, that of the scientists, took their leave of the capital, 
for six years as they thought; but in some cases this length of time was more 
than doubled, and in others it stretched out into eternity. 

Keaching Tobolsk the whole force went into w^inter quarters ; and the ship- 
builders were set to work building boats on the Ob, Irtish, and Yenisei. 
Their progress being aided by these boats, they reached Itkutsk sometime 
during the late summer or early autumn, and wintered a little beyond that 
place. Behring had traveled in advance of the main body, and had reached 
Y^akutsk in October, 1734, while his assistants were still toiling through 
Central Siberia. 

The next summer, 1735, the main body arrived at this point, and prepara- 
tions M'ere begun for the final stage of the journey. Boats were built during 
the winter, in which a detachment was to descend the Lena, and, following 
the northern coast, reach Okhotsk by that means; wdiile the transportation of 
the others must be accomplished by means of horses toiling painfully over a 
rugged mountain-chain. 

But the despotic power of the Czarina had not been able to secure the ful- 
filment of her commands without friction between the officers of the expedi- 
tion and those who were commanded to assist them. When Behring arrived 
at Yakutsk his supplies were scattered all along the road from the frontier to 
that place; and it was in vain that he appealed to the officials to hasten their 
delivery. AYorking parties were sent forward, but many of the workmen act- 
ually died of starvation on the road. It was estimated that before an-y of the 
expedition reached Okhotsk, three hundred thousand rubles, or nearly a 
quarter of a million of dollars, had been paid outfrom the imperial treasury; 
besides the vast quantities of stores in kind furnished by the various districts. 

Not only were there constant quarrels between the officials of the expedit- 
ion and those of the country, but dissensions among the members of the ex- 
37 



580 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

pedition themselves arose, and became exceedingly bitter. Complaints against 
Behring, particularly, were constantly forwarded to St. Petersburg; and to 
those in charge of affairs there, who could not realize the great difficulties in 
the way, it seemed that he must have abused his authority, and purposely de- 
layed in order, as his enemies charged, to put more money in his own pocket. 
An ukase was issued, ordering that the accounts of the expedition should be 
reviewed; and it was reported that the expense thus far was so great that it 
was necessary to continue the work, or lose all that had been spent. Much 
time was consumed in sending special messengers back and forth, so that Beh- 
ring, with the main body, did not reach Okhotsk until the beginning of 1739, 
six years after they had left St. Petersburg. 

Two officers were sent by the Imperial Government to look into " the do- 
ings of Behring." They seem to have cleared him of the charges against him. 
They arrived during the summerof 1739; and their coming of course stillfur- 
ther delayed the departure of the vessels, which Spanberg, who had arrived 
at Okhotsk some time before the commander, had been busily building. It 
was not until the month of August, 1740, that Behring and Chirikof were 
ready to sail. 

The announcement that an imperial courier was approaching delayed them 
for some time, and it was necessary to wait for his coming; and the ground- 
ing of one of their vessels, shortly after this, resulted not only in delay, but 
in loss of provisions and stores which could not be replaced. Finally, Sept. 
8, 1740, the expedition embarked; the St. Peter under the command of 
Behring, and the St. Paul under the command of Chirikof. They reached 
the harbor of Bolsheretsk a week later, and rounded Cape Lapatke in safe- 
ty, but the sloop and the galiot which carried the stores were unable to ac- 
complish this, and returned to Bolsheretsk for the winter; it being therefore 
necessary to transport the stores overland from Bolsheretsk to Avatcha, a 
work attended with loss and difficulty. 

To the few buildings existing at Avatcha, Behring proceeded to add a 
church; and the place was named Petropaulovski. Here the vessels were 
beached forthe winter; and, securing the services of the natives to transport 
the supplies overland, Behring distributed his men in such a way as to make 
it possible for them to live mainly upon game and fish. 

May 4, 1741, he called together his officers for consultation as to the route 
which should be followed; for recent communications from St. Petersburg 
had left that in doubt. A renowned astronomer had made a map of this 
portion of the world which had been presented to the Imperial Academy, 
and received the approbation of that learned body; which, however, knew 
no more about the subject than Columbus knew of the coast of Asia. By 
them it had been presented to the Senate, and had been approved by the 
members of that body, who were as well-informed as the Imperial Academi- 



J 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 



581 



cians. It had then been sent to Behring as a reliable guide for his voyage. 
According to this map there was no laud laid down toward the east of Kam- 
chatka; but toward the southeast, between the forty-sixth and forty-seventh 
parallels, was laid down a land marked " Terres vices xmr Dom Jean de Ga- 
nia." History has not preserved any record of the voyage of this individual, 
although his discoveries were thus set down on a map which ignored the land 
known to exist at a short distance from the eastern extremity of Siberia. 




~#'. 




It was decided, however, to follow the chart, rather than their own knowl- 
edge and that of the Siberians ; and to sail southeast by east until the lati- 
tude of forty-six degrees was reached; then, if they found no land, to steer 
northeast by east. If land were discovered in the first instance, they were to 
take its northern coast as a guide to the northeast or east; and whenever land 
was found, its coast was to be followed as far north as the sixt^-fifth paral- 
lel. Why they should not attempt to follow it two degrees and a half 
further north, when it would be such a short distance across to their own 
continent does not appear. 

Orders were given the different officers to direct their actions under all 
imaginable circumstances, and the two vessels, with their hundred and fifty 



582 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

men, and provisions for five and a half months, sailed from Avatcha Bay, 
after solemn prayer, June 4, 1741. 

On the afternoon of the 12th they had reached the forty-sixth parallel, and 
found that there was no such land as was laid down in the chart. The 
course was changed in accordance with the determination reached in council. 
June 19th the wind which had been driving them forward increased, so that 
sails had to be taken in during the night; and the next morning, by some 
mistake, the two vessels were separated and did not again sight each other. 

They were between the forty-ninth and fiftieth parallel when this occurred. 
Chirikof 's vessel, after drifting for some time in the expectation of meeting 
with the commander, was steered toward the east and reached land July 15, 
at a point somewhere about the middle part of the coast of British Colum- 
bia. Sending a boat ashore to find a good place to anchor, Chirikof awaited 
the return of his sailors. Instead, a number of the natives surrounded his 
ship; and, to his horror and distress, he learned that his men had all been 
murdered. In addition to the loss of so many men, he had lost the only boat 
that he had; so that, as the water on board gave out, he was unable to ob- 
tain any new supplies. 

He touched at the coast at various points, but did not land ; endeavoring 
to supply the lack of fresh water from shore by distilling sea-water and 
catching rain-water. Finally he touched at the most western of the Aleutian 
islands, and thence continued his voyage for Kamchatka. 

They had suffered much from the lack of water and food, and scurvy set 
in. When they reached port, near the Bay of Avatcha, twenty-one of the 
seventy-three who had left that harbor five months before had perished. 
Having no boats, they were obliged to discharge a cannon to attract the at- 
tention of those on shore, and receive aid in landing. 

Like Cliirikof , Behring allowed his ship to drift for some time, after los- 
ing sight of his companion, in hopes of regaining company. On the morn- 
ing of June 23 it was decided by a council of the ofiicers to return to latitude 
46; this point being reached, the sight of some birds tempted them farther 
on ; but they found no land. Thus again taught that the chart was not to be 
depended upon, they changed their course as before, and steered north- 
northeast. After frequent changes of course, which were hardly to be ex- 
pected from a veteran commander like Behring, about noon of the 16th of 
July the lookout reported a high chain of mountains and a towering peak, all 
capped with snow; and Behring gave to the peak the name which it still 
bears, Mount St. Elias. 

We have read of the enthusiasm, sometimes of the wonder, with which 
other discoverers hailed the first sight of land; but Behring showed none of 
it. His oflScers, indeed, gathered round him, excitedly, and offered their 
congratulations upon the success with which the expedition under his leader- 



BEHRIXG, THE EUSSIAX XAVIGATOE. 583 

ship had met. He glanced at the rugged shore, shrugged his shoulders, and 
replied in their rough guttural language : — 

"A great discovery, no doubt, and the accomplishment of all our desires; 
but who knows where we are, when we shall see Russia, and what we shall 
have to eat in the meantime?*' 

It was the 20th of July before they found a landing-place and sent boats 
ashore to reconnoiter and secure a new supply of water. Early the next 
morning Behring came on deck and ordered his men to weigh anchor. His 
officers looked at him in astonishment, for the men had not yet finished fill- 
ing the water-casks; some of them ventured to remonstrate. But that deci- 
sion which, as we have noted, was lacking when he should have fixed upon a 
course, was not lacking now; he had been ordered to find land, and having 
found it he was goingback to Eussia, whether the water-casks were filled or 
not. A German scientist who had spent six hours ashore the previous day, 
was now perched upon a steep rock, "taking in as much as possible of Amer- 
ica." Behring crustily ordered him aboard if he did not wish to be left; and 
he returned with his collection of plants which he had gathered to analyze. 

Heavy fogs, thick mists, contrary winds, and continual rains attended their 
homeward passage. Finally, about the middle of August, no other landing 
having been made, it was decided that as they had intended to return to Kam- 
chatka by the end of September, it was impracticable to attempt any further 
exploration of the American coast; and that they should now steer westward 
to the point whence they started. 

This was more easily said than done; the vessel drifted some distance to 
the southeast of the point where land was first seen and became so involved 
among the islands fringing the coast that it was hardly safe to navigate here 
except in favorable weather. They reached a point as far south as the north- 
ern boundary of the United States before they were able to keep to the course 
which they had marked out and sail for Kamchatka. Several landings had 
been made in the meantime by officers and scientists: but we have no record 
that Behring himself ever stepped foot on the shore of America. 

As on the companion vessel, scurvy had set in; and there were now hardly 
enough well men to manage the ship. ''The most eloquent pen would fail to 
describe the misery of our condition," says that same botanist who had been 
in danger of being left at the time of the first landing. Some of the officers 
favored the plan of seeking a harbor on the American coast; others wished 
to sail straight for Kamchatka; Behring himself seems to have relapsed into 
indecision, and contented himself with making many vows of gifts to 
churches, distributing his promises with great impartiality between the Ger- 
man Lutheran churches of his youth and the Greek Catholic churches of his 
later years. 

They kept a northerly course until October 22, when the wind changed so 



584 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 



that they were able to sail easterly toward their destination. They could 
make but little headway, however, for the sails and ropes were so rotten that 
it was not safe to carry much sail, even had the crew been able to set them. 
The commander was confined to his cabin by sickness; the officers, hardly 




The Sick Carried ox Shore. 



able to totter about, yet quarreled among themselves; the steersman was 
obliged to be led to his post by another man, not much stronger; and when 
he could sit and steer no longer, his place was taken by his relief, almost 
equally worn out before his work began. At last, on Nov. 4, they sighted 
land. The botanist Steller is again quoted:— 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 585 

"It would be impossible to describe the joy created by the sight of land. 
The dying crawled upon deck to see with their own eyes what they would not 
believe; even the feeble commander was carried out of his cabin. To the 
astonishment of all, a small keg of brandy was taken from some hiding-place 
and dealt outto celebrate the supposed approach to the coastof Kamchatka." 

But their joy was premature. This, however, they did not learn till later. 
The morning after land was seen, it was discovered that all the shrouds on 
the starboard side had been broken by contraction owing to frost. Behring 
gave orders from his sick-bed that a council of officers should be called. Be- 
fore them was laid the situation which they knew only too well: men dying 
of the scurvy, lack of fresh water, suffering from exposure to the cold rain, 
which froze as it fell upon any body whatever, animate or inanimate. It was 
decided to seek relief at the nearest point of laud, whether island or conti- 
nent. They at once set about seeking a safe harbor for anchorage; and find- 
ing, what they considered one, cast anchor about five o'clock that evening. 
In less than an hour the cable broke, as the sea rose; other cables were lost; 
and just as they were about to heave the last one on board, a great swell of 
the sea lifted the vessel over a ledge of rock, and landed her in a smooth 
basiu, about four fathoms deep. 

Thus the decision had been made for them ; it was impossible to get the 
vessel over that ledge again, even if her hull had not been seriously damaged 
in the first instance. Fortunately it was bright moonlight, so that they were 
able to work better than if the night had been dark. All who were able to 
work busied themselves at once, making preparations to land the sick. Niches 
were dug in the sandy banks of a small stream, and covered with sails; this 
was all the shelter that they had; for, although there was a small quantity of 
driftwood upon the shore, there was no timber of any account. 

Many of the sick died as they reached the shore; others expired while 
being moved. Behring was carried ashore in a hand-barrow, well secured 
against the air, on the 9th; and shortly afterward the ship was torn from its 
single cable and dashed upon the shore. 

It was in vain that Steller, the botanist, searched for anti-scorbutic herbs 
under the snow; nor did they find any game or wild-fowl. The only land-ani- 
mals that they saw were Arctic foxes, so bold that the miserable survivors 
could not keep them off the unburied corpses of their comrades. 

Fortunately they secured some sea-otters, and even the flesh of a whale 
cast upon the beach was not disdained. This afforded light, also, for the 
long nights of the winter that was now upon them. Officers and men fared 
alike, for in this situation there was no meaning in class distinctions. Lieut. 
Waxel, who had been next to Behring in command, was generally recognized 
as their chief , for the commander was beyond duty; and Steller was his 
constant adviser. 



586 BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 

At last Waxel fell sick; and it was af)pareiit to all thatBehring was marked 
to die. The excursions in search of food grew shorter as the strength and 
hopes of the men grew less; and despair settled upon them all. 

As the days went on, Behring grew more and more suspicious and timid of 
those about him; at last hardly enduring the presence of Steller, who was his 
most intimate friend. Yet there was no word of complaint, no repining at 
these hard conditions, from the worn-out old sailor; but lying, helpless yet 
uncomplaining, day after day, in that rude hut through whose seams the 
sand banked against it continually trickled down upon him, he watched the 
shores of this world fade slowly from sight, and, December 8, 1741, had com- 
pleted the last voyage, and anchored safe in port. 

Not for more than a month after the date of Behring's death was the effect 
of the stay uponland visible upon the shipwrecked sailors; then, their health 
began slowly to improve. It was time that it did so; for up to January 8, 
1742, thirty-one of the seventy-seven had died. As they gained strength, 
three different parties were sent out, to explore respectively to the north, 
south, and w^est. Four weeks elapsed before these reported; and then they 
learned only that they were on an island. Traces of inhabitants there were 
none. 

It was clearly impossible to remain here. Two plans suggested themselves: 
either to take the open boats and seek the main land in them as soon as the 
season should be far enough advanced, or to break up their disabled ships, 
and from the fragments construct a smaller vessel, safer than the small boats, 
and more manageable than the large craft, even were it more hopelessly 
injured. 

"A singular question here presented itself to these navigators, accustomed 
as they were to the iron discipline of the imperial service: Would they not 
be punished for taking to pieces a government vessel? After some discussion 
it dawned on their dim visions that perhaps after all the punishment of theii? 
dread ruler might be no worse than death upon that island. Hence it was 
solemnly resolved to begin at once; the wreck was dismantled, and in May 
the keel was laid for the new vessel." — Bancroft. 

The vessel, thirty-six feet long at the keel and forty-one on deck, with 
a breadth of beam of twelve feet and a depth of only five and one-half, 
constructed without a particle of iron, and provisioned with the flesh of sea- 
animals, was launched August 10. The old name of St. Peter was retained. 

August 16, after protracted devotions, and solemnly bestowingthe name of 
their dead commander on the island where they had now been for more than 
nine months, the miserable survivors sailed away toward the bleak shores 
whence they had first come. On the third day out, it was discovered that their 
crazy bark was leaking; and there were two feet of water in the hold before 
an hour had passed. Some lead and ammunition were thrown overboard and 



BEHRING, THE RUSSIAN NAVIGATOR. 587 

the leak finally stopped. A week later, August 25, they sighted land; and 
the next day they anchored in the bay of Avatcha, where they had long since 
been given up for lost. 

Thus ended the great Russian expedition to the shores of America. It 
cannot be denied that Chirikof seems to have been a better navigator than 
Behring: and that he saw the coast of North America at least thirty-six hours 
before it was reached by his commander. But it must be remembered that 
the history of the expedition has been written by Russians, who regarded 
Behring with much jealousy and envy, as a Dane, while Chirikof was one of 
their own countrymen. Then, too, Behring may have felt, long before his 
comrades saw, the hand of death heavy upon him; and this may be the ex- 
planation of his eagerness to return to Russia as soon as he had set eyes on 
the American coast. These arguments, of course, do not affect the question 
of the first discovery; that honor belongs to Chirikof; but Magellan is reck- 
oned to have discovered the Pacific Ocean from the south, though it was first 
descried by one of his sailors; and Behring, the leader of this great Russian 
expedition, is rated as the discoverer of Russian America, although his 
subordinate saw it before him. 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE 
SOUTH SEA. 



fT is a boast, which has passed into almost a jest, that any boy who is a 
native of the United States has a hope of becoming President; and 
more than one of our Chief Magistrates have sprung from so lowly a 
source as to prove this no vain commendation. But when we find a boy of 
another country, risen from the lowest station to a position of honor among 
his fellow-men, our wonder is greater; and we feel that such a man is en- 
titled to even more respect than if he had lived in a country where such 
rises in fortune are more common. 

Such a man was James Cook, whose name has become renowned through- 
out the world; for he was the son of an English agricultural laborer. His 
father, however, seems to have been a man of no common ability in his 
sphere, for we find him advanced to the post of farm-bailiff; being still a res- 
ident of Yorkshire, near the village of Marton, in the vicinity of which the 
future navigator was born October 28, 1728. 

The bailiff's family doubtless thought that a handsome provision had been 
made for the boy w^hen, at the age of thirteen, he Avas apprenticed to a hab- 
erdasher at Straiths, near Whitby; although the man who could distinguish 
himself as an astronomer and navigator could hardly have been, as a boy, 
especially well adapted to measuring off ribbons or selling needles and 
thread. He seems to have found the work distasteful, and was perhaps an 
idle and thoughtless apprentice, his mind being filled with thoughts of the 
vessels which were constantly loading and unloading at that port; certainly 
he quarreled with his master and ran away to sea, taking a place as appren- 
tice on board a coaling vessel belonging to the port. 

He had had but small opportunities for learning; for, from the time that 
he was eight years old, he had been kept busy about the farm; and an ap- 
prentice to any trade, a hundred years ago, had very little time to pursue any 
studies but the exercise of his craft. His bright face and willing industry 
had, however, early attracted the notice of the farmer who employed the 

boy's father; and this friend had him taught to read. How much more he 

(688) 



AJi 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



589 



had learned before becoming a sailor there is no record ; but he soon ac- 
quired such knowledge of the heavenly bodies as was possessed by his asso- 
ciates on board the vessel, and devoted a large portion of his scanty earnings 
to the purchase of such books as would enable him to continue the study of 
astronomy and navigation. 




Captain Ja:\ies Cook. 

A boy determined to excel, speedily rises in the world, and young Cook be- 
came first the mate, and then the master of the vessel. At the age of twen- 
ty-seven the son of the poor farm-laborer was a skilled sailor, possessing a 
remarkable knowledge of astronomy and no small skill in practical hydro- 
graphic drawing. 

The Seven Years' War broke out in 1755. Shortly after the war had be- 



590 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

gun, Cook's vessel came to anchor in the Thames. At first, he hid himself 
from the press-gang, by means of which the British navy was largely recruit- 
ed then ; but considering the matter, he determined to volunteer; and offered 
himself on board the Eagle, a vessel of sixty guns, of which Sir Hugh Palli- 
ser was the commander. 

Pie met with such favor from his conmiander that he was, by that officer's 
advice, appointed to the command of a sloop, the Grampus. From this he 
was transferred to the Garland, and then to the JSlercury, in the last of 
Avhich he served in the St. Lawrence, and was present at the siege of Que- 
bec. 

It was in this campaign that he first had an opportunity of distinguishing 
himself. Ordered to sound the St. Lawrence between Orleans Island and 
the northern shore of the river, he executed his task with such faithfulness, 
and drew up a chart of the channel with such skill, that he was detailed to 
examine the channels of this river below Quebec. He did so; and his chart 
of the St. Lawrence from Quebec to the sea was accepted by the English 
Admiralty and published by them as the best authority on this river. 

His ability as a marine surveyor was very generally recognized; and after 
the recapture of Newfoundland — at which he was present — he was employed 
in surveying its coasts. The year after peace was concluded, he was ap- 
pointed Marine Surveyor of Newfoundland and Labrador. 

He received this appointment in 17G4, and held the position for three years; 
being recognized by the British Government as an excellent authority in hy- 
drographical questions, and as having corrected many errors in the map of 
America. During this period he published in the PJiilosophical Transactions 
an account of a solar eclipse which he had observed off Cape Eay ; and this 
added much to his reputation as an astronomical observer. 

Astronomers had calculated that in 1769 the planet Venus would make a 
transit across the face of the sun. It was desirable that this should be care- 
fully observed by some competent person, but the best place, scientists deci- 
ded, would be some point in the Pacific Ocean. The English Government 
resolved to send out an expedition for this purpose, and fitted out a vessel 
with eighteen months' provisions for her crew of eighty-four men, and the 
necessary arms and ammunition for defense should such be needed. 

Dalrymple, a famous astronomer, was chosen forthe command; but he had 
so high an idea of his own worth, and demanded so persistently an appoint- 
ment as ship's captain, that the secretary of the Admiralty, finding it inad- 
visable to concede all that he demanded, fixed upon this one point as the thing 
that could not be granted. Dalrymple refused to accept any lower rank, and 
was informed that the Government would grant no higher; so negotiations 
with him Avere broken off. 

Sir Hugh Palliser, who stood high with the naval authorities, proposed 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



591 



Cook for the position. The command of the Endeavour was accordingly given 
to him, with a commission as lieutenant in the navy. Charles Green, assist- 
ant in the Greenwich observatory. Doctor Solander, a learned Swede who was 
a professor of botany, Sir Joseph Banks, a wealthy amateur astronomer and 
botanist, and two other persons, one a landscape and portrait painter, the 
other a scientific draughtsman, with a secretary and four servants, made up 
the comjiany of the master's cabin in the vessel which sailed from Plymouth 
August 26, 17G8. 




The Council Discussing What Direction to Sail. 
Cook was commissioned for purposes of discovery and exploration as well 
as for the observation of a single astronomical occurrence. The interest in 



592 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

discovery, which had languished for some time, had revived; this was particu- 
larly the case iu England, where the Civil War of the seventeenth century 
and the foreign wars and civil disturbances of theearly part of the eighteenth 
had passed away, leaving the country on the high road to a position among 
the nations of Europe which she had never held since the days of Henry V. 
and Edward III. 

Before entering upon an account of the discoveries made by Cook, it will 
be well for us to review, very briefly, the work of his predecessors in this part 
of the world; confining ourselves to those who had sailed from England for 
the exploration of the South Pacific. 

The beginning of what may be called the second era of discovery and ex- 
ploration — the first beginning with the time of Columbus — may be placed at 
about the middle of the eighteenth century. It was in 1764 that Commodore 
Byron was commissioned to explore the Falkland Islands more thoroughly, 
and also to ascertain if they were habitable lands of any extent between the 
Straits of Magellan and the Cape of Good Hope. Many navigators had 
touched at Australia, New Zealand, and other islan 'Is of the great archipelago; 
but none of these lands had been thoroughly explored; and it was supposed 
that they were parts of a continent of great extent surrounding the South 
Pole. 

Byron had, as a boy of seventeen, enlisted in the expedition commanded by 
Lord Anson, about 1740; but the vessel in which he sailed had been Avrecked 
in passing through the Straits of Magellan, and he had been taken prisoner 
by the Spaniards. Detained in Chili for more than three years, he reached 
home at last, to find the country involved in a war with France. He distin- 
guished himself in various encounters during the progress of this war ; but was 
so unfortunate as a sailor that his men came to nick-name him "Foul-weather 
Jack." 

This name, however, could not be expected to influence the grave Lords of 
the Admiralty, Avho appointed him to the command of the expedition of 1764. 
Two vessels, one of twenty-four and one of sixteen guns were assigned to him ; 
and after one false start, they w^eighed anchor July 3. The voyage was with- 
out incident until they sighted the coast of South America. They had stop- 
ped at the Madeira and the Cape Verde Islands for water, but the tropical 
heat and constant rains had produced much sickness among the sailors, so 
that they were obliged to put in at Rio Janeiro for fresh water and food. 

Having revictualed here, Byron stood out to sea, and the question now 
arose, whether the captain should prosecute his search for lands in the west, 
or whether on the contrary, he should sail northw^ard and reach the East In- 
dies during the favorable season? 

The council of war, which was called to the consideration of this question, 
chose the latter alternative, after an animated discussion. 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



593 



Sailing southward he entered the Straits of Magellan ; as soon as the vessels 
neared the shore, the sailors distinguished a crowd of men on horseback, who 
set up a white tent, and signed to them to land. Curious to see these Pata- 
gonians, about whom preceding navigators had so disagreed, Byron landed 
with a strong detachment of armed soldiers. 




Patagoxiaxs on Horseback. 



He found nearly 500 men, most of them on horseback, of gigantic stature, 
and looking like monsters in human shape. The women rode on horseback 
like the men without stirrups, and all galloped on the shore, although it was 
covered with immense stones and very slippery. 



594 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

With them were numbers of dogs and very small horses; excessively ugly, 
but not the less extremely swift. 

The interview was friendly, and, after Byron had distributed gifts to the 
natives, the crew returned to the ship and sailed northeastward again, and 
coasted the Falkland Islands, where a French colony had already been estab- 
lished. Returning to the Straits he passed through them, and, touching at one 
of thceluan Fernandez group, proceeded in searchof Easter Island, which had 
been discovered and named by John Davis, the explorer of the American 
Arctic waters. He failed to find this island, but came upon a group whose 
cocoa-nut palms and other trees gave promise of cure for his men, among whom 
the scurvy was running riot. The milk of the cocoa-nut is one of the best 
remedies known for this dreadful disease, and the sailors looked longingly 
toward the trees which were to afford them relief. A boat was sent to find 
anchorage for the ships; but the sailors sent on this errand returned, saying 
that they had failed to find bottom at a cable's length from shore. Byron was 
therefore compelled to sail away from this group of islands, which he named, 
in commemoration of their failure to secure the fruits. Disappointment Is- 
lands. 

Fortunately for the sufferers, they reached the Low Islands the next day, 
and gathered fruit enough to serve their purpose. After this they touched at 
or passed various islands, recognizing the Ladrones eluly 28, 1765. Here they 
landed, tents being prepared for the sick, and plentiful fruits, limes, oranges, 
cocoa-nuts, bread-fruits and guavas, gathered for their use. These afforded 
a cure for the scurvy; but the hot, wet weather had caused so much malaria 
to rise from the dense growth of vegetation that the sailors, already weak- 
ened by long illness, were attacked by another form of disease, and two of 
them died. We are told that the fowls and wild pigs, which were abundant 
and easily captured, had to be eaten immediately after being killed, as de- 
composition began within an hour; and the fish caught here were so unwhole- 
some that all who ate of them, no matter how sparingly, became very ill. 
Notwithstanding all these difficulties, however, they remained here for nine 
weeks. 

Continuing their course, they passed to the northward of the Philippine 
Islands, touching at Grafton Island. At Timor they endeavored to procure 
supplies, but it was only with the utmost difficulty that they could persuade 
the Malay natives to trade with them. The inhabitants demanded rupees in 
exchange for their goods, and with rupees the Englishmen were not provided. 
Reaching Sumatra, he coasted along this island until he reached Batavia, 
the chief settlement and center of the Dutch trade, laid out with the prim 
regularity, the canals and trees and large open thoroughfares, which distin- 
guished the cities of Holland. A hundred ships rode in its harbor, and its 
streets were thronged by Portuguese, Dutch, English, Chinese, Persians, Ma- 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



595 



lays and Arabs, who chattered and traded with each other. Gayeties of every 
kind showed that business was not the sole thought of the inhabitants, and 
the sailors, tired with the long cruise and the illness which had affected every 
one of them, were enchanted with the beautiful little city. 




K 


=_ 


^: 


- 


E ^^ 


1 


^^?;mA,««5Wfrv AA'ftvX-^^^^'-^ 


J 



KixG OF Timor. 

But it was less fair than it had seemed; poison lay beneath the beauty. 
Endemic fevers abound there, and Byron, as soon as he learned this, hurried 
to get his provisions on board, and set sail. 

But, although they had remained but twelve days, they had remained too 

long. A terrible fever broke out among the crew, disabling half their num- 
3S 



596 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

ber, and euding in the death of three. After forty-eight days they sighted 
the coast of Africa; and, three days later, anchored in Table Bay, whence it 
was a voyage over well-known waters. The sole incident of their homeward 
voyage was off the island of St. Helena, where the vessel received such a 
shock it was thought at first that she had struck upon a sunken rock. The 
fears of the sailors were dissipated, however, as they saw the sea tinged with 
blood for a large radius; the vessel had struck a whale. 

It was at first supposed that the ship was not injured; but a few days later 
it was found that she w^as so seriously disabled that it was imprudent, if not 
impossible, for her to continue her voyage in her present condition. They 
accordingly allowed themselves to be carried across the Atlantic by the cur- 
rent which here sets toward the northwest, and the injured vessel was re- 
paired at the Antilles. 

Byron's ship reached England after an absence of twenty-three months, after 
a voyage which was generally considered the most fortunate of all the circum- 
navigations attempted by the English. But little had been accomplished for 
the cause of science; but the fact that this was so was due, not to any omission 
or carelessness on the part of those engaging in it, but to the neglect of 
the officials to give proper instructions, and to include among those wdio went 
scientists who were capable of original investigations in their particular sub- 
jects. 

Six weeks after the arrival of Byron's vessel Captain SamuenVallis was 
appointed to the command of a second exploring expedition. Not until 
April, 1766, however, did they sail. The three ships were not good sailers, 
and the captain of one felt assured that he should not be able, with the 
equipment given him, to go farther than the Falkland Islands. They reached 
the Straits of Magellan in safety and had some intercourse with the Patago- 
nians. Previous navigators had asserted that these were a race of giants; 
and each one had seemed to vie with the others in stories of the stature, the 
strength, and the wonderful appetite of these far southern savages. Wallis, 
however, invited a number of them onboard his vessel, and measured them; 
the tallest was six feet six, he found; but the average height Avas no more 
than five feet six or seven. These visitors were so well entertained with the 
strange things that they saw on board the ship, that it was only with great 
difficulty that they could he persuaded to land again. 

They also held some communication with the natives of Terra del Fuego. 
A single incident serves to show how low in the scale of civilization are these 
islanders. Wallis relates that as he and his companions landed, the natives 
were devouring large pieces of whale, already putritied, the odor of which 
impregnated the air for some distance. One of them tore the carrion in 
pieces with his teeth, and handed the bits to his companions, who devoured 
them with the voracity of wnld beasts. One of his men, w^ho was fishing 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



597 



with a line, caught a fish about as big as a herring, and gave it to a native who 
was eagerly watching him. The Fuegan killed it by a bite near the gills; and 
beginning at the head, devoured it at once, bones, fins, scales, entrails and 
jSesh, finishing only when he reached the end of the tail. 




Patagonian Savages Feasting on Cakiuon. 

Making their way through the straits, they passed several islands, discov- 
ering Tahiti about the middle of June. Before they could make any effort 
to laud they were surrounded by the boats of the natives, who brought ba- 
nanas and other fruits. These savages, however, were born thieves, and lost 
no opportunity to steal ; it is gravely recorded that only one ofiicer lost his 
hat in consequence of this dishonesty. 

An effort to land met with decided opposition on the part of the natives; 
and the light pirogues thronged about the vessels of the strangers, filled with 
stones and other missiles. There was an attack made upon the fleet; but a 
well-directed shot cut in two the double pirogue of the chief, and the at- 
tacking party fled in all directions. The Englishmen then landed, and Wal- 
lis took possession of this land in the name of the King of England, calling 



598 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

it George the Third in honor of that sovereign. But the island has retained * 
its native name of Tahiti or Otaheite. 

But, while a party of the sailors were in search of fresh water, Wallis saw 
from the ship that the natives appeared to be planning another attack. He 
decided, therefore, to take vigorous steps to prevent further hostilities, and 
ordered his carpenters to cut to pieces some fifty or sixty pirogues which 
were drawn up on the beach. This was done, the workmen being fully pro- 
tected by the guns of tbe ships; and the natives, seeing their vessels of war 
thus destroyed, resolved that it was best to make friends with the strangers. 

The inhabitants of Tahiti had much to learn. On one occasion the sur- 
geon, who had gone with Wallis to pay a visit to the Queen, found himself 
perspiring very freely about the head; and, to secure a little more comfort, 
removed his wig. The natives stared in astonishment too great for words; 
they could hardly have been more surprised if he had taken off his head. 

At another time, when the Queen dined on board ship, one of her attend- 
ants, having seen the whites pour water from the boiler into the tea-pot, 
thought to show his familiarity with the customs of the strangers. He turn- 
ed the faucet and scalded his hand ; for as the Tahitiaus had none but wooden 
dishes, they had no means of heatingliquids, and did not know that there was 
such a thing as hot water. 

The conflicts with which their intercourse had begun had been so completely 
forgotten by the time that the Englishmen were ready to sail away, that the 
natives bade them farewell, says Wallis, "with so much sorrow, and in so 
touching a manner, that I felt heavy-hearted, and my eyes filled with tears." 

Seeds of different kinds of vegetables were sown before they left, cherry, 
peach, and plum stones planted, as wellas pips of lemons, oranges, and limes. 
A cat, some fowls and geese and other domestic animals were presented to 
the Queen ; but these gifts were not valued half so highly, or regarded with 
such admiring wonder by herself and her subjects, as an earthenware sauce- 
pan. One of her subjects, who seemed to be more progressive than the others, 
was presented with a suit of clothes, and, at his own request, with a fork; 
but, while he always held the implement in his hand while eating, he still 
grasped his food in his fingers, so that there was danger that the fork would 
scratch his ear. 

Leaving this island July 27, Wallis coasted several in the vicinity, but did not 
land, as the natives seemed determined to prevent it. His vessels were in 
need of repairs, and he calculated that if he should return to Europe by way of 
the Straits of Magellan, he would be involved in those tortuous passages 
about the time of the equinoctial storms ; he accordingly sailed for Batavia, 
where he knew that he could secure the necessary assistance. His own vessel 
was nearly destroyed in a storm which they encountered before reaching that 
port; but, with this exception, the voyage was without incident of interest 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 599 

sufficient to be here noted; and they arrived in England May 20, 1768, after 
an absence of nearly twenty-five months. 

Nearly a year before this ending of the voyage, however, Wallis had lost 
sight of one of his vessels, that of which the master had expressed such 
doubts before leaving England. This was the SwaUow, commanded by 
Captain Carteret. No rendezvous having been arranged, the ships were not 
again united during the voyage. Carteret steered for the north, along the 
coast of Chili; determined to take in water at Juan Fernandez; but a series 
of storms and squalls prevented him from doing more than take in a few 
casks of water, when he was driven off the coast of these islands. 

He spent some time in a search for Davis' Land, as Easter Island was then 
called; it being supposed that this small isolated piece of land Avas a head- 
land of a great continent; but missing it by reason of the thick fog, decided 
that Davis' Land had no existence. The weather was such, indeed, that he 
would have been unable to descry land at a very short distance; and we find 
him almost despairing of finding laud. 

July 2, however, he discovered an island, afterward famous in the history 
of naval adventure; which he named, from its discoverer, one of his ofiicers, 
Pitcairn's Island. Several others of this group, the Dangerous Islands, were 
visited; but sickness increased daily, provisions could not be obtained here, 
and the adverse winds and the damaged condition of the ship made her prog- 
ress very slow. 

It was Carteret's intention, if he could find a continent where sufficient 
provisions could be procured, to repair his ship while remaining near its 
coasts. The refitting and supplying of the vessel would probably take some 
weeks, perhaps some months. It was then drawing toward the end of win- 
ter; audit was his purpose, with the approach of spring, to gain a distant 
southern latitude, proceed westw\ard to the Cape of Good Hope, and to re- 
turn after touching at the Falkland Islands, and thence to proceed quickly 
to Europe. 

But the continent was not found, although Carteret thought, as he passed 
the Solomon Islands, that he Avas close upon its shores, although the fog 
prevented him from seeing land. His provisions were now almost gone, the 
small quantity which remained being in such a condition as to be really unfit 
for food; the rigging and the sails were almost destroyed by the storms 
through which they had passed; half the crew were on the sick list; while, to 
add to the gloominess of the outlook, the ship sprung a leak just below the 
water-line. In mid-ocean, it was impossible to repair it; but by great good 
fortune they saw land the next day, and anchored off Nitendit Island. 

Attempting to land here, they were vigorously opposed by the natives, who 
saluted them with a shower of arrows as their boat drew near the beach. 
The master of the boat and half his crew were dangerously wounded, and 



600 C4ffTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

every attempt to procure water and fruit, although the sailors were protect- 
ed by the guus (^t;ihc ship as far as possible, Avas resisted by the natives with 
the same vigor. 




The I>Axi>ix(i Disitted. 

The master died of his wouuds a few days afterward, and three of the 
wounded men shared the same fate. At this same time, Carteret and his chief 
officer, Lieut. Gower, were confined to their beds by sickness; so that there 
was no one capable of navigating the ship who was well enough to perform 
such a duty. 

Necessity supplies much energy, however, and they sailed from this island 
where they had been constantly pursued by the arrows of the natives, and, 
after touching at several others, anchored off New Britain August 28. Here 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



601 



he obtained a supply of fruits and vegetables, particularly of palm-cabbage, 
which proved a very delicious food. 

Passing through the strait which separates New Britain from New Ireland, 
discovering and naming the Admiralty Islands, they entered the Straits of 
Macassar, between Borneo and Celebes, Nov. 14. The ship sailed so slowly 
that she only accomplished twenty-eight leagues in fifteen days. "Ill, weak- 
ened, dying, tortured by the sight of lands which we could not reach, exposed 
to tempests which we found it impossible to overcome, we were attacked by 
a pirate!'* 




Attacked by a Malay Firatk Vkssel. 

Thisenemy wasa Malay prah, the crew of which, hoping to find the English 
sailors asleep, had attacked them under cover of night. But far from allow- 
ing themselves to be conquered by this enemy, the crew of the Swalloio were 
roused to new energy by the demands of the case; and the result of the fight 
was that the prah was foundered. 

Failing to reach Batavia before the western monsoon began, Carteret made 
for Macassar, the principal port of the Dutch on the island of Celebes; but 



602 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

here the authorities forbade him to hind. Carteret pleaded for his dying 
crew, and described the dihipidated condition of his ship; and finally the 
authorities reconsidered their inhuman refusal so far as to permit him to buy 
a few provisions and direct him to a small neighboring bay, where he was told 
he could find shelter from the monsoon, and set up a hospital for his sick, 
and procure a more plentiful supply of provisions than were obtainable in 
Macassar itself. 

He could do nothing but what they permitted, and to the indicated bay 
he went. But even here he found himself surrounded by restrictions. The 
Dutch, probably fearing some infectious disease, forbade them going more 
than a certain distance from their hospital; they were under guard, and not 
permitted to communicate with the natives; and whatever provisions they 
wished to buy must be purchased from the Dutch soldiers, who in some cases 
made a profit of one thousand per cent. 

Here they remained until May 22, 1768 — two days after the other vessels 
of the fleet had arrived in England. They sailed to Batavia, where the vessel 
was repaired; and, September 15, departed for Europe. Eighty of the 
original crew of the Sicalh7v had died during the voyage; their places had 
been filled by English sailors recruited in these Dutch ports; but of these 
seven died before they reached the Cape of Good Hope. Here the condition 
of the crew obliged them to remain for some time; and Jan. 6, 1769, they 
again set sail for England, where they arrived March 20. 

The voyage of Carteret was especially adventurous, because performed in 
a ship but imperfectly adapted for the purpose — really unseaworthy before he 
started from England. He proved himself a most efiicient explorer. 

We turn aside from English expeditious for a moment, to detail the adven- 
tures of French explorers, under the lead of Louis Autoine de Bougainville. 
Having had some success at the bar, Bougainville next devoted himself to the 
sciences, choosing mathematics, in which he achieved some distinction; but 
this career was in turn abandoned when he became an officer in the army. 
Nor did he long remain in this position; we find him next a diplomate. 
Finally, he left all for the naval service. 

"While thus engaged, he conceived the idea of colonizingthe Falkland Islands 
with the Canadians who, disgusted at the English rule in their own country, 
had sought refuge in France. He finally obtained ofiicial permission to unr- 
dertake this, and received an appointment as captain in the navy. Leaving 
St. Malo September 15, 1763, with two vessels, he planted a colony on one of 
the Malouines, as the French called these islands; but controversies arose 
with the English and the Spanish governments; the first named nation claim- 
ing these islands by the right of discovery, while Spain claimed them as a de- 
pendency of South America; they were finally recognized as the property of 
Spain, and the French colonists returned to France. 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



603 



It was Bougainville's intention to cross the Pacific : but he had only six 
month's provision, and this was not enough; he spent sometime, while wait- 
ing for further supplies, at Rio de Janeiro. Thence they sailed, stopping at 
Montevideo, to the Straits of Magellan; and Bougainville again contradicted 
the fables regarding the great size of the Patagonians. Although they were 




Making Their Visitors Sing and Dance. 



tall, he says, none of them reached six feet ; but the breadth of their shoulders, 
the size of their heads, and the thickness of their limbs appeared to him gi- 
gantic. In sharp contrast to these well-developed natives Avere their neigh- 
bors, the inhabitants of Terra del Fuego ; who, he says, " are small, thin, ugly. 



604 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

and smell abominably. They are all but naked, having only clothing of sealskin 
too small to cover them." These savages visited the ships, but did not show- 
surprise at anything; a circumstance which the Frenchman attributes to their 
entire ignorance; understanding nothing, they treated the master pieces of 
human industry as they treated the laws and phenomena of nature. The 
sailors amused themselves by making these visitors sing and dance, and, what 
was doubtless much more agreeable to the visitors, eat. Nothing came amiss 
to their voracious appetites, but bread, salt meat, and tallow all seemed 
equally acceptable. 

But the intercourse was suddenly interrupted. A child about twelve years 
old was one of the visitors, and a number of glass beadsandbitsof glass were 
given to him. Ignorant of the nature of the glass, and perhaps having, like 
Topsy, only one standard of excellence — "Is it good to eat? " — he seems to 
have decided that what was so pleasing to look at must be good to eat. He 
was found vomiting and spitting blood, his throat and gums lacerated and 
bleeding; and he died in great agony shortly afterward, in spite of the efforts 
of a native medicine man, who rubbed him violently and performed many 
strange incantations over him. The Fuegians, it seems, thought that this was 
due to having accepted a present from the French; and his death was the 
signal for flight from the vicinity of the vessels. 

After considerable delay they passed through the straits, and, reaching the 
Pacific, cruised among the small islands that dot its surface, landed at Tahi- 
ti about the middle of April, 1768. Here they were received with the great- 
est demonstrations of friendliness by the natives, who brought an abundance 
of fruit, so much desired by the sailors, to barter for European toys. Bou- 
gainville wisely prohibited his men from going ashore until arrangements 
should have been made for a considerable number to do so; but, in spite of 
his command, his cook managed to land alone. He was at once seized by a 
number of the natives, \vho saw here an excellent opportunity for gratifying 
their spirit of inquiry. It would seem that they were full of curiosity as to 
why these strangers so persistently covered up parts of their bodies with close- 
fitting clothes; and the frightened cook was speedily stripped to the skin by 
his captors. Having found that there was no reason, as far as personal ex- 
amination could show, for so closely covering the body, they permitted him 
to redress himself, and conducted him back to the vessel. His disobedience 
had been amply punished by the fright which he had experienced. 

A large shed was built for the accommodation of the sufferers from scur- 
vy, and a guard of thirty men placed about this rude hospital to prevent 
depredations by the natives. For the utmost care had to be maintained, lest 
the thieving natives should carry off articles of great value to the seaman. 

The friendly kindness of the natives, in receiving these strangers and pro- 
viding them with all that they needed — for the stealing can only be regarded 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 605 

with the utmost indulgence for their ignorance — was poorly rewarded by the 
French. A native was killed by a gunshot, and all inquiries failed to reveal 
the perpetrator of this outrage. Two days later, Bougainville, while busily 
occupied with some repairs made necessary by a storm, learned that three 
natives had been killed or wounded by bayonets; and that their countrymen, 
alarmed, had fled to the interior. He at once landed, arrested those who 
were accused, put them in irons and confined them on board the vessel. This 
prompt punishment w^as told to the alarmed Tahitians, and they came back 
to the coast. The French ships weighed anchor soon afterward, and, amid 
the most friendly demonstrations from the natives, one of whom insisted on 
accompanying them, set sail. Bougainville added to the observations of 
Wallis many notes concerning the climate, productions and inhabitants of 
this island. 

Bougainville's course now lay a little north of west; the island which bears 
his name having been first seen by a white man early in July. He explored 
several of the Solomon group which had been visited before; but the chief 
value of his voyage to the world at large was the information that he gained 
and published, that navigation among these islands was not nearly so difficult 
or dangerous as the Dutch, anxious to keep other nations away, had pre- 
tended. His narrative states his course with much detail, in order that 
others may follow safely in his track; but such an enumeration of capes, 
headlands and islands would be neither pleasant nor profitable to the reader. 

While Bougainville was in these latitudes certain business matters required 
his presence on board one of the ships, and he there found out a singular 
fact, which had already been largely discussed by his crew. On board the 
ship was a distinguished botanist who had a servant named Barre. Indefat- 
igable, intelligent, and already an experienced botanist, Barre had been taking 
an active part in the herbarising excursions, carrying boxes, provisions, the 
weapons, and books of plants, with endurance which obtained from the bot- 
anist, the nickname of his beast of burden. For sometime past Barre had 
been supposed to be a woman. His smooth face, the tone of his voice, his 
reserve, and certain other signs appeared to justify the supposition, when on 
arriving at Tahiti suspicions were changed into certainty. Thebotanistlanded 
to botanize, and according to custom Barre followed him with the boxes, 
when he was surrounded by natives, who, exclaiming that it was a woman, 
were disposed to verify their opinion. A midshipman had the greatest trou- 
ble in rescuing her from the natives, and escorting her back to the ship. 
When Bougainville visited the ship, he received Barre's confession. In tears, 
the assistant botanist confessed her sex, and excused herself for having de- 
ceived her master by presenting herself in man's clothes, at the very moment 
of embarkment. Having no family, and having been ruined by a law-suit, 
this girl had donned man's clothes to insure respect. She was aware before 



606 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



she embarked, that she was going on a voyage around the world, and the pros- 
pect, far from frightening her, only confirmed her in her resolution. 




M\D\MOISETTE BvERF'S AD^'F^TT^a 

" She will be the first woman who has been around the world," says Bou- 
gainville, "and I must do her the justice to admit that she has conducted 
herself with the most scrupulous discretion.. She is neither ugly nor pretty, 
and at the most is only twenty-six or twenty-seven years old. It must be ad- 
mitted that had the two vessels suffered shipwreck upou a desert island, it 
would have been a singular experience for Barre." 

Rounding the Cape of Good Hope, Bouganville reached St. Malo, Feb. 16, 
1769, having lost but seven men during the course of his long voyage. He 
was the first French circumnavigator. 

Having thus traced briefly the adventures of Cook's immediate predeces- 
sors in the navigation of the South Pacific, we return to his own expedition 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 607 

thither. The Endeavor left Plymouth August 26, 1768; and, touching at the 
Madeiras, reached Rio de Janeiro Nov. 13. Here they were obliged to stop 
for supplies; but,althoughthey were not absolutely refused, the action of the 
viceroy prevented the English from obtaining them as speedily as might have 
been the case. The whole time of Cook's stay in this port was spent in petty 
squabbles with this officer, who, wholly incapable of understanding the sci- 
entific need for such an expedition, looked upon it with much distrust and 
jealousy. 

Following the coast of South America from this point. Cook entered the 
Straits of Lemaire, separating Terra del Fuego from the small island at its 
eastern extremity, January 14, 1769; for he had no intention of trying the 
passage of the Straits of Magellan, even though this, the summer of the 
southern hemisphere, was the most favorable season for such a venture; he 
intended to double Cape Horn. The event proved that he had been wise ; 
for constantly changing winds and currents would doubtless have kept him 
prisoned in the tortuous passages between the main land and the great island 
for a much longer time than the thirty daj's which were required to double 
Terra del Fuego. By his exact astronomical observations during thistime he 
was enabled to correct many of the errors in existing charts, both of French 
and English origin, and thus smooth the way for future navigators. For many 
years, however. Cape Horn remained the terror of sailors; and it was not 
until the introduction of steam vessels changed the entire system of naviga- 
tion, that it lost many of its dangers. 

Threading his way among the islands of the Low Archipelago, and touch- 
ing at several for the sake of fresh water and fruits, Cook arrived at Tahiti 
June 11, landing at the very point where Wallis had landed. Mindful of that 
officer's experience, Cook gave strict orders to his crew regarding their treat- 
ment of the natives. He also decided to construct a sort of fort, within gun- 
range of the ship, where the observers might be safe. A suitable spot was 
found, the extent of ground which he intended to occupy marked out, an of- 
ficer with thirteen men left in charge of the tents, and Cook, with those asso- 
ciates who have been named in a preceding page, went into the interior of 
the island. 

He was speedily recalled, however, by the sound of firing; a native had sur- 
prised one of the sentinels, and wrested his gun from him; the alarm had 
been given, and the comrades of the sentinel fired upon the Tahitians. This 
was enough to have brought the vengeance of the islanders upon the seamen; 
but Cook gave them such assurances of his friendliness, and punished so pub- 
licly one of his men who had threatened to kill one of the natives, that they 
were pacified ; and the amicable relations remained undisturbed except by 
the petty thieving that the sailors had to guard against or endure. 

As the time for the observation was drawing near, Cook sent Sir Joseph 



608 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



Banks to a neigbboriug island, and four others to the eastern portion of Ta- 
hiti, while he himself made preparations for observing the transit from the 
fort. No slight hardship was experienced by the astronomers who had come 
so far in the cause of science; their w\atch began at twenty minutes after nine 
in the morning, and did not end until ten minutes after three that afternoon; 
during this time they were exposed to the burning heat of the tropical sun, 
the thermometer registering one hundred and twenty degrees Fahrenheit. 




Tahitian Chief Fed by His Wives. 
While the learned men of the expedition were thus engaged in observing 
and recording the phenomena connected with an occurrence which could not 
be again observed for more than a century, the unlearned were profiting by 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 609 

their inattention to steal a hundredweight of nails, which they used in traffic 
with the natives. The worst about this offense was, that nails were a valua- 
ble article of traffic, as the natives showed an immoderate desire to possess 
them; and this theft was likely to glut the market. Only seventy of the nails 
were recovered, and eighty lashes failed to make the detected thief betray his 
accomplices. 

Lieutenant Cook not only paid full attention to the astronomical observa- 
tions which he was required to make, but investigated the manners and cus- 
toms of the islanders; going so far as to partake of one of their most deli- 
cate dishes, which was dog-flesh, roasted on hot stones in a hole, for four 
hours. He says it was of a delicious flavor. In one of his walks he saw a 
native, w^ho passed his days in being fed by his waves, quietly lying upon a thick 
carpet of leafy branches. 

One of the Tahitiaus, who had been a priest of high rank and — according 
to the old accounts, where these savage chiefs are represented as attended 
like civilized potentates — first minister to the Queen of Tahiti, requested to 
be allowed to go with the Avhite men when they sailed away. Cook was very 
glad to permit this, as Tupia — such was his name — was sure to be well ac- 
quainted with the surrounding waters, which he had navigated, and could 
give full particulars respecting his countrymen, in whose civilization he could 
be made a valuable agent. 

Cook landed on several of the Society Islands, as he named this group ; 
taking formal possession of them in the name of George III. On most of 
these the natives were friendly; on one especially the chief persisted in call- 
ing himself Cookee, and giving his own name to the navigator; but the na- 
tives of Otaha, on the contrary, were so hostile in their demonstrations that 
he could not land. 

Their course, for nearly two months after leaving the Society Islands, lay 
almost directly southeast. On the 5th of October, the color of the sea 
changed, showing that they were approaching land; and the next day they 
saw a long line of coast, stretching northwest by west. It was the long-sought 
Southern Continent, which geographers had determined must exist, to bal- 
ance the globe ! 

As they neared the land, which was really North Island of the New Zealand 
group, they saw the varied nature of the surface; first the green hills, and 
the valleys with their great trees; the houses of the natives, the pirogues 
gathered near the shore, and finally the islanders themselves assembled on 
the beach. 

Many attempts were made to enter into friendly relations with the people, 
but none of them were successful. Cook endeavored to get some of them on 
board his vessel; thinking that if he succeeded in this, he could treat them 
so well as to make them good embassadors between him and their countrymen. 



610 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



Failing in other methods of getting them there, he tried to intercept two 
pirogues. One escaped by rapid paddling; Tupia, who spoke a dialect of 
the same language which the New Zealanders used, tried to tell the others 
that the English came as friends; but, in spite of his assurances, the islanders 
seized their arms and attacked the boat-load of sailors. They were pursued 




Capt. Cook Has a Fight wini the Nattv'-es. 
so closely by the natives that Cook gave the order to fire upon them, and four 
were killed. The other three, terrified at the noise and fatal effect of the 
fire-arms, threw themselves into the sea, where, after a fierce resistance, they 
were captured. 

The three islanders were taken on board and loaded with such presents as 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 611 

might be supposed most attractive to them; but this treatment does not seem 
to have made any impression upon them. Having been unable to procure 
anything but wood at this pLace, although he was in need of food as well, 
Cook named the harbor Poverty Bay, and sailed to the southward. But his 
relations with the natives were everywhere unfriendly, and if they did not 
break into open warfare it was because the English commander held his men 
so in hand that they were patient under very great provocation. 

To do this, the greatest severity was necessary. On one occasion it was 
found that three sailors ha.d entered a plantation and carried off a quantity 
of potatoes. "When their guilt was proved Cook ordered that each of them 
should receive a dozen lashes. Two of them submitted unresistingly to the 
punishment; but the third declared that it was no crime for an Englishman 
to steal from a New Zealander. Notwithstanding this argument, the lashes 
were inflicted, and the rebellious culprit confined in the hold until he con- 
sented to receive six additional lashes for resisting the execution of the 
sentence. 

Before reaching the southeastern extremity of the northern island Cook 
changed his course; and, coasting northward along the shore where he had 
just come in the opposite direction, followed the outline of the island until 
he arrived at that point on the western shore which is called Cape Egmont; 
Cook giving the name of Egmont to a neighboring peak covered with snow, 
in honor of the earl of that title. 

Here the relations with the natives were more friendly; but, although he 
tried to ascertain what traces remained among them of Tasman's visit to this 
island, he was unable to find even a tradition of a white man's having come 
there in a vessel like his. 

The New Zealanders were cannibals, eating the bodies of the enemies whom 
they slew in battle, but preserving the heads — minus the brains, which were 
regarded as a delicacy — as trophies; one of these ghastly testimonies to the 
courage of its owner was purchased by Sir Joseph Banks; but he could not 
persuade the man from whom he bought it to part with another. 

Cook describes, with some admiration, the forts which these people were 
accustomed to construct on the summit of a hill: a double ditch and palisade, 
with an enormous supply of darts and stones laid up within, making the 
stronghold one which could only be reduced by a long blockade, starving out 
the garrison. But in strange contrast with this skill in fortifying themselves, 
he remarks that they had not invented a single weapon of any importance 
excepting their long spears; even bows and slings, by which so many savage 
tribes throw darts and stones, were wholly unknown to them. 

Cook's ofiicers persisted that this island, as he supposed it to be, was a part 
of a continent; and would not be dissuaded until they had practically cir- 
cumnavigated it. He then followed the outline of the coast of South Island, 
39 



612 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



exploring the interior, as he and his companions had done in the case of the 
more northern body. This was the first European vessel which had visited New 
Zealand since its discovery by Tasman, more than a hundred years before- 
and Cook was the first to demonstrate that it was not, as Tasman supposed' 
a part of a great continent. ' 




Canxibalism Seen by Capt. Cook at Tahiti. 
{From an Old Engraving.) 

lan^d'At?Mfcr\^K''^'^^?^''^^ 31, 1770, and sailing westward, he perceived 
land Api ,1 19 This was Van Diemen's Land, as it had been named by the dis- 
coverer, outof compliment to his patron and governor; but to which posterity, 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 613 

with better judgment, has given the name of Tasmania, formed from his own. 
He touched at the northeastern extremity, crossed the strait which separates 
it from Australia, and followed the coast of the island-continent for some dis- 
tance, making several excursions on land. The natives, however, fled at the 
approach of the English, making all attempts at communication useless. 

From the map which Cook prepared of this country, it appears that he did 
not know that Tasmania was an island, cut off from Australia, to which he 
gave the name of New South Wales, by a strait; this chart shows Australia 
with a long peninsula extending from the southeastern extremity, with no 
serious breaks in the coast from Port Davey to Cape Howe. Much of this 
line, however, is simply dotted, as being conjectural ; Cook does not assert 
that he saw land on the west while following the course which we have de- 
scribed. 

They had sailed one thousand three hundred miles, and reached a point 
some sixteen degrees south of the equator, when they met with the first seri- 
ous disaster since leaving home. It came wnth all the more fearf ulness, be- 
cause their long and perilous voyage through waters almost unknown had 
hitherto been attended with such prosperity. 

Seeing some islands near the coast, so low that some of the sailors declared 
they were but rocks above w^ater, Cook decided to stretch off all night, and so 
gave orders to shorten sail and haul off shore. The soundings were peculiar, 
showingnow much deeper, now much shallower water; and when it shallowed, 
within a few minutes, from twenty-one fathoms, by quick changes, to eight 
fathoms. Cook gave orders that every man should be at his station. Instantly, 
everything was ready to put about and come to anchor, when the next cast of 
the lead showed deep water again. He now concluded that they had passed 
the shoal; the ship went on her way, and, as it was now past ten at night, the 
gentlemen of the expedition went to bed. An hour later, however, the water 
suddenly shoaled from twenty to seventeen fathoms ; and before the lead 
could be heaved again, a shudder ran through the vessel, and there came a 
grating noise which told the anxious sailors only too surely that she had struck 
upon a rock. 

For three hours and a half a pleasant breeze had wafted them from the 
shore; and this, with other indications, led them to believe that they had 
struck upon a coral reef. This is especially dangerous, as the points of coral 
are so sharp that they readily penetrate any vessel, and every part of the sur- 
face is so rough as to grind away w^hatever is rubbed against it, be the motion 
ever so gentle. 

Taking in all sail at once, the boats were hoisted out, that an examination 
might be made. It was found that the vessel had been lifted over the ledge 
of the rock and lay in a hollow within it; in this hollow the depth of water 
varied from three or four feet to as many fathoms. 



614 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

All hands bent their efforts to getting her over this ledge again ; but she 
continued to beat with such violence against the rock, that it was all they 
could do to keep their footing on the deek. It seemed that their worst fears 
were to be realized, as they saw, by the light of the moon, the sheathing 
boards from the bottom of the vessel and at last her false keel floating away 
all around her. 

There was but one hope — they must lighten her so that she would float 
across the entrance to this lagoon; six guns, the iron and stone ballast, casks, 
hoop-staves, oil-jars, decayed stores, and everything else that could be spared 
from the equipment of the vessel went overboard ; the gravity of the situa- 
tion so impressing the men that — Cook records as worthy of mention — not 
an oath was uttered. 

But the tide was going out, so that their efforts did not make it any easier 
for the vessel to float out. There was, indeed, more hope for her at the next 
high water, providing she should hold together so long; but the rock so 
scraped her sides that this was doubtful. 

The dawn showed them that they were about eight leagues from land, with 
no intervening islands; should the vessel be destroyed, what a prospect was 
this! The boats were not enough to hold all; subordination would be at an 
end; some would be left on board, to perish in the waves; but the fate of 
the others would be even more dreadful, cast upon a barren shore, without 
any means of defending themselves from the hostile natives of the more fer- 
tile countries surrounding this sandy waste; while the utmost happiness that 
they could hope for would be to drag out a miserable existence here, cut off 
from all mankind except these naked savages. 

The wind gradually died away, fortunately for the anxious souls on board 
the Endeavor, and there was a dead calm. As the tide rose their hopes in- 
creased; strengthened by the quiet which kept the ship from being ground to 
pieces. But what was their disappointment to see the waters recede before 
they had reached a height sufficient to carry the vessel off! The day tide was 
not nearly so high as the night tide; and though they had lightened her by 
about fifty tons, she lacked a foot and a half of floating. 

Cook at once ordered that two anchors should be carried out, one on the 
starboard quarter, and one right astern; the blocks and tackle which were to 
give them a purchase on the cables was got in order, and the falls, or ends of 
them, brought in abaft, straining them tight, that the next effort might oper- 
ate on the ship, and by shortening the length of the cable between that and 
the anchors, draw her off the ledge on which she rested, toward deep water. 
About fine o'clock in the afternoon the tide began to rise again. 

But now came a new cause for anxiety; for, as the tide rose, the leak in- 
creased enormously. The water in the hold gained upon them so steadily and 
rapidly, that they feared the lifting the ship off the rock would be but a prep- 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 615 

aration for sending her to the bottom. They worked with the energy born of 
desperation; and the capstan and windlass being manned with as many hands 
as could be spared from the pumps, the ship floated about half-past ten. 

They were encouraged to find that she did not, now that she was in deep 
water, admit any more water than she had done while on the rock ; but there 
was no less than three feet nine inches in her hold. The sailors, wearied by 
the long period of anxiety and exertion, would work at the pumps till they 
literally dropped at their posts, and would then lie helpless on the deck, 
although great streams of water from the pumps, manned by those who had 
stepped to their places, were pouring over them. As the relief in turn be- 
came exhausted, those who had first fallen would rise and take their places. 
Tired out, they were almost disheartened; and when it was reported that the 
water in the hold, in spite of their exertions, had gained eighteen inches upon 
them in a few minutes, it seemed useless to work longer. 

Cook, however, knew that this could not be, unless there was a seam 
started, or something of the kind which he did not think likely. A moment's 
inquiry revealed that the man w^ho had been measuring had taken the depth 
only from the ceiling, as the planking wdiich lines the inside of a ship's bot- 
tom is called; while the man who relieved him had measured to the outside 
planking, eighteen inches away. When this was told the despairing sailors, 
it was as reviving as if, a short time before, they had been told that the 
pumps had actually gained. 

In fact, they worked with such renewal of vigor that the pumps began to 
gain upon the leak; and, having gotten up their anchors, they once more got 
under sail and stood for land. The leak was temporarily stopped so far that 
it w^as readily kept under with one pump instead of three; and the rejoicing 
crew talked hopefully of repairing the vessel and continuing the course which 
had been marked out for her before starting. In consequence of these mis- 
adventures. Cook called the point of land nearest the sunken reef Cape 
Tribulation. 

Preparations were at once made for repairing the ship; and huts were 
built on shore for the accommodation of those who were suffering from 
scurvy and for the protection of the stores from the weather. It was found 
upon examination that the ship had suffered fully as much damage as they 
had at first feared; but their lives had been saved by a singular circumstance. 
A large part of the rock which made the greatest rent had been broken off, 
and had stuck in the hole which it had produced ; thus forming a sort of plug, 
which kept out a flood large enough to have swamped the ship. 

Leaving Endeavor River, as he named the stream on the banks of which 
the vessel was hauled up for repairs. Cook found navigation so difficult that 
it was impossible to proceed by night. At last, however, they reached a safer 
sea; a large sea came rolling in from the southeast, a certain indication that 



616 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

there were neither lands nor shoals in that direction. The difficulties which 
they encountered are thus summed up by Cook himself: — 

"Our change of situation was now visible in every countenance, for it was 
most sensibly felt in every breast; we had been little less than three months 
entangled among rocks and shoals, that every moment threatened us with de- 
struction; and frequently passing our nights at anchor within hearing of the 
surge that broke over them ; sometimes driving towards them even while our 
anchors were out, and knowing that if by any accident to which an almost 
continual tempest exposed us, they should not hold, we must in a few mo- 
ments inevitably perish. But now, after having sailed no less than three 
hundred and sixty leagues, without once having a man out of the chains heav- 
ing the lead, which perhaps never happened to any other vessel, we found 
ourselves in an open sea, wnth deep w^ater; and enjoyed a flow of spirits which 
was equally owing to our late dangers and our present security. Yet the very 
waves, which by their swell convinced us that we had no rocks or shoals to 
fear, convinced us also that we could not safely put the same confidence in 
our vessel as before she had struck ; for the blows she received from them so 
widened her leaks that she admitted no less than nine inches of water in an 
hour, which, considering the state of our pumps, and the navigation which 
was still before us, would have been a subject of more consideration to 
people whose danger had not been so lately so much more imminent." 

But, in spite of the dangers that threatened, Cook was determined to solve 
a question which the Government was anxious to have settled. Were New 
Holland, as Australia was called by the Dutch, and New Guinea, the same 
body of land? In spite of the dangers of such a course he again stood to- 
ward the land, and followed the coast of Australia until he reached the head- 
land to which he gave the name of Cape York, which it still bears. Here he 
landed and took solemn possession of the country in the name of the King 
of England, concluding the ceremony with three salutes from the guns which 
had not been thrown overboard in the time of danger. 

From this point, after touching at several small islands, he struck across 
Torres Strait, to which he gave the name of his ship, and reached the south- 
ern coast of New Guinea Sept. 11. Here they met with such a hostile recep- 
tion from the natives that they concluded it was useless to risk their lives in 
attempting to land; and, having but a small stock of provisions remaining, 
determined to get to Batavia as speedily as possible. 

Here, however, they met with new dangers; for, as before recorded, there 
are few parts of the world less healthy. The greater part of the crew fell 
sick; many died; and but ten men escaped the fever. Continuingtheir course 
they did not leave sickness behind them; for before Christmas twenty-three 
were dead, including the astronomer Green. 

Reaching Prince of Wales Island about the middle of January, Cook pro- 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 617 

cured victuals there, and sailed for the Cape of Good Hope; and, after 
touching at St. Helena, anchored in the Downs June 12, 1772, after an ab- 
sence of nearly four years. "Thus ended Cook's first voyage," says one of 
his biogniphers; " a voyage in which he had experienced such dangers, dis- 
covered so many countries, and so often evinced his superiority of character. 
He was well worthy of the dangerous enterprise and of the courageous 
efforts to which he had been called." 

As a reward of the services which he had rendered. Cook received, shortly 
after his return, a commission as Commander in the Royal Navy. It seemed 
to him that the same rank, that of captain, which Dalrymple had demanded 
before setting out, might have been given to him when he returned successful ; 
but red tape forbade this, declaring that it would upset all established cus- 
toms, and injure the discipline of the Royal Navy, to advance a man more 
than one step at a time. 

But although the transit of Venus had been observed in such a manner as 
to call forth the thanks of the Royal Society, and many doubtful questions 
concerning the geography of these seas were set at rest by Cook's careful and 
accurate observations, there was one thing which he had failed to do; he had 
not discovered the great southern continent, which certainly existed; and 
which must, for the honor and glory of England, be sought and found by 
English vessels. 

Accordingly it was determined to fit out another expedition for this pur- 
pose. Of course Cook was selected as the commander; and his experience 
was liberally drawn upon in making ready the vessels for the voyage. The 
Endeavor had been used on another errand, after having been more efiiciently 
repaired than was possible on the desert coast of Australia, or even in the 
East Indies ; but it was resolved to build or purchase two vessels which Cook 
should decide were well fitted for the purpose. Two such vessels were found, 
each about fourteen months old; one of four hundred and sixty-two tons' 
burden, named the Resolution, and the other of three hundred and thirty-six, 
the Adventure. Of the larger, Cook was named commander; while Tobias 
Furneaux, who had been second lieutenant under Wallis, was promoted to 
the command of the latter. These ships were solidly built, drew little water, 
and were provided with two boats of twenty tons each for use in case of 
shipwreck, and supplied with provisions and other stores for two years and a 
half. A landscape painter, two naturalists, and two astronomers, provided 
with the best instruments which the times afforded, accompanied the expe- 
dition; and nothing that could conduce to its success was omitted. 

Great attention was paid to anti-scorbutics, or articles of food designed to 
preventer cure scurvy. The expedition was also well provided with fishing 
tackle; while, in order to enable them " to procure refreshments in such in- 
habited parts of the world as we might touch at where money was of no val- 



618 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

ue, the Admiralty caused to be put on board both the ships several articles of 
merchandise, as well to trade with the natives for provisions as to make them 
presents to gain their friendship and esteem. Their lordships also caused a 
number of medals to be struck, the one side representing his Majesty, and 
the other the two ships. These medals were to be given to the natives of 
newly discovered countries, and left there as testimonies of our being the first 
discoverers." 

In the second quarter of the eighteenth century, the captain of one of the 
vessels belonging to the French East India Company had become enthusiastic 
about the possibility of discovering land around the South Pole. The Com- 
pany, acting by his desires, fitted out two vessels of which he was given the 
command, with instructions to proceed to the far South and there take pos- 
session of such lands as he should discover. He sailed first in a southwesterly 
direction and touched at the coast of South America; thence toward the 
southeast. For a time his vessels were enveloped by a fog so thick that com- 
munication could be kept up only by firing; at one time, indeed, those on 
board one vessel could hear voices and movements on board the other, while 
unable to see anything of it. This weather was accompanied by the most in- 
tense cold; so that on one occasion a sailor who had gone aloft actually froze 
there, and, being brought down, was only restored by the rather heroic treat- 
ment of whipping. 

He considered his purpose accomplished, as far as possible duringthat voy- 
age at least, when he sighted land about fifty-four degrees south of the equa- 
tor and about five degrees east of Paris; or, according to English reckoning, 
about eleven degrees east of Greenwich. This land was a high peak, covered 
with snow and surrounded by icebergs which made it impossible to land; so 
Monsieur Jean Baptiste, Charles Bouvet de Lozier, having added this valu- 
able piece of knowledge to that already in the possession of geographers, 
sailed back to France, reaching his destination late in 1739. 

Later explorers have ascertained that there is a group of small islands in 
this latitude and longitude, to one of which, very properly, the name of Bou- 
vet Island has been given ; but Bouvet himself supposed that this was a head- 
land of the great Antarctic Continent, and called it Cape Circumcision. Cook 
was ordered, when setting out on his second voyage, to proceed southward 
from the Cape of Good Hope, which was to be his first stopping-place after 
leaving the Madeiras, and endeavorto find Cape Circumcision; and, if he found 
it, to ascertain whether it was a part of a continent or an island. Should it 
prove the headland of a continent, he was to lose no opportunity of investi- 
gating its possible extent. He was further instructed to make all kinds of 
observations of the inhabitants, should there be any, and to use every fair 
means of forming friendly alliances with them. 

From this point he was to seek discoveries to the east or west according to 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 619 

the position in which he might find himself. He was to go as near the South 
Pole as the condition of his ships, the health of his crews, and the provisions 
allowed. 

If he did not find Cape Circumcision, or discover it to be an island, he was 
enjoined to sail southward as long as he hoped to find the continent; then to 
proceed eastward, still keeping in high latitudes, until he should have com- 
pleted the circumnavigation of the globe ; finally to repair to the Cape of 
Good Hope, and thence to England. 

Such were the instructions under which he sailed from Plymouth, July 
13, 1772. Fully aware of the danger of sickness resulting from uncleanliness 
in hot, damp climates. Cook took every possible precaution against it; insist- 
ing on the soiled clothes being washed at short intervals, and having the be- 
tween decks thoroughly aerated and dried out very frequently. As a result 
of these precautions there was not a single man sick on board the liesolution 
when she arrived at the Cape of Good Hope Oct. 30; although one man had 
died on board the other vessel which had been less carefully cleansed. 

Weighing anchor Dec. 22, the two ships resumed their course southward, 
in search of Cape Circumcision. Although it was the midsummer of the 
southern hemisphere, the weather became so much colder as they sailed 
southward that Cook distributed the extra warm clothing with which he had 
been provided. The men were also given an increased ration of brandy. 
The cold, thanks to these precautions, does not seem to have affected them 
unfavorably; but all the animals taken on board at the Cape died when the 
temperature changed so greatly. 

A week after leaving the Cape, they were beset by a terrible storm, which 
lasted until the 6th of December. This drove them far out of their course 
toward Cape Circumcision. They had reached the fiftieth parallel before they 
fell in with any icebergs; but having passed beyond the invisible line which 
seems to separate the icy seas from those having warmer waters, they were 
surrounded by them. One of the first thatthey saw Cook calculated was fifty 
feet high and about a half-mile in circuit. Captain Furneaux at first mistook 
this ice-island for land, and hauled off from it, till called back by signal. 
Sounding showed no bottom at a depth of one hundred and fifty fathoms; 
nor were there any other signs of land near by. 

Through thick fogs they sailed among these masses of floating ice until, on 
the 14th, they thought that they espied land. Even Cook was for a short 
time deceived; but on more narrowly examining the hills of the supposed is- 
land, he decided that it was no more than a mass of ice, larger than any that 
they had yet encountered. His own experience of ice-bound seas had not 
been large, but he had on board two men who had been in the Greenland 
trade; one of whom had been ice-bound for six, the other for nine weeks. 
The belief of these men was that he would find land directly behind these 



620 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



masses of ice; they supposing that these icebergs fringed the land here as in 
the case of GreenUmd. He accordingly made some effort to skirt the ice-fields, 
or to penetrate them, but did not succeed, of course, in reaching land. Indeed, 
the temperature of the air and water was enough to account for the forma- 
tion of these vast masses of ice, without supposing they came from any land; 
for the thermometer in the air marked from thirty to thirty-four degrees 
Fahrenheit during the warmest part of the day, and was at the freezing point 
on the surface of the water. "When it is considered that this was the warm- 
est season of the year there, we can readily understand how icebergs could 
be formed in the open sea in less favorable seasons. 




The Xati^ts Make Sigxs 



Having ascertained positively that the icebergs were not the fringe on the 
garments of the land. Cook decided to proceed eastward to find Cape Circum- 
cision, being in about the same latitude. But a terrible storm again drove 
him out of his course; and although he managed to reach the meridian on 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 621 

which he expected to find the cape, he had then been driven about seventy 
leagues south of it. From this he concluded that the so-called cape was not 
the extremity of a continent, but merely of an inconsiderable island. 

They penetrated almost to the Antarctic Circle, reaching the latitude of 
sixty-seven degrees fifteen minutes south; but here they were stopped by an 
immense field of ice, which appeared to be practically boundless. Then, 
having taken on board a sufficient quantity of the pure, cold crystal to re- 
plenish their water-casks, they sailed to the northward, to make another 
search for the island discovered by the French navigator. 

Keeping to the eastward, the voyage was without incident of importance 
until it was discovered that the Adventure had become separated from her 
consort. The weather was so foggy that for three days Cook was uncertain 
whether they had really become widely separated or not; but at the end of 
that time, he made up his mind that he should see no more of Capt. Fur- 
neaux until they met at the rendezvous which had been appointed on the 
island of New Guinea. 

Convinced that there was no considerable extent of land between the 
seuthern point of Africa and the Antarctic Circle, Cook now hastened to 
this rendezvous; and March 25, about four months after leaving the Cape of 
Good Hope, cast anchor in Dusky Bay. 

As Cook and his companions proceeded to land, three Indians emerged 
from the wood making signs, but here he had but little intercourse with the 
natives, with the exception of the members of one family, which established 
its quarters near the landing place. In order to impress them with some of 
the refinements of civilized life. Cook gave a concert for their especial bene- 
fit. The fife and cornet players found their skill was vain, for the dusky 
listeners preferred the drum to any other music. 

They were visited on board the ship by a chief who showed a very friendly 
disposition. As a proof of this he plunged his fingers into a bag which he 
wore about his waist, and offered to anoint the captain's hair with the rancid 
grease which it contained. Cook managed to evade this offer of a high hon- 
or; but the painter, Hodges, was less successful; and was forced to submit 
to the process of having it rubbed well into the scalp, to the amusement of 
all who escaped the infliction. 

Having completed the hydrographical survey of this bay, and cultivated a 
patch of ground sufficiently to start the kitchen garden seeds which he had 
sown. Cook departed for Queen Charlotte's Sound, the rendezvous appoint- 
ed for Captain Furneaux. 

The Adventure had been waiting for six weeks, having coasted Van Die- 
men's Land for seventeen days before the beginning of this period; but this 
exploration had not demonstrated Avhether this was an island or a peninsula. 

At the point where they now landed the natives proved very friendly; and 



622 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

even iudulge(3, on ship board, in one of their national songs. One of them 
sang, says Cook, while the others accompanied him by gestures. The last 
words they repeated in chorus; and the whites easily distinguished a rude 
sort of meter, although, he adds, he was not sure that there was any rhyme. 

" In the evening," Cook says, "we had the spectacle of a ' homai,' that is 
to say, the dances of the night were performed in front of the chief's house. 
We saw twelve dances during the time. They were executed by women, and 
in the midst of them we noticed the arrival of a number of men, who formed 
a ring within that of the dancing women. Twenty-four men, who executed 
a third, made a movement with the hands, which was greatly applauded, and 
which we had not previously seen. The orchestra was renewed once. The 
chief appeared upon the scene at the head of fifty dancers, most magnifi- 
cently apparelled. His garment consisted of cloth and a large piece of 
gauze, and round his neck small figures were suspended." 

Some of the natives inquired for Tupia; and on being told that he was 
dead, expressed their grief by a form of lamentation that was evidently arti- 
ficial and formal. Cook did not recognize any that he had seen on his pre- 
vious voyage; and this fact, together with the greatly diminished number of 
inhabitants, and the deserted condition of the fortresses elsewhere described, 
convinced him that there had been a great war, which had destroyed or driv- 
en out most of those who had inhabited the islands at the time of his first 
visit. 

It was Cook's intention to proceed directly east from New Zealand and 
then to steer toward Tahiti if he found no land; this island being appointed 
as the place of rendezvous. He then proposed to return to New Zealand 
and survey all the unknown parts of the Pacific between those islands and 
Cape Horn. The reason for selecting Tahiti as a rendezvous was probably 
that it was almost the only island of the situation of which they were both 
absolutely sure. Other islands, visited by other navigators, might have had 
the latitude and longitude incorrectly stated on the charts; but Tahiti was a 
kind of starting-point for cartographers of that day. 

They found anchorage with some difiiculty off this island, after a voyage 
almost wholly without incident; and were well received by the natives. The 
islanders inquired for their countryman Tupia, but, when they had learned 
of his death, did not mention his name again; they also asked after several 
members of the scientific expedition, showing that a real friendship had 
been formed between these South Sea savages and the eminent English as- 
tronomers and botanists. 

Considerable time was spent in trading with the natives and in observing 
their habits and customs. The natives were eager for the commodities 
which the strangers brought with them; sometimes giving a dozen cocoanuts 
in exchange for a single glass bead. The great plenty of such fruit had a 



JJ 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



623 



great influence upon the health of the sailors, some of whom were suffering 
from the ever-present scurvy when they landed, but recovered before they 
left. 

The readiness with which the islanders learned to swim and dive was 
shown when one of the officers threw to a child about six years old, in one 
of the pirogues, a string of glass beads. They missed their mark, and fell 
into the sea; whereupon the boy instantly dived after them, and in a moment 
brought them up from the bottom. 




NviiM II■^II\\I \M) J)\N(i IN ( ooiv >. Honor 



The Queen who had formerly ruled the island seemed to have been de- 
posed; and the natives were now governed by a king named 0-Too. The 
young ruler received them with becoming ceremony, and showed himself 
very Avilling to be friends. Visits were exchanged between him and Cook; 
the islanders presented the sailor with large pieces of their finest stuff. 



624 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

placing these over the outer clothing of Cook and his companions in such 
abundance that they could scarcely move : while the King, when he came on 
board ship, received such presents as pleased him most. At another visit 
which Cook paid him the savage chief was presented with a broadsword; it 
was thought that this would be a very acceptable gift; but 0-Too was so 
much afraid of it that Cook had some difficulty in jDersuading him to accept 
it. At last he consented to have it buckled around him; but, after wearing 
it a short time, ordered it to be taken out of his sight. 

Leaving Tahiti, they sailed for the neighboring island of Hu. Here they 
met at first with very kindly treatment, and were enabled to buy from the 
natives fowls and fruits, the former of which had not been obtainable at 
Tahiti. But the authority of Orea, the King, who welcomed Cook as an old 
friend, was not sufiicient to keep the peace. The sailors who were detailed 
to attend to the trading were threatened by a native who was, by his cos- 
tume, evidently a soldier, and who was armed wnth a club. Cook landed 
just as the patience of the Englishmen began to give way; and, signing to his 
men to stand back, threw himself on the islander, struggled with him, and 
finally got hold of his club, breaking it before his eyes, and then ordered 
him away. 

The same day Mr. Sparrman, the naturalist who had accompanied the ex- 
pedition, took a walk into the interior of the island on a botanizing expedi- 
tion. He was attacked and overpowered by two of the natives, w^ho wound- 
ed him with his own hanger and stripped him of everything he had except 
his trousers. Having thus secured their booty, they left for parts unknown. 
The outraged naturalist speedily found friends, however; for some other na- 
tives, happening to pass that way, gave him a piece of cloth to cover him, 
and escorted him to the landing-place, where there were a great many of the 
islanders assembled. As soon as they saw him they made off; and Cook 
thought that they had stolen something. When Sparrman told his story, 
however, he tried to reassure the frightened islanders, promising them that 
he would not punish the innocent for the guilty. He went at once to the 
chief, who was much grieved at the way in which his people had treated the 
white man; and who at once set out to find the robbers. Much against the 
will of his followers, who feared for his life, the ruler embarked in one of 
the ship's boats, with a number of the sailors, headed by their commander; 
and proceeded to a distant part of the island to seek the offenders. The 
search, however, was fruitless, as Cook could not spare enough time to 
make it thorough, but the chief afterward recovered and returned the hang- 
er and a part of the coat, thus proving his innocence by enforcing justice. 

At this island about four hundred hogs of various sizes w^ere obtained. 
Many of these were presents, others were bought, and Cook states that, 
could they have found room for all that were offered them, any number 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 625 

could have been procured. Fruits and roots of various kinds were also sup- 
plied them, so that they had a pleasing variety of food. 

They sailed away from the Society Islands September 17, steering for the 
west. Thence they proceeded to those islands called on modern maps by 
Cook's own name, touching at several, and ratifying alliances with the na- 
tives by exchange of presents. But provisions were difficult to procure here 
in any quantity and Cook sailed for the island called Amsterdam, one of the 
group which he had named, from the character of the natives, the Friendly 
Islands. From these islands they sailed October 7, anchoring off the coast 
of New Zealand two weeks later. 

Here, as they set sail again, the two vessels were separated by a storm; and 
Cook did not see the Adventure again until they had reached England. Cook 
now took account of the supplies which he had remaining, and repaired his 
ship, as a preparation for another voyage in the far southern seas. Leaving 
New Zealand November 26 they again entered the icy seas, advancing as far 
as seventy-six degrees south. 

They encountered much the same dangers from the floating ice as in the 
first part of the voyage, and again witnessed the beautiful but terrible sight 
of the waves flinging themselves upon the icebergs, there to be broken into 
infinitesimal spray, which sometimes flew even over the summits of the ice- 
mountains and descended in a shower on the other side. 

But the men had now been away from home for a longtime, and had lost that 
enthusiasm which naturally bore them up during the hardships of the earlier 
part of the voyage. We have no hint of mutiny, for Cook's men seem to 
have been too thoroughly disciplined or too much attached to their comman- 
der to think of such a thing; but he saw for himself the condition of affairs. 
Many of them were down with the scurvy; others suffered from severe colds, 
approaching pneumonia; the commander himself was prostrated by an attack 
of bilious fever, from which, for eight days, it was thought that he would not 
recover. He gave from his sick-bed the order to sail toward the northeast; 
and March 11, there was the joyful cry of "Land I" 

It was Easter Island, then called Davis' Land. The country was the pic- 
ture of desolation, the huge carvings, the origin of which no one has been 
able to conjecture, lending a weird interest to the stone sentinels that seemed 
to guard the shore. Deeply impressed by the sight of these enormous statues, 
the navigator tried to learn something of their origin; but the natives could 
tell him nothing, and indeed manifested no particular respect for these idols, 
as they had evidently once been. The barrenness of the island and the lack 
of good water prevented a long stay, and the ship sailed toward the Marque- 
sas, thence to Tahiti, which the sailors regarded as almost a home, so sure 
did they feel of the reception which they would meet from the people. Here 
some provisions were procured, and then they went on to Hu, equally friendly; 



■ V 

626 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

but the inhabitants of which were just as thievish as their brethren on Tahiti. 

A second visit to the Friendly Islands proved that the name was less ap- 
propriate than it had seemed when it was given ; for the natives came in 
swarms, assailing the strangers with stones and darts. Sparrman was wound- 
ed in the arm, while Cook escaped very narrowly from a severe injury. A 
volley from the guns dispersed these hostile islanders, and the name of Sav- 
age Island commemorates their reception of its European discoverer. 

Landing at another island of this group. Cook met with a more amicable 
reception, and had scarcely cast anchor before his ship was surrounded by 
pirogues, filled with fruits, which the natives desired to exchange for nails, 
scraps of cloth, and similar articles of European m.anufacture. In spite of 
this traffic, however, the natives stole everything that they could lay their 
hands on. Cook bore these depredations with as much patience as possible, 
until a more important theft obliged him to resort to severity. Two pirogues 
were seized, to be held as security for the restoration of the stolen articles, 
which were muskets. This action was opposed by one of the natives, who, 
in attempting to release the boats, was fired upon from the ship and severely 
wounded. The arms were finally recovered when the natives saw that Cook 
was determined to get them. 

Continuing their course westward they reached the islands which Bougain- 
ville had named Les Grandes Cyclades ; here they landed on one to which 
Cook had previously given the name of AVhitsunday Island, and endeavored 
to enter into friendly trading with the natives. 

The first day of their stay passed without incident; but on the second there 
was a fear of general disaster. It was necessary, in these islands, to limit 
the number of natives boardingthe ship at one time; when the utmost num- 
ber permitted had climbed up the side, the sailor who was assigned to that 
duty forbade one who was approaching in his pirogue to come on board. Of- 
fended at the prohibition, the islander at once drew off, and aimed an arrow 
at the sailor. Cook, who was never far away when anything of the kind oc- 
curred, now appeared at the side of the vessel, and shouted to the native, 
bidding him, in the Tahitian dialect, put down his arrow. 

Without deigning a reply, the islander continued to take aim, as if to show 
his bravado. Cook, who carried his gun in his hand, now raised it, and 
quickly taking aim, fired, and wounded the islander. As he fell over in his 
boat, a shower of arrows, more hastily aimed than his own, fell on the sides 
and the deck of the vessel. Fortunately they did little harm. Cook at once 
ordered a gun to be fired over their heads, as a warning of the power pos- 
sessed by the sailors ; and as the shot splashed in the water beyond them, they 
saw that distance \vas no protection, and hastily fled. Yet a few hours later 
they surrounded the vessel as friendl}' and unconcerned as if nothing had 
occurred to interrupt the intercourse. 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 627 

Cruising among the New Hebrides, Cook found the natives not disposed to 
receive him with sincere cordiality; and they were especially resolved to pre- 
vent the Avhite men from penetrating into the interior; nor was it possible to 
trade Avith them. New Caledonia was discovered September 5, 1774, where 
they found the natives hospitable, but possessed of but little to offer in trade. 
They sold, however, a large fish which they had harpooned, and which Cook 
ordered prepared for his own table. So much time was required to get it 
ready, that only the liver was served, and Cook, with two others, ate of it. 
They were taken very ill shortly afterward, and making .use of such remedies 
and antidotes as were at hand, succeeded in obtaining relief. The natives 
who visited the ship the next day coolly informed them that the fish was unfit 
for food; although there had been no hint of this on the previous day, when 
it was offered for sale. The navigators had already discovered this fact, both 
by their own experience, and by having fed a pig with a piece of it, the animal 
dying shortly afterward. 

The coast of New Caledonia was thoroughly surveyed, and the island to 
some extent explored. But the discovery of the Isle of Pines, just south of 
it, had a far more practical and immediate value to the seamen. With the 
exception of New Zealand, this is the only island in this part of the world 
that produces trees fit for spars; and the Resolution ^n as badly in need of new 
ones. Cook accordingly sent a force of men in a sloop to cut the trees which 
he needed ; they found trees large enough for masts, had such been required; 
and had no difficulty in preparing as many spars as desired. 

Passing by Norfolk Island, they anchored again in Queen Charlotte's Sound, 
whence they set sail for Cape Horn Nov. 10. The cape was doubled, the 
Straits of Lemoire crossed, and Staten Island reconnoitered. Here Cook and 
Sparrman went on a hunting expedition; the doctor shot a bird, and had 
stooped to pick it up, when a monster sea-lion, growling and showing his 
tusks, made toward the hunters. Cook at once raised his gun and fired, kill- 
ing the sea-lion; and the whole herd, which had watched them suspiciously, 
fled along the coast in terror at the fate of their companion. 

Southern Georgia was reached Jan. 14, 1775, and taken possession of in 
the name of the King. Continuing their course to the southeast, they discov- 
ered and took possession of the islands Saunders, Sandwich, and Thule. But 
these sterile and uninhabited spots have no value, and it was useless to risk 
the records of the voyage by remaining longer in these seas, where every 
league was attended with danger. The discovery of these isolated islands 
confirmed Cook in the belief that near the pole there is a stretch of land, 
where the greater part of the ice floating over this vast southern ocean is 
formed. This theory has been confirmed by the explorations of navigators 
of the nineteenth century. 

After another fruitless search for Cape Circumcision, Cook sailed for the 
40 



628 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



Cape of Good Hope, which he reached March 22, 1775. Here he found 
awaiting him a report from Capt. Furneaux of the Adventure. The last time 
that he had touched at New Zealand on this voyage, Cook had wondered to 
find the natives little disposed to intercourse with him and his men, and 
feared that the Adventure had met with rough usage at their hands. They 
stoutly protested their innocence, but this report informed him that when the 




Discoa't:ring Remains of Cannibal Feast. 
vessel had landed at that island, ten men who were sent ashore to gather edi- 
ble plants were massacred by the natives. As they failed to return at the 
time when they were expected, a search party was sent out. This second force 
discovered undoubted evidence that the first party had fallen into the hands 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 629 

of the islanders, and had furnished the material for a cannibalistic feast. Capt. 
Furneaux judged, from circumstantial evidence, that there had been a quarrel 
which was instantly fought out, and the islanders, as usual in war, had eaten 
the bodies of their slain enemies. 

Cook, having repaired and refurnished his vessel, sailed from the Cape of 
Good Hope, and, touching at the usual stopping-places on the way, reached 
England July 29, 1775. It is remarkable that during this long voyage, he 
lost but fourteen men; ten of whom, as we have seen, belonged to the other 
vessel, and perished after the final separation of the two ships. 

The explorer was at once raised to the rank of Post-Captain in the Koyal 
Navy, and appointed Captain of Greenwich Hospital, that magnificent mon- 
ument which William HI. had erected to the memory of his beautiful queen. 
This great hospital was then, as its founder had intended that it should be, a 
home for superannuated seamen; and nearly two thousand old sailors were 
gathered into its great buildings. As an officer connected with its manage- 
ment, Cook had received appointment to a post where honor, ease, and com- 
petence went hand in hand. His services were further recognized by his elec- 
tion to a fellowship in theEoyal Society; and the same organization bestow- 
ed the Copley gold medal upon him when it was decided that he had furnished 
the best experimental paper read at its sessions that year. 

But he had barely completed those twenty years which are said to be the 
prime of life, and, weatherbeaten as he was by nearly forty years of sea-far- 
ing life, he did not feel that he was beginning to go down hill. His post in 
the Greenwich Hospital seems to have been regarded by him simply as a con- 
venient place to rest awhile after his labors, while preparing for others to 
come. 

Meanwhile, the Government, finding that nothing more was to be gained 
by means of voyages to the South Seas, determined to find that long-sought 
passage along the northern coast of America, by which the Atlantic and Pa- 
cific are connected. We have seen how the great English navigators of the 
previous century, Davis, Hudson, and Baffin, had failed to find it, trying to 
enter from the eastern extremity; the Lords of the Admiralty therefore de- 
cided to send an expedition to the western coast of the continent, and by 
entering from the warmer waters of the Pacific, follow the passage to its 
termination in the Atlantic. 

It was necessary that the leader of this expedition should be a man experi- 
enced in the navigation of waters where progress w^as impeded and rendered 
dangerous by ice ; and it speedily became apparent that a man possessing 
these qualifications, as well as those others which are demanded for any ex- 
tended enterprise, would not be very easily found. In the midst of their per- 
plexity, Cook volunteered for the service. His offer Avas instantly accepted, 
and preparations for the expedition went forward rapidly. 



630 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

It was decided that while he sought the opening at the western extremity, 
other vessels should attempt again to find the eastern end of the passage. Two 
ships were fitted out for Cook, the Resolution and the Discovery. His instruc- 
tions were to sail first into the Pacific through the chain of islands which he had 
recently discovered, which he had named the New Hebrides, thence to strike 
across to New Albion, as the English still called the western coast of North 
America, and follow it as far as the sixty-fifth parallel. The voyages of Beh- 
ringdo not seem to have been described in any form accessible to Englishmen 
at this time; the Lords of the Admiralty evidently had only very vague and 
general ideas of the nature of the coast of what we now know as Alaska. 

Setting sail June 25, 1776, he doubled the cape and proceeded to those 
islands where he had been directed to cruise. We should be only repeating 
what has been already told should we rehearse his dealings with the natives 
here; and shall pass rapidly over his experiences in this part of the world. 
So much time was consumed in carrying out this part of his instructions that 
he judged it too late in the year, when this work was fairly completed in the 
spring of 1777, to venture so far north. He accordingly waited until January 
of the next year, before leaving the Southern Pacific. On his way to the 
coast of America he discovered the group known as the Sandwich Islands, 
giving this name in honor of the Earl of Sandwich, who held a prominent 
position in connection with the Royal Navy, and who had manifested great 
interest in discoveries in the South Seas. 

He reached the coast of the continent March, 1778, and followed it north- 
ward, according ^to instructions, until he reached that indentation on the 
southern coast of Alaska which we know as Cook's Inlet. Finding that there 
was no prospect of discovering the wished-f or passage south of the sixtieth 
parallel, he put out to sea, and, rounding the peninsula, threaded his way 
among the islands, in the endeavor to find and pass through Behring's Strait. 
Here, however, his way was blocked by ice; and, after many efforts to pass a 
wall which proved impenetrable, he put his ships about, and returned to 
winter in the equatorial ocean. 

The Sandwich Islands, which lay directly on his route, tempted him to new 
explorations and discoveries. Cruising about them he discovered and took 
possession of Maui and Hawaii. His first landing here had been the occasion 
for some ceremonies which greatly astonished the English. As soon as he 
had stepped on shore, the natives, who thronged the beach, prostrated them- 
selves at his feet, and showed their respect by the most extravagant gestures. 

Nor was this all; provisions in plenty were brought to the strangers, and 
the islanders assisted the sailors in filling the casks with water, and carrying 
them on board. 

In language, customs and appearance, the Sandwich islanders greatly re- 
sembled the natives of Tahiti. They proved, however, to have much more 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



631 



confidence in the English than all their intercourse with the strangers had 
ever taught the Tahitians; but they had just the same propensity for, and 
knack of stealing as their more southern kindred. 




The Natives Worship Capt. Cook as a God. 

Cook never understood the reason why he was received with such fantastic 
ceremonies ; it has been explained, since his day, by the story told the mission- 
ary Ellis by some of the natives whom he converted. According to their tra- 
dition, one Rono, in long-ago times, had killed his wife in a sudden fit of 
jealousy. Finding that his jealousy was causeless, remorse drove him mad; 
and he ran about the island trying to kill all he met. At last, tired out with 
this "running a-muck," as an East Indian would have called it, he embarked 
in his canoe, and, promising to return some day upon a floating island, sailed 
away into the vast solitudes of the ocean. 

When Cook's vessels appeared, the priest declared that Rono had returned ; 
and, having by this time elevated the ancient Rono into a god, the islanders re- 
ceived him as such when he came to them. 

There is no rose without a thorn, and even being considered a god may 



632 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

have its drawbacks. Cook and his companions were solemnly escorted to a 
temple, where a banquet was prepared for them. Lieut. King, who ac- 
companied him, and to whom we are indebted for a narrative of this voyage, 
had the good luck to be fed by a very clean-looking native ; but the high-priest, 
who cut and pulled off bits of flesh from the roast pig to put in Cook's mouth, 
was decidedly dirty; so that the captain could not swallow a mouthful. Such 
conduct in a divinity was not to be tolerated ; and the high-priest, determined 
that his god should show him favor by eating what he offered, chewed up 
some mouthfuls and offered it to him. But to the surprise of the devotee. 
Cook would not eat even then. 

When Cook again landed, he was saluted as Rono, and loaded with attentions 
and presents by the priests. The warriors, however, were less friendly; and 
openly encouraged the robberies of the strangers which took place daily. 

Thus things went on tilljanuary 24, 1779, when the chief arrived near the 
landing-place, and the inhabitants were prevented from communicating with 
the ships. Visits were exchanged, however, between Cook and this chief, and 
much respect shown the Englishman ; although Terreoboo admitted that his 
people regarded them as having come to Hawaii simply to fill their stomachs. 
He presented Cook, however, with an enormous amount of food, consisting 
of vegetables and pigs. 

Feb. 4, the two vessels weighed anchor ; but it was found that the Resolution, 
a few days after leaving, had received such injury from a storm that it was 
necessary to put back for repairs. They noticed at once a change in the man- 
ner of the natives, but no serious break occurred until the afternoon of the 
13th of February. Then, as several chiefs tried to prevent their followers 
from helping the English to fill their water-casks, a tumult ensued, when the 
natives armed themselves with stones and became threatening. 

Cook ordered the officer in command of the water-drawing detachment to 
fire upon the natives if they persisted in throwing stones. They did so, and a 
pirogue was fired upon. 

While this was going on there was a still more serious dispute in progress. 
One of the larger vessels of the natives had been seized and taken to the Dis- 
covery by one of the officers of that vessel ; the chief to whom it belonged 
hastened to claim his property, and to protest his innocence of any thieving 
in which those in the pirogue might have engaged. The argument was held 
on the beach, a number of the sailors, commanded by this officer, having 
landed in a pinnace. The chief expostulated; the officer persisted in assert- 
ing his right to seize the vessel; and, as the argument grew warm, it came to 
blows, and the chief was knocked down by a blow from an oar. His follow- 
ers at once picked up stones, and forced the sailors to run. Some of their 
number, however, had already seized the pinnace; so that the sailors were at 
the mercy of an angry host. The chief, however, who had recovered from 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



633 



the blow, forgot his anger, and bade his followers restore the boat to its own- 
ers, together with several articles which had been stolen previously. 

Cook was determined that the natives should not look upon the English as 
fit subjects for oppression of all kinds, and to show them that robbery of im- 
portant articles could not go unpunished. He was rendered not a little anx- 
ious by this occurrence, as he was afraid that the islanders would think they 
had gained an advantage over the sailors. 




A TooTHsoJiE Offering. 
It was probably from a desire to teach them some wholesome lesson that 
he determined, the next day, when it was discovered that the boat of the 
Discovery had been stolen, to seize the chief or some important personage. 



634 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLOEER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

and hold him as a hostage for the return of the boat. He landed with a de- 
tachment of marines, and sought out Torreoboo's residence. He "uas received 
with the usual marks of respect, and succeeded in persuading the chief and 
his two sons to pass the day on board the ship. 

The two bo3-s had embarked on the pinnace, and their father was about to 
do so, when one of his wives, moved perhaps by some vague foreboding of 
evil, begged him not to do so. Some of his principal men, impressed by her 
earnestness, joined theirentreaties to hers ; but the chief appeared determined. 
The natives began to crowd around him and Cook; and the latter, seeing that 
his plan had failed, gave up the idea of executing it thus, and walked quietly 
along the shore toward the place where his boat was moored. 

The arms of the marines had perhaps excited the fears of the natives, for 
a rumor spread among them that danger was at hand. The women and chil- 
dren fled, while one of the wariors, flourishing his weapon, confronted Cook 
with some ugly threats. Cook tried to evade him; but the islander persisted; 
and at last the captain raised his pistol and fired. The islander, protected by 
a thick mat, did not feel the ball or know that he had been hit; he continued 
his audacious defiance, and others advanced to his assistance. Cook raised 
his gun and fired at the group; one fell dead. 

The whole mass of the natives now rushed upon the one man. The men in 
the boats fired upon the crowd, anxious to assist their commander; while the 
small troop who accompanied him closed up to protect him. Cook signed to 
the boats to cease firing, in order that his little troop might embark in safety; 
and, in obedience to his signs, the boats approached the scene of the con- 
flict. 

But even as they bent to their oars for this purpose. Cook was struck by 
one of his assailants and fell to the earth. Instantly his comrades seemed 
to be forgotten by his enemies, who dragged his body along the shore, utter- 
ing fiendish cries of joy, as, with his own poniard, they stabbed him again 
and again, each giving a blow, until all had sated their thirst for his blood. 

All the offers which the English made for the bod}' of their murdered com- 
mander were disregarded by the islanders. They were about to have recourse 
to arms for its recovery, when two priests, with whom Lieut. King had made 
friends on their first landing, brought a piece of flesh, about nine or ten 
pounds in weight, which they said was all that remained of the body of Ro- 
no; he had been burned, according to their custom. 

The English, aroused by this, at once attacked the natives; and five chiefs 
and a considerable number of lesser warriors were killed. Several conflicts 
followed; but on the 19th of February an interview was arranged, at which 
the natives agreed to give up the remains of the famous Englishman ; his 
hands, his head, and some other parts of his body, were accordingly deliv- 
ered, and interred by his followers with due marks of respect. 



CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 



635 



We now follow briefly the course of the ships which had been under his 
command. Setting sail again to the north, they passed through Behring's 
Straits, and reached a point nearly seventy degrees north of the equator. 
Here their way was barred by icebergs, and they returned southward; put- 
ting in at the coast of Kamchatka, where they were well received by the 
Russians, touching at Canton, and doubling the Cape of Good Hope; they 
reached England October 1, 1780. 




^STaTIVE MoNtTMEXT OX SiTE OF DeATII OF CaPT. CoOK. 

The death of Captain Cook was the signal for very general mourning 
throughout England; for he was regarded as one of the most eminent sailors 
of that great maritime power. The Royal Society struck a medal in his hon- 
or ; the King granted a pension of two hundred pounds to his widow, and 
twenty-five pounds to each of his three sons; the charts and drawings relat- 
ing to his last voyage were engraved at the expense of the Government, and 
the proceeds of their sale divided among the families of Captain Cook, Cap- 



63G CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, THE EXPLORER OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

tain Gierke, and Lieutenant King, officers connected with this expedition 
who had perished during the voyage. 

The centennial anniversary of Cook's death was commemorated by the 
French Geographical Society in a meeting held in February, 1879 ; when a 
number of relics of the great navigator, and of articles brought from the 
islands of the Pacific, were displayed. 

In the introduction to the account of his second voyage. Cook apologizes 
for the plain style of his narrative in these words, which form no bad sum- 
mary of the life he had led: — 

"It is the production of a man who has not had the advantage of much 
school education, but who has been constantly at sea since his youth; and 
though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has passed through all 
the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice boy in the coal trade 
to a Post-Captain in the Royal Navy, he has had no opportunity of cultivat- 
ing letters.*' 

It may be added that the " few good friends'' to whom he so gratefully 
alludes derive their sole title to be remembered by posterity to the fact that 
they aided the apprentice boy in the coal trade to attain a position in which 
he might become one of the most eminent of the English discoverers. 



THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION 



THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 
By Hon. Thomas W. Palmer, 

Ex-Senator from Michigan and President National Commission. 



ji^Y^"^^^^ Congres 
Ifl us in a natic 



»ngress determined to invite all the peoples of the earth to join 
ional exhibition of art, industries and products in com- 
memoration of the four-hundreth anniversary of the discovery of a 
continent which had been reserved and concealed until the world had need 
of it, by that invitation and the accompanying provision the honor of the 
government was pledged to the Nation's guests and to the Nation's citizens 
alike that safe conduct, fair play, and the finest discrimination should be ex- 
tended to all comers. To secure this through an agency which should be re- 
moved from party manipulation and inaccessible to mischievous local inter- 
ests the National Commission was created, and its membership, equally di- 
vided in political affiliations, was drawn from every State and Territory of 
our domain. Upon this Commission first devolved the responsibility of meas- 
uring the area and fitness of the location of the Exposition and the bona fide 
and financial ability of the local corporation to provide the housing powers, 
sanitary conditions, and landscape effects sufficient and worthy of the nation- 
al guarantee and approval. The general province and authority of the Com- 
mission might have been stated in the language of the oath of the Roman 
Consuls, " To see that the republic received no harm," or that its hospitality 
be not dishonored. 

It is also specifically charged in the Act with the conduct of all ceremonies 
pertaining to the anniversary and the Exposition, with the preparation of the 
classification, the determination of the plan and scope, the allotment of 
space, the appointment of all judges and examiners, the awarding of all prem- 
iums, and other duties which show the thought of Congress to have been that 
this arm of the government should be extended over and around the Exposi- 
tion to the end that the humblest participant, from the weakest nation or 
tribe, should be assured of his fullest rights and wholly impartial treat- 
ment 

The Director-General, who holds the conduct of the Exposition proper in 

(637) 



638 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 

his masterly band with no uncertain outcome, can tell you of buildings that 
will embody the fairest dreams of America's greatest architects, and bewilder 
you with dimensions of edifices, one of which will cover nine times as much 
ground as is occupied by the Capitol at AVashington. Of a central hall in the 
Temple of Manufactures and Liberal Arts in which all the material of the 
pyramids of Cheops might be conveniently stored. Of 150 acres under roofs 
and 500 acres under skies. Of combined beauty and fitness not dreamed of 
outside of Oriental tales. He can dazzle you with the description of a city of 
palaces, each one fairer than Claude Meluotte's retreat, more colossal than 
the temples of Karnak or Luxor, situated on the borders of a lake more beau- 
tiful than Como and under skies of a blue as intense as those of Italy. 

But my theme is limited to the National Commission and the Fair from a 
national standpoint. The Commission has not been over-favored with such 
opportunities. The Congressional committee which went to Chicago last 
winter — for rest — overlooked us then and nearly forgot us in the appropria- 
tion bills. I want to go on record as saying for the 106 gentlemen who con- 
stitute that Commission, that while the reading of their records by the future 
student or historian may be required for the proper appreciation of their un- 
paid, patriotic services, no action committed or omitted by them thus far 
will ever require defense or explanation. At home in their States and Terri- 
tories, abroad in foreign lands, among their fellow-countrymen in council, or 
in action in Chicago, they have shown from the beginning, first, last, and al- 
ways that unselfish zeal in the execution of their trust w^hich attaches to the 
highest order of American citizenship. 

Neglected and crippled by Congress, which accredited them, sometimes 
misrepresented by the press, and occasionally not well understood by the lo- 
cal corporation, which is charged with the preparation of the grounds and 
buildings and the financial management of the enterprise, they have per- 
formed every duty promptly and exactly in the spirit of their commission, in 
profound consciousness of that political aphorism voiced by an eminent 
citizen of New York, that " a public ofiice is a public trust." 

The charge has been made that partisan politics has had to do with the 
management of the Exposition. To me it seems to be without the slightest 
foundation. ThePresidentof the commission is a Republican. The Vice-chair- 
man of the Executive committee is a Democrat. The Secretary of the Com- 
mission is a Democrat, and the Director-General a Republican. They were 
elected by acclamation, and a man must be devoid of all sensibility who would 
not feel under the circumstances that he was committed thereby to observe 
the strictest neutralit}'. My observation has been that among said officers, 
among the members of the Board of Control, and in the Commission, there 
has been a disposition, where there was an opportunity, to lean against their 
party affiliations. 



THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 639 

The President of the World's Columbian Exposition Company is a Demo- 
crat, the Treasurer a Democrat, and the Secretary a Republican. Some of 
both organizations have been in public life, have had to do with political af- 
fairs, have held to their respective parties with tenacity because they had con- 
victions and because they believed that the great national parties were 
the engines by which those convictions could be promoted; but they are men 
of sense, correct ideas, and generous impulses, and I believe each one and all 
would consider themselves dishonored if they lent themselves to and did not 
oppose on any and all occasions the slightest tendency to partisan discrimina- 
tion. Thev have refrained from taking part in partisan gatherings or making 
speeches for fear that hostile comment might be evoked and the great Expo- 
sition injured thereby. They have not only been above suspicion but they 
have avoided the appearance of evil. 

In conjunction with the World's Columbian Exposition the association 
having in charge the preparation of grounds and buildings, and which for the 
sake of brevity is sometimes called the Local Corporation, the Commission 
created a Board of Conference, to which all differences between the two 
bodies have been referred, and no difference has ever been submitted for ar- 
rangement that has not found a speedy and harmonious solution, and said so- 
lutions have always been accepted by the National Commission with entire 
unanimity. 

I desire to bear testimony to the high ability, to the good sense, the per- 
fect fairness, which have characterized the conduct of the conferrees of the 
Exposition Company on all occasions. Any statement that there is or has 
been any antagonism between the two bodies has arisen from the deep inter- 
est and positive convictions of men of both sides who are accustomed to have 
and express opinions, and yet have wisdom enough to see and concur in the 
practical way when pointed out. The din, the noise, the tumult have come 
from the boys on the hillside, who, in the goodness of their boyish hearts 
when they knew the two bodies were moving on converging lines to accom- 
plish a common purpose, hoped there might be a conflict, not realizing what 
that conflict involved. Let the American people rest assured that there has 
not been, there is not, nor will there be any conflict between the Commission 
and the Exposition Company. 

The creation of so large a Board of " Lady" Managers (and I am glad to 
say here that that board would have much preferred the name of " woman*' 
to that of " lady"> was the cause of some adverse comment. The course of 
that board has justified the action of the Commission. It was the first time 
that our government had in any such way recognized women. The appoint- 
ment of 115 (two from each State and Territory and nine from Chicago) to 
co-operate with the Commission and to promote its development, will have 
manifold results. It has dignified woman. A responsibility has been placed 



640 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 

upon her outside of household cares. It has given weight to her opinions. 
It has opened new avenues to her eiforts. The plan of the Woman's Build- 
ing was designed by a woman. A frieze as beautiful as the Parthenon's and 
more suggestive and realistic has been designed by a woman and forwarded 
from California. The work of the board has given her a broader horizon 
and a wider outlook. Women, who have apparently hitherto known noth- 
ing of life but the delights of the promenade, the badinage of the salon, the 
luxury of the boudoir, or the doJce far niente of seaside loiterings, have 
sprung forth, like Minerva from the brain of Jove, full panoplied for 
work. 

They have met their less fortunate sisters on the common ground of a 
common purpose, and the women of South Carolina, Arkansas, Massachu- 
setts, and California have established an accord of sympathy which must be 
invaluable in the unification of our people. The reports they carry home, 
the influence for good which they will exert as a political factor, cannot be 
overestimated. To those who believe in more varied work and better wages 
for women, who appreciate her artistic taste, who believe that the more wo- 
man is dignified the greater the assurance of worthy sons to be given to the 
Kepublic, the action of the Commission needs no defense. 

The American people love the dramatic, the spectacular, the sentimental. 
Although all of us are apparently in hot pursuit of material things, striving 
for the bread which perisheth, there is no people, there has been no people 
in history, who would sacrifice more for a sentiment, who will go further for 
a new idea, who will give more of their store for an edifying spectacle, than 
the Americans. 

If the Athenians of the time of Paul had been located on a strip of land 
bounded by a river and a sound, if that river had tapped the wealth of a con- 
tinent, and Athens had been the small end of the funnel through which that 
wealth was poured and by which it took voluntary tribute from the Greek 
and the Barbarian, it may be doubted whether Athens would have stopped 
and deserted the Stock Exchange and the Board of Trade in the middle of 
the day to meet an obscure missionary at its docks in a felucca. It is doubt- 
ful if a quarter of a million of men, women, and children would have crowd- 
ed that missionary on to the elevated railway and taken him to Central Park 
to hear him declare the true God. 

If the New Yorker of to-day had lived in Athens in the time of Pericles 
and found $3,500,000 in the treasury, the remains of the contributions of 
Greece to Athens for naval defense, New York would have done as did 
Athens: it would have built the Parthenon and the statue of Minerva. It 
would have put gold on that statue just as the Athenians did, so that it 
might be taken off should it ever need it. 

If the New Yorker of to-day had lived in Attica in the time of Paul he 



THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 641 

would have met Paul at the wharf, would have followed him to Mars Hill, 
would have listened to him and then retired to his accustomed retreat for dis- 
cussion. Paul arriving to-day in New York, his fame preceding him, would 
be treated like Gladstone and Castelar. He would be invited to Delmonico's, 
where the Semitic custom of breaking bread and partaking of salt has been 
somewhat elaborated, and he would be asked to respond to the toast: " The 
World's Columbian Exposition, or Chicago, the Pride of the Sea." (As soon 
as deep tide-water navigation is established.) 

Paul probably would have been astonished at the smallness of the audience, 
but as he was a gentleman he would have talked as well as he did at Ephe- 
sus, and forty-eight hours after, on receipt of his mail from the different 
silversmiths of the country, he would have concluded that he had been heard 
by a much larger audience than he saw. 

If any other day had been fixed for the great Exposition than the one asso- 
ciated with a great event in history the American mind would have regarded 
it as a commercial enterprise; but the coincidence of its opening and the an- 
niversary of the greatest event since our Saviour was born struck a chord 
which responded from the entire country and which will continue to vibrate 
until the work is done. I have never felt doubts of the absolute and entire 
success of the enterprise any more than I have doubts of the flow of Niagara or 
of the continuance of the atmosphere. Long since, if any selfishness ever en- 
tered into it, it has passed the selfish stage. 

The American people want it. There is not a colored boy picking bananas 
at Key West, or a Swedish emigrant at the headwaters of the Mississippi, wiio 
is not looking forward to it. There is not a lone fisherman dragging his net 
at the extremity of Maine to the almond-grower at Pasadena who is not 
scheming to visit it. Our people have correct views regarding it. They look 
forward to it as the great kindergarten of humanity. Aside from what is to 
be learned they believe that here will be the school where the impulse to as- 
piration and knowledge may be stimulated and directed, where memories 
may be revived and traditions garnered. 

It is said that travel broadens a man, but it is not given to all to travel ex- 
tensively. Here the object of travel will be measurably supplied. The bring- 
ing together of the rare products of the world, natural and artificial, where 
objects illustrating the histories of countries and their present status, to- 
gether with inventions which have changed the face of the globe and the 
characters of men, will in their appropriate place interest and instruct. I 
think we will all concede that it is not the discipline of study, it is not boat 
clubs, not football, that determines a man's future, but rather the trend 
given his life by their combined influence and the atmosphere which he there 
breathes and which is born of them all. To such an atmosphere is the world 
invited at the Exposition of 1893. 



642 THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 

The progenitors of the race which has dominated our civilization started 
out 1,500 years ago from the shore of the Baltic as pirates. Unlike the other 
branches of the Teutonic strain they did not adopt the civilization of the 
people whom they conquered. They destroyed, they extirpated those whom 
they dispossessed. It took just 200 years to do it. Their civilization was not 
one of adoption; it was one of development and expoliation. They lived, 
they increased, they struggled for 1,000 years and then started out on anoth- 
er career, or conquest, or absorption on this continent. 

It took them a little over 200 years to accomplish that; but now the race 
has reached a barrier. The law of its nature, which has hitherto underlain 
all other laws, the tireless quest for homes towards the setting sun, has now- 
given way to the inevitable. The English-speaking people stand upon our 
western coast and, with hand uplifted and shaded eyes, look in vain across a 
boundless sea for a pathway for the soles of its feet. The period of com- 
pression has begun. The character of our civilization is changing. The un- 
satisfied demand for more room must be satisfied by the creation of better 
room. Our people must seek adjustment under changed conditions. It is 
of much consequence to us all how we shall adapt ourselves thereto. Shall 
we rise to a higher or sink to a lower plane? 

Shall we look to force or to reason? I have faith that the mission of force 
in matters political is passed. I believe that a better conception of man's 
rights, duties, and destiny will pervade our people, and the man on horse- 
back will be relegated to history. 

The pessimist sees anarchy and spoliation of the rich in the future. On 
the contrary, 1 believe that the right of private property will prevail just as 
long as the wealthy prove themselves worthy of its possession. 

Men, however, are not going to float onto that higher plane where 
the rights of all are secure unless they receive that education which comes 
not from letters alone, not from schools or universities or university exten- 
sion. In addition thereto every agency must be enlisted which will uplift 
the sentiments, educate the higher emotions, and teach the interdependence 
of mutual relations and the dependence of all upon law. Such an agency, 
I believe, will the great Exposition prove. 

I have never regarded it otherwise than in a sentimental aspect. Beyond 
all material considerations, beyond the rivalry of cities, beyond the congre- 
gations of peoples, beyond the glare and luster of pageants, beyond the ag- 
gregation of merchandise, beyond the wonders of the loom and the skill of 
the inventor, the speaking canvas or reposeful marble, I see a residuum 
worth more than all. I see influences born of the commingling of our 
people with each other and the people of other lands which will direct and 
invigorate a higher individual and national life. I see a discontent born of 
intelligence itself withm the bounds of law. I see a better conception of 



THE NATIONAL VIEW OF THE EXPOSITION. 643 

mutual relations. I see a conviction growing in the minds of men that it is 
not what a man has, but what a man is, that determines his happiness. I see 
the commencement of an era leading toward that good time coming of which 
men like to dream, which prophets have foretold, and of which birds have 
sung. 

Again the caravans come across the sea not to seek another land, but to 
find a better one. They salute New York City as they pass. They sail up 
the river made immortal by the genius of Irving. They pass through the 
waterway prompted by the foresight of Clinton and created by the energy of 
the people. They pass into waters which the keels of Champlain and La 
Salle have plowed, and which have been dyed by the blood of Perry's men. 
They circumnavigated the peninsula. They drop their anchors within the 
mole and, amid salvos of artillery, they are received, not as strangers, but 
as expected guests, not beneath the shade of the plantain and the palm, but 
in pavilions as fair as were ever designed by the hand or conceived by the 
heart of man, and they bring to us and to all people not the sword, but the 
banner of peace. 



THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 
By Hon. William T. Baker, 

President World's Columbian Exposition. 



TT appeared at one time that there was some trace of bitterness because 
'f' the Exposition was located further west or north than those not imbued 
y with the Chicago spirit of prophecy and confidence would have had it, 
but if such there has been it has disappeared, and with 

" No fears to beat away — no strifes to heal, 
The past unsighed for and the future sure," 

we are going steadily forward with the co-operation in all needed ways of all 
the people of the Nation. The form of organization under which we are 
operating has appeared to many at a distance to be somewhat complex, and 
it may be well for me to explain at the outset what might otherwise be con- 
fusing. 

The Act of Congress, approved April 25, 1890, providing for the Exposi- 
tion, states in the preamble that "such an exhibition should be of a national 
and international character, so that not only the people of our Union and 
this continent, but those of all nations as well can participate." And to carry 
out this intention the Congress provided two agents to do its will. The first 
is a Commission consisting of two Commissioners from each State and Terri- 
tory of the United States, appointed by the President on the nomination of 
the Governors of the States and Territories respectively, and eight Commis- 
sioners-at-Large, appointed by the President. 

The board so constituted was designated the World's Columbian Commis- 
sion. The duties of the Commission relate to exhibits and exhibitors, or, as 
stated in the act, " to prepare a classification of exhibits, determine the plan 
and scope of the Exposition, award all premiums, if any, and generally have 
charge of all intercourse with the exhibitors and representatives of foreign 
nations." 

The other agent recognized by the act of Congress is the World's Colum- 
bian Exposition, a corporation organized under the laws of the State of Illi- 
nois. This corporation has to do mainly with ways and means, the erection 

(644) 



THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 645 

of buildings, the maintenance, protection, and policing of the same, the 
granting of concessions, the collection and disbursement of all its revenues, 
and fixing the rules governing the Exposition. It is composed of upwards 
of 28,000 stockholders and is controlled by a board of forty-five directors. 
These directors have been chosen from among the active business men of 
Chicago and are every one of them men who have made an honorable suc- 
cess of the pursuits which they have followed in finance, commerce and man- 
ufactures, and are giving their time and their best energies to the success of 
the Exposition. Their names are many of them known wherever American 
commerce has been permitted to extend, and I think it proper to add that 
they have been selected quite regardless of political affiliations, and that pol- 
itics never has been and never will be considered in the management of the 
business of this corporation. The Board of Directors is divided into thirteen 
standing committees having jurisdiction over the several departments of the 
Commission and the Directory, and all expenditures are directed and scruti- 
nized by them as closely as is done in the private affairs of the best managed 
mercantile establishments. They know that they are charged with a great 
public trust, and having accepted its responsibilities w^ill welcome investiga- 
tion of their conduct of that trust to the last detail. 

The jurisdiction of these two bodies, as to the details of the work, some- 
what embarrassing at the outset, was settled by a compact between them and 
they are working together harmoniously and effectively. Under this com- 
pact fifteen grand departments were determined upon, the heads of which 
are appointed by the Director-General, who is the executive officer of the 
Commission, and all expenses, except the salary of the Director-General, are 
paid by the World's Columbian Exposition Company. 

In order that the city of Chicago might enjoy the honor conferred upon her 
by having the Exposition located in her midst, she was required to furnish 
an adequate site, acceptable to the National Commission, and ten millions of 
dollars in money, which was, in the language of the act, considered necessary 
"for the complete preparation for said Exposition." This obligation the 
citizens of Chicago promptly met. The adequate site and $10,000,000 were 
provided, and on evidence thereof the President of the United States issued 
his proclamation inviting the nations of the earth to participate in the Expo- 
sition. The $10,000,000 is provided for, first, by subscriptions to the capital 
stock of the corporation in excess of $5,000,000, and a municipal appropria- 
tion by the City of Chicago of $5,000,000. Of the capital stock subscribed 
for, 60 per cent, has been called, resulting in the payment into our treasury 
of $3,347,000. The city appropriation is avaihible when required, and our 
first draft upon it for $1,000,000 will be paid Feb. 1 next. The remaining 40 
per cent, of stock subscriptions will be called whenever our increasing re- 
quirements make it necessary. As the work has developed it has grown up- 



646 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 

on the comprehension of all engaged in it. The classification provided and 
the plan and scope as determined by the Commission were so comprehensive 
that the $10,000,000 which Congress thought sufficient, and which Chicago 
has provided, has been found entirely inadequate to produce such an Expo- 
sition as was contemplated when the nations of the earth were invited to join 
us in celebrating the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. The 
Act of Congress specifically stipulates that " the buildings proposed to be 
erected shall be deemed by said Commission adequate to the purposes of said 
Exposition." It is necessary therefore either to amend the classification and 
limit the scope determined upon by the Commission or largely exceed the 
amount deemed necessary by Congress when the Exposition was ordered. 
We believe the Commissioners have acted wisely and with a due sense of 
their responsibility and we have felt that the pride and patriotism of the peo- 
ple would justify them and protect us in producing such an Exposition as 
would do honor to the great event which we shall commemorate. 

Every department of the Exposition will be produced on a scale greater 
than has ever been accomplished even where each was made the subject of a 
special exhibition. This is notably the case in the Departments of Agricul- 
ture, Transportation, Electricity, Mines and Mining, Horticulture and the 
Department for Woman's work. A large space has been accepted by the 
government for its exhibit, and the buildings to be constructed will be such 
as will do credit to their surroundings. The Navy Department is building a 
model cruiser, which will appear to be afloat alongside the pier constructed 
for it off the shore of Lake Michigan. It has been said that the son in order 
to be as good as his father must be better, and we are justified in saying that 
an Exposition to be equal to those which have preceded it must excel them 
all. What has been done heretofore in other expositions would not do for 
us. There was really no beaten paths to follow, no precedents to guide us, 
only a lofty purpose to make the Exposition worthy of the occasion and 
equal to the expectations of the government that gave it being. 

The Exposition grounds cover an area of G33 acres; the buildings erected 
by the Exposition will cover 105 acres and there will be approximately 
twelve acres covered by buildings not erected by the Exposition. The Expo- 
sition grounds have a frontage on Lake Michigan of one and three-fourth 
miles, and there is within the grounds, exclusive of lake frontage, five miles 
of docks and two and one-half miles of navigable water course, which, dur- 
ing the Exposition, will be perambulated by boats of every description for 
the pleasure and convenience of visitors. There are eleven main buildings, 
all of which have reached an advanced stage of construction so that no doubt 
exists as to our ability to complete them in time for their dedication in Octo- 
ber next, as required by law. The largest building is just about a mile around 
it and its central aisle has a clear span of 'SQS feet and 20G feet high. The 



THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 647 

Machinery Hall of the Paris Exposition if placed within this aisle would have 
a space six feet wide on each side and eleven feet on each end, with fifty feet 
clear for ventilation above its roof. There will be used in the construction 
of this building 0,000 tons of iron and steel. These figures may mean much 
or little to you, but for the purpose of comparison I may state that the Eiffel 
tower required but 7,000 tons, and only 3,600 tons were used in the Brooklyn 
bridge, and 5,600 tons in the great railroad bridge at St. Louis. The heroic 
dimensions of all the buildings have only lately been realized as they have 
begun to loom up in their perfected outlines. The Exhibition buildings al- 
ready planned, including annexes, require a consumption of 18,000 tons of 
iron and steel and have a total floor space of upwards of 6,320,000 square 
feet, or 155 acres. The buildings primarily projected, including landscape 
improvements, have all been contracted for at a saving of about $2,500,000 
from the architect's estimates, but the growing necessities of the enterprise 
have required^ the erection of others not at first contemplated, at a cost of 
about 11,900,000. For the protection of these buildings and their contents, 
and to supply fountains and all the daily requirements within the grounds, 
we have provided for a possible supply of sixty-four millions of gallons of 
water daily, which will be carried through twenty miles of mains from six 
inches to three feet in diameter. Ten miles of these pipes are already laid 
and power in place for pumping 3,000,000 gallons of water daily under pres- 
sure of 100 pounds per square foot. For supplying power for machinery, etc., 
we have provided for boilers having a water evaporating capacity equal to 
25,000 horse-power, and engines for generating electricity, 18,000 horse- 
power; for driving line shafting and isolated exhibits, 2,000 horse-power; 
for compressed air, 3,000 horse-power; and for pumps, 2,000 horse-power. 
Electrical force will be supplied as power to the amount of 3,000 horse-power. 
The system of sewerage projected wnll be extensive and complete. We are 
preparing for the treatment of 6,000,000 gallons of sewage every twenty- 
four hours, the precipitated matter of which will be burned and only clear 
water allowed to escape. The lighting of the grounds and buildings is esti- 
mated to require the use of 7,000 arc lights and 120,000 incandescent lamps. 
In planning the grounds and buildings w^e have employed the highest ar- 
chitectural genius in America, including three of the foremost artists of New 
York City. The Board of Architects, ten in number, first met in conference 
with Mr. Fred L. Olmsted, our landscape architect, and agreed upon a gener- 
al plan, each accepting an assignment of one grand building. The economy 
of the new material used by us for exterior covering has enabled us to give 
the architects an open field for the exercise of their genius. When each had 
completed his individual plan further conferences were had, and all were 
made to harmonize without cost to the artistic beauty or individual worth of 
each. The result has been an ensemble of land and water, of nature and art, 



648 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 

that in its completed state will, I believe, be more beautiful than anything 
yet created by the hand of man. We shall have no Eiffel tower or other 
meretricious attractions to allure the multitude, but there will be no lack of en- 
tertaining features of a high order, and our grounds and buildings will be an 
exhibition in themselves. This exhibition of the genius of American archi- 
tects will be a revelation to the world, and for years to come its beautiful 
forms will inspire students and its details will be copied wherever public 
buildings are erected. In the grand court in particular the glories of the Taj- 
Mahal will be eclipsed at every step, and your children's children will tell the 
traditions of its splendor. 

The estimated cost of the completed structures, including landscape, 
statuary, fountains, terminal facilities, police and fire stations, and all that 
maybe necessary for the comfort and convenience of visitors, will be |15,- 
117,500, exclusive of the cost of administration, which is estimated at $2,770,- 
000, up to the opening of the Exposition, May 1, 1893. 

The money contributed by Chicago to this great national enterprise is being 
expended with a view solely to thejnterests of the Exposition. Every contract 
has been let to the lowest bidder, regardless of where he hailed from. Com- 
petition has not been restricted to any section, and owing to our unsurpassed 
facilities for transportation from every direction contractors in all parts of 
the country from the xVtlantic to the Pacific have had an equal opportunity 
with our own, and have availed themselves of it to such an extent that 31 
per cent, in number and 36 per cent, inamountof all our contracts have been 
awarded outside of Chicago. Contracts have been let already in Philadelphia, 
New York and Boston, in San Francisco, Seattle, and Omaha, in Minneapo- 
lis and Duluth, in Kansas City and St. Louis, in Leavenworth and Louisville, 
in Birmingham, Ala.; in Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, and Pittsburgh, in 
Wilmington, Del.; Plainfield, N. J.; Jackson, Mich.; and in Stanford, 
Conn.; in Rome and Florence in Italy, in Paris, Constantinople, London, 
Edinburgh, and Berlin. In keeping the workshops busy and labor satisfied 
in eighteen States are we not demonstrating that this is not a Chicago fair, 
but is, as Congress intended it to be, a national and international enterprise? 
In exceeding the expenditure at first considered adequate for the purpose we 
feel that we have but done our duty. We know that our completed work will 
satisfy the highest expectations of the people, and we believe that we are 
justified in asking of the Congress of the United States such assistance and 
recognition as the circumstances of the case demand. About $3,000,000 has 
been appropriated by the several States for their proper representation, and 
nearly $4,000,000 already by foreign governments. 

A year and a half ago we began our work in foreign fields, and knowing onr 
ability to comply with all requirements made by Congress we anticipated the 
official invitation of the President of the L^nited States by sending Commis- 



THE OKGANIZATIOX AND AClllKVF.MKNTS. 649 

sionei-s to the Far East, to Japan, the Orient, and the Latin-Ameriean eoun- 
tries, and have the most gratifying reports from all. The otUoial invitation 
of the President has been aeeepted by nearly every nation on the earth, and 
even in the few eoiintries where there has been no otKoial aeceptanee the 
individual interest and enterprise of the people are at work; so we apprehend 
that none will remain unrepresented. Mr. James Dredge of the Eoyal Commis- 
sion of Great Britain, aecompanied by Sir Henry Wood, its Seeretary, and 
Herr "Wermuth of the Imperial Commission of Germany, have made personal 
visits to Chicago and returned home full of enthusiasm for the work. 
Nearly every nation in Europe has informed itself by the personal obser- 
vations of official representatives who have approved of the prepara- 
tions made by us, and will aid their people to make complete and artistic 
exhibits. The Latin-American Department, which was organized at an early 
date, has aroused enthusiastic interest in Mexico and all the South American 
Republics. The archaeological treasures of old ^Mexico and Yucatan have 
been resurrected and the tombs of the Incas ransacked for the benetit of the 
great Exposition, and if we had nothing to show beyond the exhibits in this 
department we should still have a marvelous exhibition. 

As to the exhibits from our own country we have no misgivings whatever; 
in fact, applications for space already received indicate that the large plant 
that we have provided may bo inadequate fov all who may desire to exhibit. 
This may result in such a pruning as will admit only the cream in all depart- 
ments, and at any rate, it justifies the extensive preparations which we have 
already made. It is our ambition, it is our purpose to make the Exposition 
in the highest and best sense educational. While the present stage of devel- 
opment of science and the arts will necessarily be represented on the largest 
scale, yet we shall not forget the beginnings of things. We expect the Ex- 
position to be not simply a bazaar but an illustrated history of the progress 
of 400 years. And visitors to the Exposition will not be limited to the con- 
sideration of material things. The World's Congress Auxiliary, organized 
by our directory, has for its motto, •' Xot Things, but Men." Its object is to 
provide for the proper representation of the intellectual and moral progress 
of the world by the consideration of living questions by the leaders in all the* 
chief departments of human achievement. The series of congresses will con- 
tinue during the period of the Exposition, and will, we believe, invite the 
thinking men and women of every land to its councils. These discussions 
will be largely engaged in by women, and in the gatherings of the highest in- 
tellects of the world they will have a grand opportunity of demonstrating 
their leadership in the moral and social reforms and the educational advance- 
ment of the race. 

The Woman's Department as organized by the Board of Lady Managers is 
something quite unique in expositions, and will be presented on a scale that 



650 THE ORGANIZATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS. 

would be impossible of attainment in any country but our own. More than 
a generation ago the Sage of Concord said that it was a chief felicity of our 
country that it excelled in women. What was true then is a thousand times 
true now. There is nothing more significant in the progress of our civiliza- 
tion than the great increase of the opportunities in every field of endeavor 
that is open to women. The Woman's Building in the great Exposition, now 
nearly completed, was planned by a woman architect, is embellished with 
sculpture and art designed by women, and will contain an exhibit of woman's 
work that will be a marvel to all visitors. It will be a brilliant object lesson 
to all the world in what is being accomplished by women in the world's work, 
and a revelation of the extent to which she has become more than a helpmate 
to man. 

The buildings of the Exposition must, according to the Act of Congress, be 
dedicated Oct. 12, next, on the four-hundredth anniversary of Columbus' 
discovery. We shall be ready, and the programme of ceremonies for the oc- 
casion, to continue through three days, is already nearly complete. But the 
gates of the Exposition will not open until the 1st of May following, and the 
ceremonies precedent to that occasion will take place in New York. Con- 
gress has provided for a grand naval review in April, 1893, in that beautiful 
harbor, to which the President has invited the navies of the world. That 
grand pageant is not permitted to us, but we know that it could not be in 
better hands, and will be worthy of that great city and State 

It would be worth many times $5,000,000 to this dear laud of ours if every 
generation of Americans could rally around some sentiment, some grand 
idea, not of war, that would unite the East and West, the Korth and the 
South in enthusiastic accord. The dangers of sectionalism could then never 
threaten the stability of our institutions, and the man of New York or of 
San Francisco, of New Orleans or Chicago, would lose nothing of loyalty to 
his city or section by being, first of all, an American. The people of France 
were united in their enthusiasm for the last great Exposition, and the value 
of its success to the City of Paris cannot be compared with the gain to 
France. Such an opportunity is presented to our people in the World's 
Columbian Exposition. There will be presented in friendly emulation the 
best results of four centuries of human progress, in which this people if 
united will have the lion's share. If we are actuated by the proper spirit 
of national enthusiasm there is no question but what the Exposition will 
demonstrate our commanding position as leaders in the arts of peace before 
all the world. 



1VIA.P OK 



Slio-wing Proposed Iinprovemeiits lor 

WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 
1893. 




NEW YORK: AND THE WORLD'S FAIR. 
By Hon. Ciiauxcey M. Depew, 

Xational Commissioner from Xciv York. 



^^""HIS Exposition is destined to be not only the most phenomenal pre- 
^^j sentation of the industries, the arts, the sciences, the education, and 
^T the civilization of this and other countries, but its character is in all 
respects purely- national. 

The success of the Columbian Exposition must not be impaired or retard- 
ed by local ambitions or jealousies anywhere. So far as New York is con- 
cerned it has none; it has not acted in this matter before because the time 
had not yet arrived. It is now prepared to do its part in its own imperial 
way. AVhenever a new State is organized there is always fierce competition 
among rival cities for the position of capital of the Commonwealth. When 
the selection is made controversy is forgottou and the fortunate place be- 
comes thereafter the center of the official and legislative life of the State. 
New York was the first capital of the United States and continued so for 
many years. 

The South and the West fiercely contended for a change, and of course as 
the result of the controversy New York lost. Nevertheless it still remains 
the first city of the continent and the center of its enterprise and financial 
strength. Its size and grandeur always have and always will unite all places, 
to dispose of it as the most dangerous competitor before indulging in their 
own rivalries. But since Washington became the capital New York has 
been proud to be represented there by its ablest statesmen and to do its part 
to promote the glory and grandeur of the Republic. The great West, be- 
yond the Alleghenies, which had made such marvelous growth in the last 
half century in population and agricultural and industrial wealth, demanded 
and received the World's Fair for Chicago, which city is in itself the most 
phenomenal exhibit of American enterprise, energy, and civilization. 
Whether the exhibition had been at New York, Chicago, St. Louis, or San 
Francisco, it would have been, as it is now, the plain duty of each State to 
do its best to promote an enterprise which means so much for the industrial, 

(651) 



052 NEW YORK AND THE WORLD S FAIR. 

agricultural, aud educational interests of our country. The Centennial Ex- 
hibition of 1876 was a \vorthy celebration of the completion of the first hun- 
dred years of our independence. The country was still staggering under the 
bankruptcy of the fearful panic of 1873, but the exhibition placed our bus- 
iness upon its feet and infused life and health into our credit. It distributed 
to the remotest corners of our country that instruction which materialized 
into new sources of employment and development and brought into circula- 
tion $100,000,000 which otherwise would have lain dormant or idle. 

The exhibition two years ago at Paris saved the French Republic from po- 
litical destruction bj' turning the commercial distress which was prevalent 
throughout France into happy and prosperous times. Three hundred mil- 
lions of dollars or more was in that instance released from savings banks and 
stockings or brought in from other nations to swell the tide of French profit 
and progress. 

Our Columbian Exposition comes at a most opportune time. The unpre- 
cedented crop which our fields have produced this year and the equally un- 
precedented demand for our food products abroad will give us for twelve 
months an exhilarating period of prosperity. Farm mortgages will be paid 
off, new enterprises will be started, old railroads will be extended, and new 
ones will be constructed, values will rise in market price, everybody will be 
richer, and, in accord with the temper and spirit of our people, credit will be 
strained to the utmost to realize the largest returns from these phenomenal 
commercial opportunities. In the ordinary course of financial experience 
overtrading and overconfidence, with probably different relations another 
year between the farm and the markets of the world, would be followed by a 
corresponding collapse. But this great industrial exhibition at Chicago will 
take up the frayed threads of opportunity too lavishly employed and weave 
them into new cables to draw the car of American progress. The vast move- 
ment of peoples over railways, the stimulus given to business at cities and 
railway centers, the hundreds of millions of dollars brought into active use 
which would otherwise be unemployed, will save us as a Nation from the 
dangers which threaten and crystallize into permanency thousands of enter- 
prises wdiich otherwise would fail from lack of confidence or capital. 

The citizens of Chicago are to be complimented and congratulated upon 
the courage aud forethought which have characterized their local prepara- 
tions for this grand event. They have already expended ten millions of dol- 
lars of their own money, and their patriotism and resources are not yet ex- 
hausted. But the expense of this national enterprise should not be wholly 
borne by the locality' where Congress has placed it. The Nation should do its 
part to second the efforts of the citizens of Chicago to make this World's 
Fair surpass in every respect any ever yet held in any country. The grounds 
devoted to the Fair are more than three times greater in area than the 



NEW YORK AND THE WORLD*S FAl'R. 653 

acres which the exhibition had at Paris in 1889. The buildings are more 
numerous and much larger than the ones which astonished the visitors at the 
French capital. The floor space in these magnificent structures will be five 
times greater than at the Centennial exhibit at Philadelphia and double that 
of the French exhibition at Paris. 

The cost of the preparations for the Centennial was about $5,000,000, and 
of the French exhibit about $10,000,000. But for the Exposition at Chicago 
it will be $17,000,000. The buildings themselves will be an industrial exhibi- 
tion of the highest character. They were designed by the most distinguished 
of American architects. In proportion and grandeur they excel the famed 
structures of other lands. By modern invention and the plastic art the archi- 
tect is enabled to impress upon the eye all the effects produced by the genius 
of Phidias and Praxiteles. 

Our Exposition will be unique and distinct from its predecessors at Lon- 
don, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, in its superb recognition of woman and her 
work. A structure equal in size and appointments to any except the Machin- 
ery Hall at Paris and designed by an American girl, will demonstrate by its 
architectural beauty the advance of women in this fleld, and the departments 
housed in this superb structure, where woman's work will be displayed, will 
fitly show what theUnited States has done to dignify and ennoble womanhood 
and give her opportunity to make her way in the arts and industries. 

At the Centennial Exhi])ition at Philadelphia Morse's telegraph comprised 
almost the sum of our knowledge of electricity, but a building at Chicago 
twice as large as Cooper Institute, devoted entirely to electrical appliances 
and inventions, will demonstrate by the advance in one department the en- 
ormous progress of the country in every department since then. 

At the time of the Centennial Exposition we had 45,000,000 of people; 
now our numbers reach the grand total of 64,000,000. Then we had thirty- 
seven states, but we have since added seven stars to our flag. Then the pro- 
ducts of our farms in cereals were about $2,200,000,000, now it is over $4,000,- 
000,000. Then the output of our factories was about $5,000,000,000, now it 
is over $7,000,000,000. Such progress, such development, such advance, such 
accumulation of wealth, and the opportunities for wealth— wealth in the 
broad sense wiiich opens new avenues for employment and fresh chances 
for independence and for homes — have characterized no other similar period 
of recorded time. 

It is an insult to the intelligence of our state to ask what should be the 
place of New York in this grand exhibition. First in population, in manu- 
factures, almost in agriculture, first in all the elements which constitute a 
great and growing commonwealth, its place in the emulous and friendly riv- 
alry of sister states in this grand exhibition should be that which nature 
and the enterprise of its people have given it. Our markets are west, our 



654 NEW YORK AND THE WORLD's FAIR. 

competitors are west. "We nuist remove anj' prejudice that ma}' exist against 
our trade and then command the markets by the superiority and cheapness of 
our product. The opportunity is before us to suffer great loss or gain incal- 
culable advantage. But aside from material considerations New York has 
never failed, when patriotic effort was demanded, to respond with volume 
and enthusiasm which sustained its imperial i)osition. In the presence of this 
representative body, speaking for them and through them for the people of 
the commonwealth, I can say to the country cast and west and north and 
south: "New York will be at the Columbian Exposition, and it will be there 
in the full grandeur of its strength and development." 

The Columbian World's Exposition will be international, because it will 
hospitably welcome and entertain the people and the products of every 
nation in the world. It will give to them the fullest opportunity to teach us 
and learn from us, and to open new avenues of trade with our markets and 
discover materials which will be valuable in theirs. But its creation, its mag- 
nitude, its location, its architecture, and its striking and enduring features 
will be American. The city in which it is hold, taking rank among the lirst cities 
in the world after an existence of only fifty years, is American. The great 
inland fresh water sea whose waves will dash against the shores of Jackson 
Park, is American. The prairie extending westward with its thousands of 
square miles of land, a half century ago a wilderness, but to-day gridiroued 
with railroads, spanned with webs of electric wires, rich in prosperous farms, 
growing villages, ambitious cities, and an energetic, educated and progressive 
people, is pureh" American. 

The Centennial Exhibition of 187G celebrated the tirst hundred years of 
the Independence of the Republic of the United States. The Columbian Ex- 
position celebrates the discovery of a continent which has become the home 
of peoples of every race, the refuge of those persecuted on account of their 
devotion to civil and religious liberty, and the revolutionary factor in the af- 
fairs of the earth, a discovery which has accomplished more for humanity in 
its material, its intellectual, and its spiritual aspects than all other events 
since the advent of Christ. 



BUILDINGS AND ftBOUNDS. 

TE^ViS^SPORTATION BUILDING. 



Forming the northern Architectural Court of the Exposition i.s a group of 
editices of which the Trunsportation Buikling is one. It is situated at the 
southern end of the west tiauk and lies between the Horticultural and the 
Mines Buildings. Facing eastward, it commands a view of the lloral island 
and an extensive branch of the lagoon. The Transportation Building is ex- 
quisiteh' retined and simple in architectural treatment, although very rich 
and elaborate in detail. In style it savors nuich of the Romanesque, although 
to the initiated the manner in which it is designed on axial lines, and the so- 
licitude shown for tine proportions, and subtle relation of parts to each other, 
will at once suggest the methods of composition followed at the Ecole des 
Beaux Arts. Viewed from the lagoon, the cupola of the Transportation 
Building forms the effective southwest accent of the quadrangle, while from 
the cupola itself, reached by eight elevators, the Northern Court, the most 
beautiful effect of the entire Exposition, maybe seen in all its glory. The 
main entrance to the Transportation Building consists of an immense single- 
arch enriched to an extraordinary degree with carvings, bas reliefs and mur- 
al paintings, the entire feature forming a rich and beautiful, yet quiet, color 
climax, for it is treated in leaf and is called the Golden Door. The remain- 
der of the architectural composition falls into a just relation of contrast with 
the highly wrought entrance, and is duly quiet and modest, though very 
broad in treatment. It consists of a continuous arcade with subordinated 
colonnade and entablature. Numerous minor entrances are from time to 
time pierced in the walls, and with them are grouped terraces, seats, drink- 
ing fountains and statues. 

The main building of the Transportation exhibit measures OGO feet front 

by 250 feet deep. From this extends westward to Stony Island avenue an 

enormous annex, covering about nine acres. This is one story only in height. 

In it may be seen the more bulky exhibits. xVlong the central avenue or nave 

the visitor may see facing each other scores of locomotive engines, highly 

(655) 




Director-General World's Columbian Exposition. 



(656) 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 



657 



polished, and reiidering the perspective effect of the nave both exceedingly 
novel and striking. Add to the effect of the exhibits the architectural im- 
pression given by a long vista of richly ornamented colonnade, and it may 
easily be seen that the interior of the Transportation Building is one of the 
most impressive of the Exposition. The interior of the building is treated 
much after the manner of a Roman basilica, with broad nave and aisles. The 
roof is therefore in three divisions; the middle one rises much higher than 
the others, and its walls are pierced to form a beautiful arcaded clearstory. 
The cupola, placed exactly in the center of the building and rising 105 feet 




rKAXsroiMATiox Building. 



above the ground, is reached by eight elevators. These elevators of them- 
selves naturally form a part of the Transportation exhibit, and as they also 
carry passengers to galleries at various stages of height, a fine view of the in- 
terior of the building may easily be obtained. The main galleries of this 
building, because of the abundant elevator facilities, prove quite accessible 
to visitors. The Transportation exhibits naturally include everything, of 
whatsoever name or sort, devoted to the purpose of transportation, and 
range from a baby carriage to a mogul engine, from a cash conveyor to a bal- 
loon or carrier pigeon. Technically this exhibit includes everything com- 
prised in Class G of the Official Classification. The Transportation Building 
cost about $300,000. Adler & Sullivan, of Chicago, are the architects. 



MACHINERY HALL. 



Machinery Hall, of which Peabody & Stearns, of Boston, are the archi- 
tects, has been pronounced by many architects second only to the Admin- 
istration Building in the magnificence of its appearance. This building 
measures 850x500 feet, and with the Machinery Annex and Power House, 
cost about $1,200,000. It is located at the extreme south end of the Park, 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 659 

midway between the shore of Lake Michigan and the west line of the Park. 
It is just south of the Administration Building, and west and across a lagoon 
from the Agricultural Buikling, The building is spanned by three arched 
trusses, and the interior presents the appearance of three railroad train- 
houses side by side, surrounded on all the four sides by a gallery fifty feet 
Avide. The trusses are built separately, so that they can be taken down and 
sold for use as railroad train-houses. In each of the long naves there is an 
elevated traveling crane running from end to end of the building for the 
purpose of moving machinery. These platforms are built so that visitors 
may view from them the exhibits beneath. The power from this building is 
supplied from a power-house adjoining the south side of the building. 

Shafting for power will be carried on the same posts which support the 
traveling bridges. Steam power will be used throughout this main building, 
and this steam will be supplied from a main power house adjoining the south 
side of the building. The exterior toward the stock exhibit and the railroad 
is to be of the plainest description. On the two sides adjoining the grand 
court, the exterior will, however, be rich and palatial. All the buildings on 
this grand plaza are designed with a view to making an effective background 
for displays of every kind, and, in order to conform to the general richness of 
the court, are enriched with colonnades and other architectural features. 

The design follows classical models throughout, the details being borrowed 
from the renaissance of Seville and other Spanish towns as being appropriate 
to a Columbian celebration. As in all the other buildings on the court, an 
arcade on the first story permits passage around the building under cover; 
and as in all the other buildings, the fronts will be formed of " staff," col- 
ored to an ivory tone. The ceilings of the porticoes will be emphasized with 
strong color. 

A colonnade with a cafe at either end forms the connecting link between 
Machinery and Agricultural halls, and in the center of this colonnade is an 
archway leading to the exhibits. From this portico there will be a view 
nearly a mile in length down the lagoon, and an obelisk and fountain placed 
in the lagoon between the two buildings. Agriculture and Machinery, will 
form a fitting southern point to this vista. 



ADMINISTRATION BUILDING. 



By popular verdict the Administration Building is pronounced the gem and 
crown of the Exposition palaces. It is located at the west end of the great 
court in the southern part of the site, looking eastward, and at its rear are 
the transportation facilities and depots. The most conspicuous object which 
will attract the gaze of visitors on reaching the grounds is the gilded dome 
42 



m 



liUlLUINGS AND GROUNDS. 



of this lofty building. This imposingcdifice will cost about$450, 000. The archi- 
tect is Kichard M. Hunt, of New York, President of the American Institute of 
Architects, to whose established reputation it is a notable contribution. It 
covers an area of 260 feet square and consists of four pavilions 84 ft. square, 
one at each of the four angles of the square and connected by a great cen- 
tral dome 120 ft. in diameter and 220 feet in height, leaving at the center of 
each facade a recess 82 feet wide, within which are the grand entrances to 










ADMixiSTnATiox Building. 

the building. The general design is in the style of the French renais- 
sance. The first great story is in the Doric order, of heroic proportions, sur- 
rounded by a lofty balustrade and having the great tiers of the angle of each 
pavilion crowned with sculpture. The second story, with its lofty and spa- 
cious colonnade, is of the Ionic order. The four great entrances, one on each 
side of the building, are 50 feet wide and 50 feet high, deeply recessed and 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 661 

covered by semi-circular arched vaults, richly coffered. In the rear of these 
arches are the entrance doors, and above them great screens of glass, giving 
light to the central rotunda. Across the face of these screens, at the level of 
the office floor, arc galleries of communication between the different pavilions. 
The interior features of this great building even exceed in beauty and 
splendor those of the exterior. Between every two of the grand entrances and 
connecting the intervening pavilion with the great rotunda, is a hall or loggia 
30 feet square, giving access to the offices and provided with broad, circular 
stairways and swift-running elevators. Above the balcony is the second story, 
50 feet in height. From the top of the cornice of this story rises the interior 
dome, 200 feet from the floor, and in the center is an opening 50 feet in di- 
ameter, transmitting a flow of light from the exterior dome overhead. The 
under side of the dome is enriched with deep panelings, richly moulded, and 
the panels are filled with sculpture in low relief and immense paintings rep- 
resenting tlie arts and sciences. In size this rotunda rivals, if it does not sur- 
pass, the most celebrated domes of a similar character in the world. 



AGEICULTURAL BUILDING. 



One of the most magnificent structures raised for the Exposition is the 
Agricultural Building. The style of architecture is classic renaissance. 
This building is put up very near the shore of Lake Michigan and is almost 
surrounded by the lagoons that lead into the Park from the lake. The build- 
ing is 500x800 feet, its longest dimensions being east and west. For a single 
story building the design is bold and heroic. The general cornice line is 65 
feet above grade. On either side of the main entrance are mammoth Co- 
rinthian pillars, 50 feet high and 5 feet in diameter. On each corner and from 
the center of the building pavilions are reared, the center one being 144 feet 
square. The corner pavilions are connected by curtains, forming a contin- 
uous arcade around the top of the building. The main entrance leads 
through an opening 64 feet wide into a vestibule, from which entrance is had 
to the rotunda, 100 feet in diameter. This is surmounted by a mammoth 
glass dome 130 feet high. All through the main vestibule statuary has been 
designed, illustrative of the Agricultural industry. Similar designs are 
grouped about all of the grand entrances in the most elaborate manner. The 
corner pavilions are surmounted by domes 96 feet high, and above these 
tower groups of statuary. The design for these domes is that of three fe- 
male figures, of herculean proportions, supporting a mammoth globe. 

To the southward of the Agricultural Building is a spacious structure de- 
voted chiefly to a Live Stock and Agricultural Assembly Hall. This build- 
ing is conveniently near one of the stations of the elevated railway. On the 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 6(53 

first floor, near the main entrance of the building, is located a bureau of in- 
formation. This floor also contains suitable committee and other rooms for 
the different liv^e stock associations. On this floor there are also large and 
handsomely equipped waiting-rooms. Broad stairways lead from the first 
floor into the Assembly-room, which has a seating capacity of about 1,500. 
This Assembly-room furnishes facilities for lectures, delivered by gentlemen 
eminent in their special fields of work, embracing every interest connected 
with live stock, agriculture and allied industries. 



WOMAN'S BUILDING. 



Among a great number of sketches submitted in competition for this build- 
ing by women from all over the land, the President of the Board of Lady 
Managers quickly discovered in the sketch submitted by Miss Sophia G. Hay- 
den that harmony of grouping and gracefulness of details which indicate the 
architectural scholar, and to her was awarded the first prize of a thousand 
dollars, and also the execution of the design. 

Directly in front of the building the lagoon takes the form of a bay, about 
400 feet in width. From the center of this bay a grand landing and staircase 
leads to a terrace six feet above the water. Crossing this terrace other stair- 
cases give access to the ground four feet above, on which, about 100 feet 
back, the building is situated. The first terrace is designed in artistic flower 
beds and low shrubs. The principal facade has an extreme length of 400 
feet, the depth of the building being half this distance. Italian renaissance 
is the style selected. The first story is raised about ten feet from the ground 
line, and a wide staircase leads to the center pavilion. This pavilion, forming 
the main triple-arched entrance, with an open colonnade in the second story, 
is finished with a low pediment enriched with a highly elaborate bas-relief. 
The corner pavilions have each an open colonnade added above the main 
cornice. Here are located the Hanging Gardens. A lobby 40 feet wide 
leads into the open rotunda, 70x65 feet, reaching through the height of the 
building, and protected by a richly ornamented skylight. This rotunda is sur- 
rounded by a two-story open arcade, as delicate and chaste in design as the 
exterior, the whole having a thoroughly Italian court-yard effect, admitting 
abundance of light to all rooms facing this interior space. On the first floor 
are located, on the left hand, a model hospital; on the right, a model kinder- 
garten; each occupying 80x60 feet. The whole floor of the south pavilion is 
devoted to the retrospective exhibit; the one on the north to reform work 
and charity organization. Each of these floors is 80x200 feet. The curtain 
opposite the main front contains the Library, Bureau of Information, i^ecords, 
etc. In the second story are located ladies' parlors, committee-rooms and 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 665 

dressing-rooms, all leading to the open balcony in front. The whole second 
floor of the north pavilion incloses the great assembly-room and club-room. 
The first of these is provided with an elevated stage for the accommodation 
of speakers. The south pavilion contains the model kitchen, refreshment 
rooms, reception rooms, etc. 

The building is encased with " staff," the same material used on the rest 
of the buildings, and as it stands with its mellow, decorated walls bathed in 
the bright sunshine, the women of the country are justly proud of the result. 



AET PALACE. 



Grecian-Ionic in style, the Fine Arts Building is a pure type of the most 
refined classic architecture. The building is oblong, and is 500 by 320 feet, 
intersected north, east, south, and west by a great nave and transept 100 feet 
wide and 70 feet high, at the intersection of which is a dome 60 feet in diam- 
eter. The building is 125 feet to the top of the dome, which is surmounted 
by a colossal statue of the type of the famous figure of Winged Victory. The 
transept has a clear space through the center of 60 feet, being lighted entire- 
ly from above. On either side are galleries 20 feet wide and 24 feet above 
the floor. The collections of the sculpture are displayed on the main floor of 
the nave and transept, and on the walls both of the ground floor and of the 
galleries are ample areas for displaying the paintings and sculptured panels 
in relief. The corners made by the crossing of the nave and transept are 
filled with small picture galleries. Around the entire building are galleries 
40 feet wide, forming a continuous promenade around the classic structure. 
Between the promenade and the naves are the smaller rooms devoted to pri- 
vate collections of paintings and the collections of the various art schools. 
On either side of the main building, and connected with it by handsome cor- 
ridors, are very large annexes, which are also utilized by various art exhib- 
its. The main building is entered by four great portals, richly ornamented 
with architectural sculpture, and approached by broad flights of steps. The 
walls of the loggia of the colonnades are highly decorated with mural paint- 
ings, illustrating the history and progress of the arts. The frieze of the ex- 
terior walls and the pediments of the principal entrances are ornamented 
with sculptures and portraits in bas-relief of the masters of ancient art. The 
general tone or color is light gray stone. The construction, although of a 
temporary character, is necessarily fire-proof. The main walls are of solid 
brick, covered with "staff," architecturally ornamented, while the roof, 
floors, and galleries are of iron. All light is supplied through glass sky- 
lights in iron frames. 

The building is located beautifully in the northern portion of the park, 



p 1 




BUILDINGS AMD GROUNDS. 667 

With the south front facing the lagoon. It is separated from the lagoon by 
beautiful terraces, ornamented with balustrades, with an immense flight of 
steps leading down from the main portal to the lagoon, where there is a 
landing for boats. The north front faces the wide lawn and the group of 
State buildings. The immediate neighborhood of the building is ornamented 
with groups of statues, replica ornaments of classic art, such as the Choriagic 
monument, the *'Cave of the Winds," and other beautiful examples of Grec- 
ian art. The ornamentation also includes statues of heroic and life-size pro- 
portions. 



MANUFACTURES AND LIBERAL ARTS BUILDING. 



Notable for its symmetrical proportions, tho ^Manufactures and Liberal 
Arts Building is the mammoth structure of the Exposition. It measures 
1,687 by 787 feet and covers nearly 31 acres, being the largest Exposition 
building ever constructed. Within the building a gallery 50 feet wide ex- 
tends around all four sides, and projecting from this are 86 smaller galleries, 
12 feet wide, from which visitors may survey the vast array of exhibits and 
the busy scene below. The galleries are approached upon the main floor by 
30 great staircases, the flights of which are 12 feet wide each. "Columbia 
Avenue," 50 feet wide, extends through the mammoth building longitudinal- 
ly and an avenue of like width crosses it at right angles at the center. The 
main roof is of iron and glass and arches an area 385 by 1,400 feet and has 
its ridge 150 feet from the ground. The building, including its galleries, has 
about 40 acres of floor space. The Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building 
is in the Corinthian style of architecture, and in point of being severely 
classic excels nearly all of the other edifices. 'The long array of columns and 
arches, which its facades present, is relieved from monotony by very elaborate 
ornamentation. In this ornamentation female figures, symbolic of the var- 
ious arts and sciences, play a conspicuous and very attractive part. The ex- 
terior of the building is covered with "staff," which is treated to represent 
marble. The huge fluted columns and the immense arches are apparently of 
this beautiful material. There are four great entrances, one in the center 
of each facade. These are designed in the manner of triumphal arches, tho 
central archway of each being 40 feet wide and 80 feet high. Surmounting 
these portals is the great attic story ornamented with sculptured eagles 18 
feet high, and on each side above the side arches are great panels with in- 
scriptions, and the spandrils are filled with sculptured figures in bas-relief. 
At each corner of the main building are pavilions forming great arched en- 
trances, which are designed in harmony with the great portals. The build- 
ing occupies a most conspicuous place in the grounds. It faces the lake, 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 669 

with only lawns and promenades between. North of it is the United States 
Government Buikling, south the Harbor and in-jutting lagoon, and west the 
Electrical Building and the lagoon separating it from the great island, which 
in part is wooded and in part resplendent with acres of bright flowers of 
varied hues. 



ELECTRICAL BUILDING. 



The Electrical Building, the seat of perhaps the most novel and brilliant 
exhibit in tlie whole Exposition, is 345 feet wide and 700 feet long, the 
major axis running north and south. The south front is on the great Quad- 
rangle or Court; the north front faces the lagoon; the east front is opposite 
the Manufactures Building, and the west faces the Mines Building. 

The general scheme of the plan is based upon a longitudinal nave 115 feet 
wide and 114 feet high, crossed in the middle by a transept of the same width 
and height. The nave and the transept have a pitched roof, with a range of 
skylights at the bottom of the pitch, and clearstory windows. The rest of 
tiie building is covered with a flat roof, averaging 62 feet in height, and pro- 
vided with skylights. The second story is composed of a series of galleries 
connected across the nave by two bridges, with access by four grand stair- 
cases. The area of the galleries in the second story is 118,546 square feet, 
or 2,7 acres. The exterior walls of this building are composed of a con- 
tinuous Corinthian order of pilasters, 3 feet 6 inches wide and 42 feet high, 
supporting a full entablature, and resting upon a stylobate 8 feet 6 inch- 
es. The total height of the walls from the grade outside is 68 feet 6 inches. 
At each of the four corners of the building there is a pavilion, above which rises 
a light open spire or tower 169 feet high. Intermediate between these corner 
pavilions and the central pavilions on the east and west sides, there is a sub- 
ordinate pavilion bearing a low square dome upon an open lantern. The 
Electricity Building has an open portico extending along the whole of the 
south facade, the lower or Ionic order forming an open screen in front of 
it. The various subordinate pavilions are treated with windows and balcon- 
ies. The details of the exterior orders are richly decorated, and the pedi- 
ments, friezes, panels and spandrils have received a decoration of figures in 
relief, with architectural motifs, the general tendency of which is to illus- 
trate the purposes of the building. The appearance of the exterior is that of 
marble, but the walls of the hemicycle and of the various porticos and loggia are 
highly enriched with color, the pilasters in these places being decorated 
withscagliola, and the capitals with metallic effects in bronze. Van Brunt & 
Howe, of Kansas City, are the architects. The cost is $375,000 



-r 



^^w 



^ 



'111^^ 







BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 671 

HALL OF MINES AND TUNING. 



Located at the southern extremity of the western lagoon or lake, and be- 
tween the Electricity and Transportation Buildings, is the Mines and Mining 
Building. This building is 700 feet long by 350 foet wide, and the architect 
is S. S. Beman, of Chicago. Its architecture has its inspiration in early 
Italian renaissance, with which sufficient liberty is taken to invest the build- 
ing with the animation that should characterize a great general Exposition. 
There is a decided French spirit pervading the exterior design, but it is kept 
well subordinated. In plan it is simple and straightforward, embracing on 
the ground floor spacious vestibules, restaurants, toilet-rooms, etc. On each 







Hall of Mines and Mining. 



of the four sides of the building are placed the entrances, those of the north 
and south fronts being the most spacious and prominent. To the right and 
left of each entrance, inside, start broad flights of easy stairs leading to the 
galleries. The galleries are 60 feet wide and 25 feet high from the ground 
floor, and are lighted on the sides by large windows, and from above by a 
high clearstory extending around the building. The main fronts look south- 
ward on the great Central Court, and northward on the western and middle 
lakes and an island gorgeous with flowers. These principal fronts display 
enormous arched entrances, richly embellished with sculptural decorations 
emblematic of Mining and its allied industries. At each end of these fronts 
are large square pavilions, surmounted by low domes, which mark the four 
corners of the building, and are lighted by larged arched windows extending 
through the galleries. Between the main entrance and the pavilions are 
richly decorated arcades, forming an open loggia on the ground floor, and a 
deeply recessed promenade on the gallery floor level, which commands a fine 



672 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 



view of the lakes and islands to the northward and the great Central Court 
on the south. These covered promenades arc each 25 feet wide and 230 feet 
long, and from them is had access to the building at numerous points. These 
loggias on the first lloor are faced with marbles of different kinds and hues, 
which will be considered part of the Mining Exhibit and so utilized as to 
have marketable value atthe close of the Exposition. The loggia ceilings will 
be heavily coffered, and richly decorated in plaster and color. The ornamen- 
tation is massed at the prominent points of the facade. The exterior pre- 
sents a massive, though graceful appearance. 



HORTICULTURAL BUILDING. 



The accompanying cut presents the front elevation of the Horticultural hall, 
designed by W. L. B. Jenny, of Chicago. The building is situated immediate- 
ly south of the entrance to Jackson Park from the Midway Plaisance, and 
faces east on the lagoon. In front is a flower terrace for outside exhibits, 
including tanks for nympheas and the victoria-regia. The front of the ter- 
race, with its low parapet between large vases, borders the water and at its 
center forms a boat landing. 








HORTICULTUR VL BLIimNC. 

The building is 1,000 feet long, with an extreme width of 286 feet. The 
plan is a central pavilion with two end pavilions, each connected to the 
center pavilion by front and rear curtains, forming two interior courts, each 
88 by 270 feet. These courts are beautifully decorated in color and planted 
with ornamental shrubs and flowers. The center pavilion is roofed by a crys- 
tal dome 187 feet in diameter and 113 feet high, under which will be exhibi- 



BUILDINGS AND GKOUNDS. 



673 



ted the tallest palms, bamboos and tree ferns that can be procured. There is 
a gallery in each of the pavilions. The galleries of the end pavilions are de- 
signed for cafes, the situation and surroundings being particularly well adapt- 
ed to recreation and refreshment. These cafes are surrounded by an arcade 
on three sides, from which charming views of the ground can be obtained. 

In this building will be exhibited all the varieties of flowers, plants, seeds,- 
horticultural implements, etc. Those exhibits requiring sunshine and light 
will be shown in the rear curtains, where the roof is entirely of glass and not 
too far removed from the plants. The front curtains and under the galleries 
are designed for exhibits that require only the ordinary amount of light. 
Provision is made to heat such parts as require it. 

The exterior of the building is in staff or stucco, tinted a soft warm buff, 
color being reserved for the interior and the courts. The appropriation for 
this building is $400,000. It will probably be built for something less than 
this sum. 



UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT BUILDING. 



Delightfully located near the Lake shore, south of the main lagoon and of 
the area reserved for the Foreign Nations and the several States, and east of 
the Woman's Building and of Midway Plaisance, is the Government Exhibit 




hj: -kL 



. _\i i^ d ih iVt^ir HV I ) il » -Hi ^ii 1 .-i ii 6 







UxiTED States Government Building. 



Building. The buildings of England, Germany and Mexico, are near by to 
the northward. The Government Building was designed by Architect Wind- 
rim, now succeeded by W. J. Edbrooke. It is classic in style, and bears a 




illlilillllllllilllliliiiiiiiiii 



iiiiiiiiiiiii|i[|ii!ii,iiMi!ii|ii| | . | iiiiii:ii|i|iiiLiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiii;iiiiiiiiiiiimi'[i'T'i'ii inriii m i —•nMx i — ■-■ '■'' ^ 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 675 

strong resemblance to the National Museum and other Government build- 
ings at Washington. It covers an area of 350 by 420 feet; is constructed of 
iron, brick and glass, and cost $400,000. Its leading architectural feature 
is a central octagonal dome 120 feet in diameter and 150 feet high, the floor 
of which will be kept free from exhibits. The building fronts to the west, 
and connects on the north, by a bridge over the lagoon, with the building 
of the Fisheries exhibit. 

The south half of the Government Building is devoted to the exhibits of 
the Post-OfBce Department, Treasury Department, War Department, and 
Department of Agriculture. The north half is devoted to the exhibits of 
the Fisheries Commission, Smithsonian Institute and Interior Department. 
The State Department exhibit extends from the rotunda to the east end, and 
that of the Department of Justice from the rotunda to the west end of the 
building. The allotment of space for the several department exhibits is: 
War Department, 23,000 square feet; Treasury, 10,500 square feet; Agri- 
culture, 23,250 square feet; Interior, 24,000 square feet; Po&t-Office, 9,000 
square feet; Fishery, 20,000 square feet, and Smithsonian Institute balance 
of space. 



THE FISHERIES BUILDING. 



The Fisheries Building embraces a large central structure with two smaller 
polygonal buildings connected with it on either end by arcades. The ex- 
treme length of the building is 1,100 feet and the width 200 feet. It is loca- 
ted to the northward of the United States Government Building. In the 
central portion is the general Fisheries exhibit. In one of the polygonal 
buildings is the Angling exhibit, and in the other the Aquaria. The exterior 
of the building is Spanish-Romanesque, which contrasts agreeably in appear- 
ance with that of the other buildings. To the close observer the exterior of 
the building cannot fail to be exceedingly interesting, for the architect, Hen- 
ry Ives Cobb, exerted all his ingenuity in arranging innumerable forms of 
capitals, modillions, brackets, cornices, and other ornamental details, using 
only fish and other sea forms for his motif of design. The roof of the 
building is of old Spanish tile, and the side walls of pleasing color. The 
cost is about $200,000. ' 

In the center of the polygonal buildingis a rotunda 60 feet in diameter, in 
the middle of which is a basin or pool 26 feet wide, from which rises a tow- 
ering mass of rocks, covered with moss and lichens. From clefts and crev- 
ices in the rocks, crystal streams of water gush and drop to the masses of 
reeds, rushes, and ornamental semi-aquatic plants in the basin below. In 
this pool gorgeous gold fishes, golden ides, golden tench, and other fishes 



676 BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 

disport. From the rotunda one side of the larger series of Aquaria may be 
viewed. These are ten in number, and have a capacity of 7,000 to 27,000 
gallons of water each. Passing out from the rotunda, a great corridor or 
arcade is reached, where on one hand can be viewed the opposite side of the 
series of great tanks, and on the other a line of tanks somewhat smaller, 
ranging from 750 to 1,500 gallons each in capacity. The corridor or arcade 
is about 15 feet wide. The glass fronts of the Aquaria are in length about 
575 feet, and have 3,000 square feet of surface. 

The total water capacity of the Aquaria, exclusive of reservoirs, is 18,725 
cubic feet, or 140,000 gallons. This weighs 1,192,425 pounds, or almost 600 
tons. Of this amount about 40,000 gallons is devoted to the Marine exhibit. 
In the entire salt water circulation, including reservoirs, there are about 
80,000 gallons. The pumping and distributing plant for the Marine Aquar- 
ia is constructed of vulcanite. The pumps are in duplicate, and each has a 
capacity of 3,000 gallons per hour. The supply of sea water was secured by 
evaporating the necessary quantity at the Woods HoU station of the United 
States Fish Commission to about one-fifth its bulk, thus reducing both quan- 
tity and weight for transportation about 80 per cent. The fresh water 
required to restore it to its proper density was supplied from Lake Michigan. 



UNITED STATES BATTLE-SHIP EXHIBIT. 



Unique among the other exhibits is that made by the United States Naval 
Department. It is in a structure which, to all outward appearance, is a faith- 
ful full-sized model of one of the new coast-line battle-ships. This imitation 
battle-ship of 1893 is erected on piling on the Lake front to the northeast 
portion of Jackson Park. It is surrounded by water, and has the appear- 
ance of being moored to a wharf. The structure has all the fittings that be- 
long to the actual ship, such as guns, turrets, torpedo tubes, torpedo nets 
and booms, with boats, anchors, chain cables, davits, awnings, deck fittings, 
etc., etc., together with all appliances for working the same. Officers, sea- 
men, mechanics and marines are detailed by the Navy Department during the 
Exposition, and the discipline and mode of life on our naval vessels are com- 
pletely shown. The detail of men is not, however, as great as the comple- 
ment of the actual ship. The crew gives certain drills, especially boat, tor- 
pedo, and gun drills, as in a vessel of war. 

The dimensions of the structure are those of the actual battle-ship, to- 
wit: length, 348 feet; width amidships, 69 feet 3 inches; and from the 
water-line to the top of the main deck, 12 feet. Centrally placed on this 
deck is a superstructure 8 feet high with a hammock berthing on the same 7 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 



677 



feet high, and above these are the bridge, chart-house, and the boats. At 
the forward end of the superstructure there is a cone-shaped tower, called 
the ''military mast," near the top of which are placed two circular " tops " 
as receptacles for sharpshooters. Rapid firing guns are mounted in each of 
these tops. The height from the water-line to the summit of this military 
mast is 76 foot, and above is placed a flag-^>taff for signalling. Tho battery 




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U]SIli:.D bi 



.ii-f.iiu- EXIUBII. 



mounted comprises four 13-inch breech-loading rifle cannon; eight 8-inch 
breech-loading rifle cannon; four 6-inch breech-loading rifle cannon; twenty 
6-pounder rapid firing guns; six 1-pound rapid firing guns; two Gatling 
guns, and six torpedo tubes or torpedo guns. All of these are placed and 
mounted repectively as in the genuine battle-ship. On the starboard side of 
the ship will be shown the torpedo protection net. 



THE DAIRY BUILDING. 

This building is designed to contain not only a complete exhibit of dairy 
products, but a Dairy School. The building stands near the lake shore, 





®&^^-^S^%ftJl-ilBJiii5li^P 



Thk Dairy Building. 



i-'C> BLlLDINii^ AM> (_>Fwi.>L NDS. 

and in the southeastern part of the park. It covers approximately half an 
acre and is two stories high. On the first floor there is a-large open space 
devoted to exhibits of butter, and farther back an operating room, in which 
the Model Dairy will be conducted. The operating room, which extends to 
the roof, has on three sides a gallery where the cheese exhibits will be 
placed. The rest of the second story is devoted to a cafe. 



VIEW OVER THE LAGOON. 




"V lEW 0\ !CK THE LjlGOOX. 

On the extreme right of the picture a portion of the east front and one 
of the towers of the Electrical Building are visible. Beyond and opposite 
the building across the basin is seen part of the Palace of Machinery, its 
eastern facade crowned with domes and towers. 

On the extreme left is seen a corner of the west front of the Manufactures 
Building, and opposite this and across the basin the building for the Agri- 
cultural exhibit. This building is connected with the Palace of Machinery 
by the long colonnade in the center background, forming a great portico en- 
trance to the live-stock grounds farther south, and at the same time com- 
pleting the monumental group on the south of the basin. A triple arch 
bridge spans the lagoon in the foreground, affording communication be- 
tween the Electrical and Manufactures buildings. It is only one of many 
such bridges which will be built in other parts of the grounds. 



BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. 679 



ILLINOIS STATE BUILDING. 



The Illinois Building at the "VVorkrs Columbian Exposition is by far the 
most pretentious of those erected by the several States of the L'nion. Being 
"in a sense the host at the Exposition, it was deemed not only proper biit re- 
quisite that Illinois should make such appropriation and provide such a 
building as would enable her to perform creditably the duties of that office. 
The State appropriated $800,000. Situated on a high terrace, in one of the 
most favored spots in Jackson Park, the Illinois Building commands, for 
nearly a mile to the southward, a view of the beautiful waterway which en- 
circles the great island and extends to the buildings for Electricity and 
Mines, while to the northward, across a branch of the lagoon, is presented 
the imposing facade of the Palace of Fine Arts. The building in the main 
is 160 feet wide by 450 feet long. On the north. Memorial Hall forms a 
wing 50 by 75 feet, and on the south another wing, 75 by 123 feet, and three 
stories high, accommodates the executive offices, and in the third story, two 
public halls. The side walls are 47 feet high, while the south wing is 12 feet 
and the ends 54 feet. Surmounting the building at the center, a fine dome, 
72 feet in diameter, rises to a height of 235 feet. The building is constructed 
almost wholly of Illinois material — wood, stone, brick and steel — and is cov- 
ered with " staff" artistically treated. The grand entrance faces the water- 
way to the south, while at the west and north ends are others scarcely less 
imposing. In front of the entrances are beautiful terraces with balustrades, 
statues, fountains, flowers and stone steps leading down to the roadways and 
lagoon landings. The building is embellished with fine carving and statuary. 
It is thoroughly lighted, first from the side windows, which are placed about 
fourteen feet above the floor to permit cases to be placed against the walls; 
second, with skj'lights placed in the flat roof of the side aisles; and third, 
with continuous skylights on the ridge of a pitched roof or nave. Ventilation 
is provided for through windows placed a story above the flat aisle roof and 
the foot of the sloping roof over the nave. The interior of the structure is 
appropriately and beautifully ornamented. Memorial Hall, which is fire- 
proof, has a gallery encircling it, and contains a large and interesting collec- 
tion of relics and trophies of the war and other periods, all owned by the 
State. One feature of the Illinois Building which is sure to attract much at- 
tention, consists of five model common school rooms, of high grade, fully 
equipped and furnished under the direction of the State Superintendent of 
Public Instruction. Here may be seen an illustration of the methods and re- 
sults of educational work. The Illinois building was designed by W. "VV. 
Boyington & Co., Chicago, and cost $250,000. 



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